another great update, a Great victory for Portugal, now its invade the Enemy territory and capture the most territory possible.
Rebirth of an Empire "O Renascimento de um Império" v2.0
- Thread starter Lusitania
- Start date
The subcontinent of India is a mass of powerful native kingdoms with advanced militaries, resources and high population concentrations. While Goa is situated in a position of relative expansion lenience as compared to, for example, Calcutta, it is not only overlorded by a secondary European power with limited military strength, but it's also bordered by the Deccan highland's steepest rise to the east, the large Maratha Confederacy to the north and the militaristic Kingdom of Mysore to the south.
Which is to say that Portuguese India will be barely in a position to bargain for gains unless they work extremely hard and make sweeping gains, so the Portuguese policy, if well managed, will be to measure its gains at best. The current war presents a casus belli that will put into question the state of the current borders, but only time will tell what opportunities for real, sustainable growth will arise.
Stay tuned.
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) - Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (3 of 6)
Lusitania
Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (Cont.)
Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (3 of 6)
The Hammer-Shark Vice-Admiral
“The defeat of an enemy ship line can only come from hearts made of iron. The valor of the soul must become the steeling of our ships’ hulls as much as the smoldering ash of cannon fire becomes their fangs. The grandeur of this age’s battles is unprecedented, so bravery will be indispensable, but I pray this generation of Admirals is also aware of the limitations we face. The sea beckons, gentlemen! Do not ignore its call.”
-Hammer Shark Rebelo, writing of the Napoleonic sea battles that would come
Sir Anthony (António) Teixeira ‘Hammer Shark’ Rebelo
1750-1825
Military & Naval Reformer, Mariner, Member of the Order of Aviz, Marshall of Portugal 1807, Admiral and Statesman
Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (3 of 6)
The Hammer-Shark Vice-Admiral
“The defeat of an enemy ship line can only come from hearts made of iron. The valor of the soul must become the steeling of our ships’ hulls as much as the smoldering ash of cannon fire becomes their fangs. The grandeur of this age’s battles is unprecedented, so bravery will be indispensable, but I pray this generation of Admirals is also aware of the limitations we face. The sea beckons, gentlemen! Do not ignore its call.”
-Hammer Shark Rebelo, writing of the Napoleonic sea battles that would come
Sir Anthony (António) Teixeira ‘Hammer Shark’ Rebelo
1750-1825
Military & Naval Reformer, Mariner, Member of the Order of Aviz, Marshall of Portugal 1807, Admiral and Statesman
Anthony ‘Hammer Shark’ Rebelo was a military man and naval leader that became instrumental to the resurrection of the Portuguese Navy. A political defender of progressive thought and the Tagus Declaration due to his low-born social status and accomplishments in spite of it, ‘Hammer Shark’ became known for his stoutness, no-nonsense attitude towards life, war, society and the people, developing along the years a strong set of moral codes which hailed resoluteness and determination as the foundations of man’s strength and earned him the honors of Peerage and Monastic recognition.
His personality was forged by a difficult early life at both land and sea, during which he only survived due to an undying commitment to duty and objective. Facing political adversaries, military rivals and corsair cannon fire, Hammer Shark was forged under the fires of lead bullets into a man who believed growth could only come from confrontation with adversity, ironing a spirit that would defeat and convert ally and enemy alike to his cause.
Born in a village in ‘Vila Real’ to a family of vineyard farmers, young Rebelo was trusted early on by his parents to be educated by the local clergy of Louredo, with whom he learned reading, writing, Latin grammar and philosophy. His ecclesiastic upbringing was cut short, however, by the ruthlessly secular statesmanship of PM Marquis of Pombal, who combated the Jesuit Order and curbed the power of religious institutions in the country while favoring the construction of new secular schools and universities.
Rebelo first became interested in military action during the difficult years of the Fantastic War, where the recruitment attempts of Lois D’Alincourt succeeded in briefly gathering him as a volunteer for the artillery divisions, where he was shown how to help operate cannons and gunpowder. With the end of the conflict, however, Rebelo returned home having barely seen any action and furthered his education in the church.
In 1763, young Rebelo was taken from the parochial teachings and brought to the new secondary schools instituted by the new Education Minister Duke John of Lafões, cousin of the King. In said schools, Anthony was taught Mathematics, English, French and History, but his poor upbringing and social status spelled poor hopes for any further education.[1]
Around this decade, the intense reforms in education, naval affairs and the army lead to massive reconstruction and recruitment projects which widened the venue for military careers, so in 1766, upon the passing of the Mariner Act, Anthony Rebelo engrossed in the new mixed division training, which offered education in both maritime and military matters which would allow him to further education in mathematics. At the ripe age of 16 Rebelo was then exposed to the harsh regimen of forced marching, beach landing, ship sailing and musket drill which would advance his career significantly as a member of one of the first Mariner Battalions ever trained in the country.
In 1767, Rebelo took part in the expeditionary force of 1st Generation Mariners which would assist the RVR troops in none other than the Undeclared War. He sailed to Banda Oriental, where he took part in many dangerous operations, including battles against the Spanish and the assaults on Montevideo and Citadela. In the latter he was wounded by the rubble of a cannon-shot wall as the Mariners struck the fortress, something that impaired his left leg for life but earned him a merit promotion for battlefield bravery and initiative.
After the end of the Undeclared War in 1769, due to the dismantling of the present RVR troops into Cisplatina settlers and the reroute of the Marines to ‘Mazagan’, the Atlantic Army was once again on the move and searching for recruits, but having not recovered from his leg injury, Rebelo used his training and background as Marine combined with his promotion announcement to seize a naval position on the HMS Beira Prince, a ship that would later on, in 1780, be refitted under Minister Melo’s naval architecture reforms into the famous HMS Viriatus.
HMS ‘Beira Prince’
Departing Montevideo with its new captain
Now known as Rear Admiral Rebelo at the age of 20, the former Mariner made use of his sailing training and leadership experience to effectively adapt to his new role and direct a sea squadron that would provide vital support in the battles against Prince Yazid of Morocco. He carried Marine troops from shore to shore, bombarded port towns, fought off Moroccan ships and turned the Beira Prince into a minor symbol of the naval resurrection period.
Between 1769 and 1770, the Rear Admiral sailed the Beira Prince, leading three other ships in his squadron, in numerous operations, attacks, chases and retreats along the Moroccan coast. Using Azamor and Madeira as stop points, Rebelo maintained months of dangerous combat against the more numerous, albeit disorganized, Moroccan ships. His preference of heavy fire and direct combat allowed his reputation of bravery and steel-heartedness to grow, but also the notorious controversy of his social status; he was one of the youngest and most successful Rear Admirals in the Navy, but he was still the son of vineyard peasants in a time where most organized Navies employed aristocrats as officers.
His resoluteness and steeled attitude while facing enemy ships head front was so impressive he became known as ‘Hammer Shark’ (por. ‘Tubarão-Martelo’) and his squadron was included in the ship force entrusted with Prince Yazid’s escort following the war, providing him safety from the Portuguese soldiers and the Moroccans themselves after his father, the sultan, death, and transporting him with all due honors, untouched, to the Moroccan capital.
While the Morbeia War would end that year, Rebelo’s career would not. The sailor of the Beira Prince went on to a plethora of prestige-advancing tasks, which included more honorable expeditions like the transport of Prince Joseph, future king, from Rio de Janeiro to Lisbon (during which, legend says, he taught Joseph the Great horror tales of sirens dragging young princes to sea with their singing), the safeguarding of the capital during the tumultuous years of the Tagus Declaration and the advancement of his studies in naval and military matters.
It was during his studies in the new military schools that he met none other than the aged Minister Count of Lippe, who, having a far more acute interest in warriors than the Navy Minister, made sure to meet the tenebrous Rear Admiral. Minister William made sure to remark that “He wished he had noticed Rebelo in Rio”, as Lippe had personally directed the operations during the Undeclared War where Rebelo debuted in combat and would make sure to promote the soldier to a Major before “Losing him to the Navy”.
In 1774, Rebelo would return to action in what would become his most well-known action theater, the continent of India. The Luso-Maratha War that broke out as a result of Raghunath Rao’s intrigue called the country to action to defend its Indian colonies and the Maratha Navy was a significant threat, placing Daman under blockade and prevent the Portuguese from conducting naval raids. Once again on the ‘Beira Prince’, Rear Admiral Anthony Rebelo brought reinforcement ships that would help limit the blockade of the Marathas to Daman and Diu.
The Hammer Shark, however, faced difficult odds, as the navy in Goa was small and too precious to be risked. Rebelo participated in the patrols that ensured the supply lines and sea control to the Goa territory but refused to participate in a direct attack to the Maratha’s fleet, claiming the odds were unacceptably against them. He instead focused on maintaining the integrity of the Luso-Indian squadrons, organizing them in consolidated groups that worked together to support the land troops as much as possible, as little as they could do.
With the authorization of Vice-Roy Castro he reformed the leadership of the ships to root out incompetent officers and putting trustworthy, seasoned sailors in charge and, upon the reorganization of Narayan Rao’s loyalist forces, shadowed the Luso-Maratha forces all the way to Daman where the siege was broken, and the war checkmated.
Anthony Rebelo’s efforts and leadership awarded him the promotion to Vice-Admiral of the Indic navy divisions at the age of 24. Throughout the peace period in Goa he worked mostly in implementing government reforms in the Indian theater, professionalizing the sailors there and extending its recruitment to Mozambique’s settlements, where he was stationed at the time of the Luso-Mysore war breakout. His arrival in Goa was seen as a sign of hope and inspiration for young sailors, but also political trouble for the establishment, as the further glorification of the peasant’s son career meant further defying of the tradition of noble officers.
Battle of Panambur
“I will sail with these ships and return in June; when I do, order the attack, for their Navy will be defeated and their armies without salvation.”
-Hammer Shark’s bold claim in Goa, prior to departing for Mangalore
“I will sail with these ships and return in June; when I do, order the attack, for their Navy will be defeated and their armies without salvation.”
-Hammer Shark’s bold claim in Goa, prior to departing for Mangalore
In order to sustain the war effort, control of Goa’s shores was vital for the Portuguese, as many important fortifications in southern Goa, such as the ones in Canacona, were vulnerable to ship flanking. There was also the concern that the hardly built up fleet would be seized or destroyed by the Mysoreans, something that would compromise Portuguese presence in India forever.
There were also ongoing piracy threats in the Indian Ocean, including that of Roderick ‘Piranha’, a young corsair that was gaining notoriety for harassing Portuguese ships and assaulting ports from close-by Aden to distant Kushiro. The Hammer-Shark himself had confronted the corsair’s ship a number of times, but the ‘Piranha’ still eluded him, employing unusually aggressive and swift hit-and-run tactics that left a lot of damage in their wake.
In the war itself, the Hammer-Shark Vice-Admiral once again faced superior odds. Despite the reunion of Mozambican and Goan ships and the lease off four Maratha vessels as part of an agreement between Vice-Roy Castro and Peshwa Narayan to keep the Confederacy off the war, the Portuguese had gathered only eighteen warships as opposed to Hyder Ali’s thirty. The Mysorean vessels were no nutshells, either, having undergone gradual modernization under Hyder’s innovative rule and French advice to the point a good number of them were equipped with copper sheathing.
After efficiently organizing his ships and appointing Rear Admirals under his directive, Hammer-Shark announced his decision to attack Mangalore, much to everyone else’s shock. Ignoring protests from both the naval advisors and Vice-Roy Castro, Hammer-Shark boldly announced he would return in May with the Mysorean fleet defeated and the path clear for a land counter-invasion.
The 18 warships departed Goa on 21 April 1778 and sailed south, making little effort to stay discreet. Vice-Admiral Rebelo purposely allowed his ships to be detected by Mysore, making clear his intentions to the enemy to attack their shores. Moreover, he purposely delayed his journey with circular patterns and exercises, not firing a single shot throughout his entire ‘parade’. By 30th of April the Mysorean fleet was notified and orders were given to engage and destroy the Portuguese ships.
Throughout early May, the real danger begun, with Hammer Shark conserving fire and harassing the Mysorean shore with his mere presence and conducting organizational exercises with his limited fleet while the Mysorean fleet approached day by day. On the shifts of Monsoon, when rain ceased, Hammer-Shark made his move in a surprising change of attitude and swiftly sailed south to confront the Mysorean ships head on. With everyone expecting him to lay some sort of trap close to base due to his seemingly erratic provocations, not even his sailors expected him to suddenly decide to attack frontally, even considering his daring reputation.
Naval Engagement
It was in the 10th day of May that Hammer Shark intercepted the Mysorean fleet near the important port town of Mangalore, which Hyder Ali had seized from the Portuguese themselves in 1763.Facing superior numbers frontally was, as expected, a nightmare situation and the normal lining up of ships to deliver as much consecutive fire as possible would result in the eventual defeat of Hammer-Shark’s fleet. The Vice-Admiral therefore had planned the battle to occur during the lowering of the Monsoon tide, where the seafloor would be closest to surface, and maneuver his ships to approach the beach of Panambur. As he turned inward the two forces came in close contact with one another and the cannon fire began.
Green: Rebelo’s Fleet
Red: Mysorean Fleet
Pink: Exchanged Fire Length
Yellow: Mangalore City
Orange: Mangalore Fort
This first phase of the battle was one of power standing and testing. Mysore’s fleet was as numerous and modernized as feared, but they did not hold all advantages in direct combat; sailor training had undergone extensive reforms in Portugal during Navy Minister Castro’s tenure, as well as the firing operations themselves. While the strongest ships in Hammer Shark’s fleet were Third-Rate Liners, including the ‘Beira Prince’, they had been built following new hull, deck and bow design based on sleek French frigates which, combined with the new flintlock cannons and sailor firing drill, allowed the initial cannon charge to match that of the Mysorean fleet’s front force.
And this initial firing with said front was all that was enough, as the rapid approaching of the shore lead, as expected, to a rising danger to both fleets, and risk aggravated itself greatly when the Portuguese Vice-Admiral unexpectedly ordered a estibord turn straight into the Indian ships. The Mysorean fleet was pushed against shore by the faster Portuguese warships' seemingly suicidal movement, forcing them to turn south to prevent the endangered ships from shipwrecking too.
Just as the maneuver was compensated, however, Rebelo ordered yet another shift of direction and turned face first towards the Indian column, cutting it in the middle with his own into two Mysorean fleets, a risky maneuver which exposed him to fire from both sides for a prolonged period of time but allowed him to isolate the Mysorean front column against the shore.
Tricked and sliced from allied ships by Rebelo, the front column of Mysore was now isolated against the shore
What followed was a brutal bombarding by the Portuguese against the front column, as they could fire faster and more accurately than the Mysorean sailors, proving to be more than a match when in equivalent numbers. The real danger to the Mysorean front column was, however, not the Hammer Shark, but the beach shore. While the native ships were modernized and stronger, their hull sank deeper in the bottom due to design and weight and being forced by the unexpected maneuvering and Portuguese fire so close to the shore proved fatal. As soon as the first bombardments ceased, a number of Mysorean frigates began crashing against sand banks and rocks, shipwrecking against the Panambur Beach.
It didn’t take long for the entire front column to be defeated, as the confusion and damage in its line piled up very quickly between the hammer and anvil that was the Hammer Shark’s fire and the Mangalore shore. The native ships were completely trapped and were shot down before the rear column could maneuver around from further north to save them, resulting in the sinking of many of them and the neutralization of the Mysorean flagship.
With a huge chunk of the enemy’s numerical advantage gone, Hammer Shark turned his ships around and prepared himself for the battle’s final phase. Cut off from their admiral and demoralized by the unexpected and rapid loss of so many of their comrades, the Mysoreans still managed to take respite from their heavier strength and motivate a counter attack. Being on the Ocean’s side, the Mysorean fleet attacked with a bloodlust, exchanging fire with the smaller Portuguese warships but not possessing the same hitting quality of their European enemies.
Making use of the larger water space they now fought on, Hammer Shark made use of his superior ship speed to once again cut through the Mysorean column, facing frontal fire but giving him the chance to make use of both of his column’s broadsides and delivering heavy damage to the rear of the weaker Mysorean warships without a Mysorean fire response.
Crosses: Shipwrecks
Pink: Exchanged Fire Length
Maroon: Unanswered Portuguese Fire Length
With the bulk of the Mysorean strength shattered or isolated, momentum turned on the Portuguese side, the battle became a hunting ground and fire continued for the rest of the day with the Portuguese using their newfound superiority to continuously lay cannon shooting on the enemy. By 18:52 the Mysorean fleet was too damaged and split apart to organize a threatening fire line and the Portuguese overcame them, blasting the remaining ships to pieces.
Having destroyed enemy advantage and organization, the Portuguese ships picked the Mysore fleet apart
[1] iOTL Rebelo primary education was at a parochial school until the Artillery Regiment charter of 1763 allowed him to continue his education under military institutions, leading him to become an artillery student. ITTL, Rebelo primary education was in regular schools which provided a higher level of education and the study of various new fields, it while in school that Rebelo became engrossed in the military. After finishing school, he joined a naval school instead of a military one due to its classes being more in line with modern education.
Note:
Good afternoon sorry for delay, today we continue with Portuguese actions in the Indian Subcontinent and witness Portuguese India's struggle against Mysore. Special note to those not familiar with the Indian Subcontinent in 1777 the British East India Company while powerful was not in full control of the sub-continent and various factions viewing for power and control. The Portuguese and Mysoreans were just two of those. This is part 3 of 6 in the Portuguese - Mysorean interactions. Comments / questions???
Please return Sunday September 23 as we continue the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778.
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I just want to assure the readers that even though these battle maneuver images are still using a Paint.Net technique that is a bit primitive, hence they not being a stellar product since I'm not exactly a graphic artist, their sort does become better as Book 3 goes along. I would have gone back and revamp these, but by the end of Book 3's writing work, enough time had been spent delaying the release.
Lusitania
Donor
This is tricky to answer since we do not wish to reveal future information before the stories are posted at appropriate time.
What we can reveal is that Portuguese empire will be no smaller in 1900 as iOTL.
Having said that, readers of the TL can already view changes to Portugal’s size based on the first book 1750-1777. We are currently posting the Portuguese-Mysore war which will also have impact on Portuguese India. Per iOTL the Portuguese were involved in few military adventures between 1777 and 1800 which existed iTTL also.
Hope this helped answer your question.
Note: if any reader has some suggestions we would love to hear your ideas. If they fit within the direction of the TL we are writing, you or your ancestor could be featured in upcoming stories.
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Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) - Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (4 of 6)
Lusitania
Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (Cont.)
Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (4 of 6)
Battle Resolution & Capture of Mangalore
Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (4 of 6)
Battle Resolution & Capture of Mangalore
The battle ended with the last resisting Mysorean ship captured at 19:16, putting an end to one of the largest sea battles in the area in some years. Through the conflict a lot of damage was exchanged; at least 16 Mysorean warships were shipwrecked or sunk, seven were captured and the remaining ones escaped south while the Portuguese, which employed a risky tactic that involved enduring enemy fire on more than one occasion, had two ships sunk and another that would not survive the journey back to Goa. The damage to the remaining ships was also very considerable, with the HMS Beira Prince, which led most daring movements, having endured several shots to the top deck, a shattered bow and nearly rammed enemy ships while cutting their columns. Hammer Shark himself was injured in combat, though he would survive with new scars, and approximately 340 sailors and Mariners had been killed or injured.
The damage, however, was far more extensive to Mysore, whose powerful insurgent fleet had been wrecked at its prime. While a small number of strong warships remained, they were not enough to oppose the Portuguese at sea, especially after the training superiority of the Portuguese proven once again.
As a result, the southwestern coast of India was controlled by Portugal throughout the war and the city of Mangalore, which possessed important natural defenses and had once belonged to Goa, was stormed by Hammer Shark’s Marines under battleship cannon support, captured and refortified, thus completing Rebelo’s mission.
Post-Mangalore Developments
Between April and May, while the sea battles rages, Tipu Sultan gathered reinforces and supplies in the Konkan region, planning to conduct a new, improved attack on Goa’s southern borders. Initially he had planned to await assistance from his father’s navy to overwhelm the coastal enclave and exhaust its war resources, but ongoing news of Hammer Shark’s patrols and evasive maneuvers along the western Indian coast indicated the Mysore fleet faced unexpected difficulties. On the 15th of May, however, news had arrived camp that the Mysorean fleet was wrecked and Mangalore was captured.
The situation became rather alarming as it became obvious the Mysoreans had been beaten both in land and sea; not only was the defeat at Panambur a naval tragedy, but the failure in breaking Goan defenses combined with it could be interpreted as a major sign of weakness in Tipu and Mysore to the remaining Europeans and, worse, the Marathas. Hyder Ali, too, grew increasingly impatient with what was slowly becoming a border incident gone wrong.
It was urgent that the Prince break Portuguese defenses if Mysore’s newfound prestige was to not only be maintained but assured. Therefore, the force of 25,000 men he managed to reform prepared for the offensive was deemed insufficient, and Tipu called for the gathering of at least 50,000 warriors from the kingdom and its possessions to overwhelm the superiorly trained and fortified Bluecoat infantrymen. In the meantime, a 5,000 contingent of Mysoreans were ordered to besiege and recapture Mangalore
The Spring and Summer of Konkan, however, did not go peacefully for either side. Having gained sea superiority, the Portuguese were emboldened and began conducting extraordinary operations of raiding and guerrilla against the bulkier Mysore, sending cavalry to attack villages and Mariners to assault and raid ports, including Cuddalore on the eastern Indian coast. The most damaging operations were the ones targeted at Tipu’s reinforcement attempts. At least 14 light cavalry strikes were conducted against the most vulnerable travelling troops and many Mysorean roads and paths were sabotaged through fire and cannon power, delaying the formation of the new army and stinging its morale. The Mysoreans retorted by bombarding occupied Mangalore, resulting in an arduous expenditure as Portuguese presence there was light and fully military in comparison to the population and naval support was full and ready to retreat the troops upon need.
Further in the north, Narayan Rao paid attention to the developments of the Luso-Mysore War. While still shy about a direct participation due to the latest defeats he suffered against Hyder Ali and the ongoing rivalry with the Nizam of Hyderabad, he decided to make a larger indirect move, motivated by the Portuguese victories in Canacore and Mangalore. An expedition of workers, officers and 2,000 mercenary soldiers led by the turncoat mercenary Walter Reinhardt, a 53-years old Hanoverian adventurer who had deserted the Swiss Company and been held responsible for English captives at Patna, were sent to assist Goa in stopping Mysorean aggression.
Military politics, however, were not the only ones to develop; civil occurrences also evolved with the coming of news and the intense movements along the Goan-Mysore battlefield. Most of these occurrences involved the converted refugees and the families sympathetic to the Goan cause, mostly non-Mysorean natives who resented Hyder Ali’s invasion of their lands, who flocked to the Goan border or rose up in revolt near it, emboldened by the Portuguese raids and their nearby victories over Tipu.
SIMP agents worked around the clock with missionaries to undermine Mysore, spreading false rumors of Goan tolerance of the Hindu religion and accusing Hyder of being a jihadist king who would not hesitate to sacrifice the lives of those faithful to Krishna and Shiva for a border cause. Between May and September, approximately one thousand people fled to Goa, which in turn were given asylum with Maratha cash. Hyder lost popular support of the northwestern villages and cities, who now suffered under naval raids, military marches and light troop pillaging over an increasingly ridiculous war.
By September, however, Tipu’s force was gathered and organized. Frustrated by the long inability to counter Portuguese resistance but now cautious in their superiority on equal terms, the Prince enacted a plan to outflank the Europeans by conducting a simultaneous blockade on Canacona from the front and strike the Goan hinterland from its southeastern border edge. With new armed rockets regiments ready to enhance his bombardment, Tipu marched north and renewed the flames of war.
The Strike on Goa
As predicted by Tipu Sultan, the bulk of the Portuguese professional troops had remained in the Canacona fortifications, where Vice-Roy Castro set up his HQ, received news of Vice-Admiral Rebelo’s operations and prepared himself for the new Mysorean aggression. Armed with a more extensive fire line and rockets, Tipu was tempted by his military advisors to alter his plan and focus his troops on an all-out attack on Canacore, where overwhelming the three Portuguese Brigades would bring great glory to his campaign.
The Prince, however, savvy of British and French tactics, knew that a numeric superiority meant very little without a proper plan and the comparatively poorly trained infantry and cavalry he possessed. The British were amassing records of defeating forces almost ten times larger on the eastern shore of India and Tipu would not have that repeated in the west. He therefore ordered the division of his army and the implementation of his plan.
The Second Siege of Canacona
Thirty thousand of Tipu’s men followed the Prince to Canacona, where a new siege began. His plan was to convince the enemy with the superior fighting force that this was his plan to conduct a second attempt at breaking the fortified coast settlement by bringing in at least 10,000 more troops than he did during the first siege. While he was successful in puling the ruse off, his position in Canacona turned out to be riskier than he imagined.
Throughout the months, Mysore spent preparing its new army, the colonial enclave of Goa had also worked hard to repair the damage done to Canacore. The news of victory at sea and land had allowed Castro to galvanize further men to the war cause, putting to work hundreds of Indian natives in supporting the European overlord defense. Further assistance from the Marathas had also arrived in the form of war funds and an Indo-European mercenary company under Captain Walter Reinhardt, totaling the present Portuguese troops at 20,000 men working and fighting to defend Goa from the invasion.
Tipu’s orders were simple; constant bombardment and occasional assault. It was never his intention to take Canacona, but instead keep Castro there while his second army, led by a partition of his second-in-commands, would strike Goa from a different angle, shattering Portuguese resistance. He therefore ordered numerous attacks, some daring enough to attempt to cross the Talpona River, all as a semi-theater to deceive the Europeans that could even work out as a successful siege of its own with the right stroke of luck.
Portuguese Artillery Squadron defending the Talpona River
While the rocket bombardment was brutal and prevented the Goa and Daman Brigades from making a move, such luck did not come to Mysore and Tipu was unable to capture Canacona yet again. Even so, his plan carried out and the detached force, on 2nd of October, crossed the Goa border in direction of Damai. Unfortunately for Tipu, training wasn’t the only advantage on Vice-Roy Castro’s side; communication and defenses were also European advantages. The light troops that raided the Mysore northwestern territories had collected vital information and were aware of the incoming attack of a second Mysore force, which was why Castro ordered the reallocation of garrisons to Sanguem.
Siege and Battle of Sanguem
Located at a critical spot of one of the Zuari River that led to Goa itself, the city of Sanguem was critical to the well-being of Goa’s new southern territories and had been subject to a lot of investment in spite of its low population, primarily in sugar plantation due to its healthy natural irrigation, but also military defenses. The Mysore army found it defended in the south by a modern defensive wall built with sloped star-points designed to resist frontal cannon fire, not to mention protected by over 20 large guns and 2,500 strong garrisons.
Said fortifications were seemingly incomplete, focusing on the southwestern direction. This was because its construction followed lessons documented during the Mazagan war of how to save time and resources in defenses with limited number of sides. The southeastern paths were heavily cut by river Zuari’s branching and the only path between Canacona and Sanguem led the army straight into the city’s southwest front, where the strongest and most complete sections of the city’s fortifications resided. The garrison of the city comprised mostly of militia, volunteers and colonial guards stationed in the city, but also farmers that rushed into the walls for war asylum. Many of them could only operate simple muskets.
The Diu Brigade was informed of the attack via carrier pigeon and moved its approximately 3,600 professional Bluecoats plus 1,500 men from the northernmost garrisons towards the fortified city it to face the 20,000 that besieged Sanguem along the Goa-Sanguem road. It marched in a frontline of Bluecoats and twin militia columns formation, carrying with them at least four artillery squadrons.
Yellow: Sanguem City
Light Green: Sanguem Garrison
Dark Green: Diu Brigade Square March
Red: Mysorean Detached Army
Led by Brigadier General Jerônimo José Nogueira de Andrade, the Diu Brigade was outnumbered; even with the help of the Sanguem Garrison, the Portuguese forces barely totaled 7,600 men against the 20,000 Mysorean. What counted in their favor, however, were the superior training, weaponry, leadership and position; the detached Mysorean force was led by Tipu’s second-in-command General Mohomed Hulleen Mir Miran, who lacked his superior’s understanding of Europeans’ warfare and how to best utilize India’s advantages against them, the Sanguem garrison was strongly fortified and armed with threatening guns and the Diu Brigade approached the Mysorean force from a dangerous angle that compromised their focus on the fortress.
The Portuguese did not waste time attacking the besiegers with their guns and began bombarding them from both directions to prevent them from organizing themselves properly. The situation at Sanguem suddenly became unexpectedly dangerous and the Mysorean army was forced to split contingents to engage both cannon fires simultaneously.
This, however, proved to be its undoing, as the Bluecoats had no intention of sitting back and let the cannons do the work. The Mysore rockets would turn them into sitting ducks and massacre the garrison unless action was taken.
Aggressively marching towards the enemy, the Diu Brigade closed its square formations upon fire range and engaged the weaker segment of the besiegers, eliminating numerical disparity and fighting the weak formations of gunners and cavalry men the Mysorean attempted to throw at it. With movement limited by surrounding river branches and terrain hindering flexibility, the Mysorean cavalry was both unable to find a weaker side on the Bluecoats and garrison square or attack it effectively, its tight lancer charges being shot down or shattered on impact by bayonet. The Mysorean musket men fared equally poorly, throwing disorganized fired at the professional soldiers who threw back relentless firing drills that hit harder, consecutively and more effectively.
The Diu Brigade engages the 2nd Mysore Army in a square formation
The losses suffered by the Mysorean army were by no means critical, but its left flank was damaged beyond the point of being able to press advantage in open combat against superiorly trained troops. This forced the left flank that engaged the Diu Brigade to pull back in retreat and rejoin the central and right bulks, now on the defensive. This caused the tide of the siege to turn completely, as the Mysorean mass, pushed into itself, became vulnerable to cannon fire, as the Diu Brigade pulled its squadrons back into the front and joined the Sanguem fortress in mercilessly blasting the South-Indian force.
By dusk the situation became unsustainable; the Mysorean counter-attack attempts were trampled by superior enemy fire power, defenses and flanking, resulting in several pull backs, and the losses gradually piled up. After a failed cavalry strike on the Diu brigade which resulted in a massacre by fire and bayonet of nearly 2,300 cavalrymen, the army sounded the retreat and fled Sanguem the way it came, though the ensuing Bluecoat cavalry pursuits would cut and shoot down those that fell behind.
The battle ended with victory to the Portuguese, who lost 563 men as opposed to the Mysore’s 6,363 losses and nearly 600 desertions and captures. It was a great victory by the Diu Brigade and Sanguem garrison, who celebrated that night with the rising of banners, sounding of trumpets and ensuing march towards Canacona. Most importantly, a number of rocket samples were recovered and sent to Goa, where the administration would hand them over to the arsenal and navy heading for Lisbon.
Battle of Kali River
The invasion of Goa had resulted in thousands of locals gradually joining the defense force protecting the southern districts of Goa at the same time morale and discontentment at the repeated bad news undermined the Mysorean warriors. By the end of September, the Mysore Prince had yet to succeed breaching Canacona and news from the south indicated that resistance in occupied Mangalore was acting equally stubborn, especially under the support of the then-increasingly-notorious ‘Hammer-Shark’.
On 3rd of October, Tipu was greeted with the terrible news of the defeat at Sanguem and the arrival of the 12,000 surviving forces he had sent that way. Frustrated, he launched his first major attacks on the Canacona fortifications, but the 9,000 strong Portuguese held the fronts relentlessly, frustrating his every move. Even the rocket barrages were growing increasingly ineffective, as the Portuguese were adapting to its onslaught by taking cover in the natural defenses and avoiding attacks out in the open.
With the return of the Diu Brigade to Canacona with a wagon of supplies on the 10th of October, Tipu Sultan was finally forced to abandon the siege of the area and instead concentrated on salvaging Mysorean pride, destroying Portuguese resources on India, securing the border with Goa and sending a force South towards Mangalore to uproot enemy occupation while destroying everything his army encountered. He placed himself with 30,000 men in a defensive position along the Kali River border and hoped reinforcements would arrive as he finished taking back Mangalore.
Vice-Roy Castro was faced with a risky decision; he knew defending Mangalore against a direct attack by Tipu’s army was a fool’s hope, as Hammer-Shark would not be able to supply the city in time with a full brigade when they had just finished securing Goa’s safety and a border army of 20,000 kept watch on them. On the other hand, Tipu’s attacks were growing increasingly outrageous and the asylum situation in Goa could not be sustained indefinitely. It was vital that they put a stop to Mysore’s aggression or the war could prolong itself to a point where the meek Goan resources could no longer defend Canacona against the large South Indian Kingdom or its own safeguarded refugees.
The scenario of an aggressive counter attack was discussed with the Brigadier Generals, who believed it was possible to defeat the border Tipu army and counter-invade Mysore while the rest of the enemies engaged Mangalore. Said move, however, asked for initiative against a vigilant force led by an experienced foe in unfriendly, unfortified terrain. Advised by Walter Reinhardt, leader of the mercenary band Peshwa Narayan had reinforced them with, the war council decided to enact the plan of attacking and occupying Northwestern Mysore.
The Kali River position was highly defensible due to its river-cut hills, limited fighting space and superior number of Mysorean forces, but Portuguese control of the shore meant the estuary was equally preoccupying for Tipu, who risked received cannonball fire from Hammer-Shark should he place himself in Karwar, also known as Cintacora by the Portuguese. It was therefore believed that Tipu awaited further inland, most likely in the hillside-protected village valleys the river branches fed.
On 15th of October, having giving orders to Vice-Admiral Rebelo to safeguard the occupiers of Mangalore, Vice-Roy Castro gathered his three Brigades and additional mercenary, volunteer and garrison troops, forming a force of 12,000 men, and marched beyond the Goa-Mysore Border into Karwar.
As expected, Tipu Sultan set up camp further inland, where his troops could not be harmed by ships, and awaited Portuguese movements for a pinch attack. With Rocket divisions place in the southern bank and an entire city ready to support him, Tipu enjoyed a favorable defensive position.
Castro’s intention was to force Tipu onto the offensive by yet again displaying inferior numbers and higher heavy artillery, knowing the Prince would be wise to his tactics and remain on the defensive. He fortified his position in the Savashivgad forested area in the northern bank, where the rocket damage would be limited, and ordered artillery fire on Karwar itself. The bombardment, however, was not enough to bait Tipu, who instead focused on assailing the Portuguese with his superior indirect fire.
Castro shifted tactics and ordered cannon fire on the Rocket Division themselves to suppress them. He then organized his three professional divisions and the irregular division into two forces that marched side by side along the northern bank. Tipu realized Castro intended to clear the path to bring cannons to a favorable angle to strike his command center and sent his army through the river passage to stop the Portuguese.
Red: Mysore Forces
RD: Rocket Divisions
Dark Green: Portuguese Forces
Star: Camp and HQ
The Luso-Mysore clash occurred in the village fields of Kali’s northern bank, where the Prince Tipu now held superior numbers and faced the enemy head on with half its artillery distracted. Vice-Roy’s Castro risky gamble paid off, as the Mysorean now believed that they could breach the Portuguese or at least stop their tactic if their guns were lagging behind and bombarding Karwar.
But although the cannons were fewer, the men were more than at Canacona and Sanguem and put up a valiant fire front against Mysore. The Bluecoat professional marching and firing won the day, resisting the morale shock of friendly troops being shot down. While the battle was the bloodiest so far, the Portuguese advantage asserted itself and the Mysoreans found themselves shooting less and dying more. There was yet an attempt to use the rocket divisions to turn the tide, but by this point, the Portuguese had already trapped them; the intense movement along the bank facing northeast placed the brigades flank to the rockets but also put them in a dangerous position under the cannon fire from further downstream, meaning the Portuguese advance was stronger than the Rocket bombardment.
The larger Indian force brought cannons as well, but while they shot down many Portuguese, they were not manned by crews as efficient as the enemy’s. The two Brigade groups widened the gap between them and engaged the Mysorean army from the two fronts, allowing the Portuguese cavalry to strike from the center. The ensuing disorganization of the Indian mass infantry put an end to any efficient fighting and Tipu found himself with an army under risk.
Portuguese Medium Cavalry strikes Mysorean exposed center
While the larger Indian force was able to resist the cavalry charge, the first line of defense suffered a serious shock, exposing the disrupted halves of the large army to the attack of the still-well-organized Goan forces. The fierce fighting continued under Mysorean rocket hail, but the direct damage being thrown back and forth proved too much to Tipu’s army, which gradually lost the ability to maintain an united front.
Trapped by the river and with the artillery advantage slowly growing less significant, the Mysorean forces were shattered by the frontal Portuguese attack on even ground and routed mercilessly. Castro had instructed the Brigades to give change in a victory scenario and the cavalry squadrons did so, surrounding contingents, cutting down stragglers and supporting the infantry in pursuit operations. The northern bank of the river became a killing ground. Sultan, who had hoped to apply enough pressure with the first assault to send the Portuguese into disarray, instead found himself losing countless soldiers short moments after the battle began.
Victory, Chase and Capture
Tipu ordered the assault to be ended before he lost more troops. He ordered his Rockets to provide cover fire for his remaining soldiers, so they could pull back. As he led the troops back, however, the Portuguese counter artillery fire suddenly focused on Tipu’s southern flank.
Tipu Sultan found himself a sitting duck. He had lost his opportunity to assault the fort and his position in Goa’s border was a vulnerable one and on the verge of collapse. He refused to give up, though, and ordered reinforcements before backing his present forces enough a distance to escape enemy fire without surrendering the southern bank. The maneuvering prevented many long-term losses but cost many men as well as the position his rocket fire needed to be able to reach the Portuguese fortifications.
Tipu was confined to the southern bank of the river, under the support of the city of Karwar that was increasingly bombarded by the Portuguese from safe positions. The rockets were unable to return equal damage and the stalemate prolonged itself throughout Autumn.
On 2nd of December, a Bluecoat Mariner Battalion under Coronel João António de Sá Pereira breached Karwar defenses, capturing the supply point and trapping Tipu between two Portuguese forces. With supply lines cut, an injured army and an outflanked position, even the proud Mysore Prince had no choice but to surrender.
The long Battle of Karwar ended with Portuguese victory, resulting in approximately 1,965 Portuguese losses and a whopping 12,533 Mysorean dead, though most of these succumbed to post-battle fatigue or injuries, and almost 7,000 captures. Before marching south, Vice-Roy Castro ordered the capture of the Mysorean artillery pieces. Having seen the damage done to the fortress of Canacona and heard the accounts the Portuguese soldiers made of the rocket fire, Pereira became interested in the weaponry’s potential in European warfare as an alternative to howitzers and mortars and, more importantly, as an anti-troop artillery. He ordered a small supply wagon to travel back to Goa with the captured rockets and Tipu Sultan was held hostage in Canacona HQ, closely watched by the Vice-Roy’s guards.
With Karwar and Prince Tipu both captured, Goa was safeguarded from further attacks and Vice-Roy Castro was free to order a counter-invasion on Mysore.
Note:
Good evening hope everyone been enjoying the last days of September, today we continue with Portuguese actions in the Indian Subcontinent and witness Portuguese India's struggle against Mysore. Special note to those not familiar with the Indian Subcontinent in 1777 the British East India Company while powerful was not in full control of the sub-continent and various factions viewing for power and control. The Portuguese and Mysoreans were just two of those. We have now concluded the fighting on the field and now will attempt to strengthen Portuguese position while many powers at be would wish for Portuguese - Mysore border to return to pre-war status, we will see what will happen when we begin the battle of the diplomacy. Comments / questions???
Please return Sunday October 7 as we continue the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778.
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Just wondering, what exactly is being said here? It sounds like Tipu Sultan somehow managed to occupy Goa and is in the process of being squeezed out, but he never actually got there.
There was a rewriting mistake that left the older word in. It was supposed to be "his position in Goa's border" in the final product instead.
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) - Luso-Mysore War of 1777 - 1778 (5 of 6)
Lusitania
Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (Cont.)
Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (5 of 6)
Treaty of Mangalore (1778)
Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (5 of 6)
Treaty of Mangalore (1778)
Between December of 1777 and February 1778, the Indian brigades conducted multiple operations of village capturing, weapon seizing, supply interception and garrison overrun all throughout northwestern Mysore, striking positions all the way to the Bhadra River line. Hyder Ali, enraged and indignant, attempted to organize a defensive line and a counterattack, but by the end of February the Portuguese had fortified their occupation too strongly and the Hammer Shark’s sea squadrons threatened to bombard Mysore’s remaining port towns should aggression continue.
Stuck between a Portuguese sword and a British wall, Hyder Ali, also concerned about the political crisis Tipu’s capture could cause, sued for peace and agreed to meet Castro’s and Mozambique governor Baltasar Manuel Pereira do Lago representatives in occupied Mangalore.
Mysore commenced immediately negotiations with the two Portuguese colonies for an end to hostilities. As a sign of respect, Tipu was allowed to lead the negotiations with Portugal for his own ransom as well as his army. Using the threat of a harsher invasion and sea bombardment and blockade, as well as prolonging the conflict until Mysore became clearly vulnerable to the British, Portugal was able to pressure the following demands:
- Extensive war reparations from Mysore to Portuguese Goa (approximately 85% of the amount) and Portuguese Mozambique (approximately 15%);
- Seize of six Mysorean frigates for the Mozambique squadrons;
- All occupied territory around Goa north of the Tadri River,[1] including the city of Sirsi, and west of the Gangavali River;
- The return of three of its former territories: Mangalore, Canacore and Calicut port cities.
- Opening of Mysore borders to Portuguese missionaries;
Treaty of Mangalore (1778)
Dark Green: Pre-Treaty Goa
Light Green: Post-Treaty Goa & Possessed Ports
Purple: Maratha Confederacy
Yellow: Hyderabad Princedom
Red & Blue: British and French possessions
‘Great Enclave’ & ‘Old Ports’ – Integration & Impact
March 1778 opened up with the flinging of Portuguese flags in many forts, ports and towns throughout the expanded Goan territory, Mangalore, Canacore and Calicut. The integration of these new territories, however, presented a tremendous and unprecedented challenge for Vice-Roy Castro; it was the largest Portuguese acquisition in India in history, more than doubling the size of the ‘New Conquests Goa’, and taking within Portuguese responsibility an arduous terrain that included the surface of the Deccan Plateau and thousands of villages inhabited by historically Hindu Kokand people.
Simultaneously, Goa’s overstepping marked an event of significant cultural relevance; the successful defense and expansion of Catholic Christianity’s claim and reclaim to India in an era of the subcontinent where the war between Islam and Hinduism was growing most fierce. Mangalore, a significant outpost of Indian Catholicism, had been recovered and the lands directly subject to the Patriarchy of Goa now had borders reaching almost all the way to Darwar.
Goa was also now an extraordinarily large Portuguese colony in Asia; the once isolated district was now an enclave of size comparable to Switzerland, which was saying quite a lot considering most other colonies were between the sizes of a city to a small island. Combined with its booming economy, religious centrism, return to commercial prominence and significant infrastructural work, Goa was slowly becoming a model colony of sorts, now announced in Lisbon as the ‘Great Enclave of Christianity’.
Castro realized that Goa was entering an age of delicate and critical growth, which his failing health would most likely not be able to keep up with. That very March, Vice Roy Castro wrote to Minister of Navy and Colonial Affairs suggesting that due to volatility of the situation in India it was his recommendation that his replacement be sent to Goa so that he can appreciate the situation on the ground first hand. Ambassador Castro took the suggestion to heart and by August Frederick William de Sousa newly appointed Count of Vila Real.
Count Frederick of Vila Real
Frederico Guilherme de Sousa Holstein, 1st Count of Vila Real
Born 2 December 1737
Died 31 October 1790
Coronel in Portuguese Army 1761 -1776
Governor of Maranhao 1771 – 1776
Vice Rei of Goa 1779 - 1789
Frederico Guilherme de Sousa Holstein, 1st Count of Vila Real
Born 2 December 1737
Died 31 October 1790
Coronel in Portuguese Army 1761 -1776
Governor of Maranhao 1771 – 1776
Vice Rei of Goa 1779 - 1789
Frederick was the son of Manuel de Sousa and Maria Anna Leopoldina Von Scheswig-Holdstein-Sonderburg-Beck. His father had been implicated in the Távora Affair and had died in prison in 1759. The family had escaped prosecution and Frederick enlisted in army during war of 1762. He was so impressed by Count Lippe and his reforms he volunteered to join the RVR. He was promoted to Major at start of the Undeclared War and by time the Morbeia War had finished had been promoted to Coronel. In 1770, he was given command of the Maranhão Battalion. In 1771 the governor of the province, Joaquim de Mello e Povoas, died and he was tasked with administering the land while also maintaining his military post. The assignment which was supposed to be for six months ended up being for five years.
During his term he worked with the Colonial Company “Grão-Pará & Maranhão Company” and during his term the province economy improved considerably, and many roads were built or repaired. Thanks to the implementation of reforms and work done with plantation owners, agricultural output rose 20% which was viewed with much interest and admiration in both Rio and Lisbon. In 1776, he was recalled to Lisbon where King Joseph I gave him the vacant title of Count of Vila Real.
For a year and half the Count of Vila Real, observed the Indian subcontinent and its various players. He visited Daman and Diu as well as all of the expanded enclave territories of Goa. In 1779 he was in charge of ‘Portugalizing’ the two newest Portuguese enclaves of Cannanore and Calecute.
Vice-Roy Frederick, however, was a starkly ambitious man in his seat; his commercial and bureaucratic policies were aggressive and staunch, guaranteeing little pacing between his projects and hinting that Portuguese aggression in India was far from over. During his first term alone, trade policies took a step towards free trade not with the intent of liberalizing markets but for turning Goa and the ‘Old Ports’ into a commercial sponge for western Indian goods. Moreover, a significant stockpiling of weaponry and ammunition was ordered, initially justified with the necessity of securing the new borders but far surpassing the suggested need for it. By 1780 Goa would have more muskets per outpost than the British colonies despite lacking a formalized Sepoy force and especially considering that the British East India Army was significantly larger.
This was not unnoticed by local powers, including Goa’s closest and most tenuous ally, the Maratha Confederacy. By the start of the Three Years War it was obvious to the Peshwa and the Indian sultans that Vice-Roy Frederick was an enemy of Indian powers.
On 26 October 1779 with the death of Count of Ega, Frederico Guilherme de Sousa Holsteinm Count of Vila Real became the Vice Roy of Goa.
At same time the governor of Daman and Diu died, and viceroy Holstein appointed João Vicente de Saldanha Oliveira e Sousa Juzarte Figueira, Count of Rio Maior as the province’s new governor.
João Vicente de Saldanha Oliveira e Sousa Juzarte Figueira 1st Count of Rio Maior
Born 1 June 1746
Died 31 October 1804
Secretary of Africa in the Ministry of Navy and Colonial Affairs 1769 -1779[2]
Governor of Daman and Diu 1779 - 1789
The ‘Great Enclave’
As said before, the expanded Goa territory faced serious social and economic challenges as a result of the war with Mysore. This was not due to the war with Hyder Ali, however, but due to the tens of thousands of Christian refugees offered Asylum in southern Goa and the tens of thousands of native Kokand Hindu inhabiting North Kannada and native Marathas in Khanapur. These were native populations with a strong and developed cultural identity whose only tie to the Portuguese was the persecution their Hindu religion suffered under Hyder Ali’s Islamic reign. Portugal itself could not claim to be a better harbor, as Goa was known for its Inquisition. The social and civil problem, therefore, was extremely delicate.The new Vice-Roy Frederick therefore had to prepare a plan of action to both integrate and develop Goa into a solid territory he could easily defend and capitalize on. Time was of the essence, but one thing was in his favor; Mysorean gold. The treaty of Mangalore stipulated war reparations was to be paid to Goa and, though a small part was to head for Sofala due to the critical participation of the Mozambique’s ships in Goa’s defense, this meant that monetary funds were at least aplenty for a short while, so conditions were gathered for an ambitious work plan.
In the meantime, the expansion resulted in a string of events that further complicated the situation for Goa, for back in Europe the increase of Portuguese influence was known to several factions, most notably the British, the French, the Dutch and the Pope. Animosities with the French and Dutch were obvious, but competition with the British for dominance over Indian commerce was a tingling matter for the Portuguese; it was vital that the strongest navy in the area viewed Goa as an ally port, not a rival. Friendship had been struck with the Calcutta office due to the events of the Luso-Maratha War, but the Bombay office remained incensed.
In the meantime, Portugal’s privileged position in India as the gateway of Catholicism was now a sore thumb to Rome due to the schism of the Portuguese Church from Papal authority, a fresh series of events that still rendered hopes of Luso-Umbrian friendship null. It was feared, however, that Catholicism in India would be spread under the unbridled influence of the Verneyists, who acknowledged the Pope but renounced his infallibility.
Portuguese resources in Goa were also spreading thin; its ability to impact Goan culture was already limited prior to the massive adjustments the administration suffered under the Pombaline government, but now the Portuguese were beginning to be truly overstretched, something that could jeopardize their claim to India.
Frederick therefore prioritized political solidification, and did so with the following steps:
- Stock & Investment Attraction: To increase Goan budget further, Frederick used the war victory news as propaganda to attract investment, knowing the precedent of Morbeia as a colony that surpassed pessimist expectations after a protectorate war would fuel capitalist interest;
- Infrastructural Work: Projects for road, aqueduct and neighborhood construction began, the goal being to occupy and repair the lives of the Christian refugees, link the new lands together and establish road signs, post offices and waterways to imprint Portuguese administration and vigilance in the land;
- Hinterland Fortification: The first Portuguese fortifications in the Deccan Plateau were baptized from newly constructed projects or the reparation of native fortresses, further staking the military claim in the untouched territory and safeguarding against future Mysore or Maratha attacks. Fort Batista, which faced the Darwar region, was particularly prominent;
- Missionary Syncretism & Expansion: To tackle the dangerous culture problem, religious assemblies were held to authorize, exceptionally, the recruitment of Papists and non-Portuguese missionaries in Goa;
- School Expansion: The primary school program was authorized for the new regions, teaching Portuguese to small classes in the new lands;
- Market Takeover: Goan market was opened to the goods and products of the new lands, taking advantage of the road projects to stimulate the activity between them and the Portuguese enclave capital. The maximum productivity of the region was increased, but the social strife resultant from the foreign administration and the syphoning of commerce would result in cultural uprisings;
- Cintacora Commercial Charter: Karwar, now renamed back into Cintacora, was granted a commercial charter over the productivity of the southern border regions due to its strategic port position as an outlet into sea for those lands;
- Cintacora Production Charter: The Portuguese India company also drafted a technology-implementation charter for Cintacora, making the city’s administration responsible for bringing its assigned regions to enlightened colonial standards;
- Cooperation Protocols with Mozambique: Further military and immigration programs were signed between the Governor of Sofala and Goa to guarantee the combined military presence of the two territories in their mutual defense and law;
The development of the region therefore followed a pattern similar to Goa upon the 1774 conquests; the tough terrain was militarized, resourceful terrain was reformed in labor, and fertile terrain wealth was filtered into a major port town, in this case either Goa or Cintacora. These two ports therefore grew to greater prominence, especially as the ‘Old Ports’ down south steered further trade into them.
The culture and religion silent war, however, was a fat challenge. The new territories lacked European tradition and the Hindu’s entrenchment was visible in landmarks, either natural like the Yana Rocks or man-made like the countless shrines and temples that decorated villages and cities. The culture itself of the people was starkly different to that of the administration, not to mention extraordinarily rich in terms of literature, theater, music and gastronomy. From the Yakshagana dance dramas of Kannada, which bewildered the whites with the elaborate costumes, to the incredible pottery work of Khanapur, the souls of the Indian people seemed almost too strong and old to break.
Crime, poverty and the growing slums were also serious social concerns. The countless families that took refuge in Canacona, Sanguem and Panjim more often than not had nothing but the clothes on their back. The few lucky enough to be granted wage and food for their war services and construction efforts could feed themselves, but spare little for their families. Coupled with the intense religious atmosphere the war created, ingredients were gathered for a civil time bomb.
Vice-Roy Frederick recruited architects, engineers and topographers to work on a construction plan for the cities and villages of Goa to go along the road destruction. His objective was to stop destructive slum growth and properly give asylum to the refugees. It was quickly realized, however, that despite their abundant war funds, the enclave lacked a proper labor organization that could allow the effective gathering and coordination of workers. Out of necessity, Vice-Roy’s aides had to join efforts to come up with a plan to quickly construct effective household for dense, impoverished populations.
The main idea was in the house design itself; to build Lisbon-style streets of grid roads, multiple stories and ninety-degree corners to maximize land use and create urban communities looking out for their well-being and hygiene. Brick and iron, which had suffered an intense increase in use throughout the 18th century and the latter being a booming industry in Goa, began replacing wood and stone and white-dye, ornamental windows and, more iconic, balcões (window/door balconies) became repetitive traits of the architecture, mixing in elements of Portuguese, Catholic and Indian preferences. In more individual household buildings in less dense areas, railings and pilasters became a common staple.
Finally, with the development of clay and brick manufacturing, tile construction was introduced in 1780 in Goa and Mangalore, which led to the patenting of the ‘Mangalore Tile’, a product that became popular in government buildings, churches and urban households.[3]
Late 18th Century Goan Urban Architecture was varied and emerged out of necessity
The new construction style allowed for a more modern and concentrated housing option built on iron and brick frames to combat the spontaneous growth of slums and assimilate the refugees. The compaction of Goa allowed for further development of cities on strategic points, but places like Cintacora would remain lagging due to lingering infrastructural antiquity, preventing them from being as productive. Even so it helped cement the identity of the colony as a relatively westernized territory; by 1782, Goa was growing with more in common with South American cities than Indian ones.
This new sense of architectural, religious and administrative identity allowed for a spike of assimilation from Kokand to Goan, but not Portuguese, building on the autonomy the territory already enjoyed from late Pombaline CPD policies. It also led, however, to increased border fears as natives in Goa felt distanced further from natives in Maratha, Mysore and Hyderabad. There was need for significant political reform, but such would not come until after the death of Pombal.
In the meantime, the city cemented its role as the ‘Great Western Enclave’, recapturing some of its old charisma of ‘Rome of the East’. European and Asian work was significantly in more unison here than in most other major European outposts like Bombay, Pondicherry and Calcutta, granting it significant prominence not as a commercial hotspot, but as an educational and religious one; most conversions to Christianity or studies made in western matters were made in Goa after 1780, turning the territory into a symbol of European meddling in the East.
The ‘Old Ports’
“Wealth and prominence can only come to us from daring mercantile action. Castro and Rebelo have given you ships, walls, docks and guns; now go forth and bring me gold.”
-Vice-Roy Frederick to the Chamber of Commerce merchants
“Wealth and prominence can only come to us from daring mercantile action. Castro and Rebelo have given you ships, walls, docks and guns; now go forth and bring me gold.”
-Vice-Roy Frederick to the Chamber of Commerce merchants
The reclaim of Canacore, Mangalore and Calicut were included in the peace treaty, returning to Portugal three historical fortified port cities on the southwestern coast of India that had once been used to steer spice trade. The rise of the Goa state and the establishment of rival European trade companies, however, meant that the power of these cities in commerce was now very limited. Unlike expanded Goa, then, these cities were not given provincial recognition by Lisbon and were instead put directly under Goa administration under the term ‘Old Ports’ (por. Portos Velhos).
Said status meant a number of things for the three cities:
- Commercial Focus: Administration concentrated on increasing the commercial relevance of these cities through Free Trade, creating a trio of ports that guaranteed European commerce in the southwestern Indian coast;
- Military Port Work: The Luso-Goan funds and manpower went entirely into safeguarding Lusitanian law on the land through the restoration and modernization of the ports and dockyards;
- PRP Justice: Native criminals and conspirators were often exiled to Africa instead of jailed, turning the cities into manpower sources for greedy or ambitious African Vice-Roys;
- Detached Governing: While Portuguese law was imposed, assimilation was not enforced, and actual conflict-solving was left to locals unless in direct opposition to the legislation;
To develop the three ports, Frederick employed the following measures:
- Post Office Establishment: To promote communication and the issuing of stamps for mercantile purpose;
- Free Trade Legislation: Market was opened to foreign ships to increase trade movement and competition in the cities, especially in relation to surrounding Mysore lands. Gates were also opened to Mysorean goods despite war animosity;
- Commercial Legislation & Tribunal: Courthouse and assemblies were formed to encourage modern financial practices, bookkeeping and accounting;
- Dockyard & Fluvial Reconstruction: Profits and budget was set aside to improve cargo loading conditions for military and civilian purposes either through the work on docks or the construction of water breaks and minor canals;
- Agricultural & Fishing Reform: Production Company offices were opened in the Portuguese forts to design productivity plans and enforce reforms. Organized land was set aside, ships were reserved, and practices were updated to increase the cities’ food independence through farming and fishing;
Eventually the three strategic ports were used in conjunction to an effect of commercial dominance; the combination of their position, secure marine routes and Free Trade gave Goa a significant leverage over the flow of southwestern Indian goods, countering the ports of Cochin and Travancore in their own turf.
War Analysis & Lessons
The challenges of the conflict were as greater than the ones in the Luso-Maratha war as its rewards; the Luso-Mysore War was a hard-earned conquest that challenged the Lusitanian ability to remain in Asia despite the tides of powers in the area, both during war and peace, in the former with blood and the latter with sweat. It was not believed prior to the war that such a greedy territorial demand could be undertook in India, as history showed that overstretching had been in many ways the fall of the Portuguese golden age. The Kingdom of Mysore fought with an army almost four times larger yet lost twenty times more men, resulting in a humiliating war loss and punitive peace treaty that promised to rekindle conflict in the future.The war was primarily influenced by the following factors and events:
- Larger Mysorean Forces: The Kingdom of Mysore was large and strong, possessing many tens of thousands of warriors tempered by Hyder Ali’s campaigns to conquer his neighbors and reforms to counter the Europeans. A critical victory and extensive counter-invasion against Hyder was impossible from the start, severely limiting Portuguese offensive options;
- Mysorean Armed Rockets: The indirect artillery of Tipu Sultan was deadly and terrifying, curbing the advance of even the professional Bluecoats. Throughout the war Tipu successfully used the rockets to intimidate the Europeans, providing a unique angle of support to the Mysore warriors and musketeers, and prevent the Indic Army from pursuing more aggressive counter-attacks;
- Limited Invasion Width: Mysore’s war routes to Goa were limited; other than the Canacona and Sanguem routes, the Portuguese enclave was blocked off from land invasions by the Deccan Plateau’s natural barrier, which was so strong and tall that it blocked Monsoon moisture from entering central India, and the present routes themselves were either hilly, forested, river-cut or fortified, turning southern Goa into a highly defensible terrain. The aggressive war initiative, in this case that of Tipu, would therefore face severe risks regardless of training or numbers;
- Panambur Sea Catastrophe: The Battle of Panambur, where Hammer-Shark defeated a navy twice as large using superior training, daring tactics and effective cannon firing, was nothing short of a military tragedy for Hyder Ali. Without Rebelo’s attack, the Kingdom of Mysore would have retained sea superiority, blockaded Goa and not resorted to shy land tactics that compromised numerical advantage, meaning the outcome would have certainly been different without Vice-Admiral Rebelo;
- Unprecedented European Force: The three Indian brigades fighting against Mysore were a professional, veteran force with innovative leadership and training, by no means a simple colonial garrison. Their numbers and discipline were up to par with European small armies and paid heed to rank and not the Trading Companies. Coupled with the alliance with Christians radicalized by persecution and Walter Reinhardt’s North Indian mercenaries, the Indic Army was able to field a serious force that was superior in morale, training, organization and initiative to the well-equipped but weakly trained Mysore troops;
- Popular Resentment: Hyder’s persecution and Goa’s asylum resulted in weak popular support for an invasion on Goa in spite of Indo-European grievances. The terrain was thus friendlier to the Portuguese than the Mysorean Army for most of the invasion phase, allowing Castro to draw on volunteer troops and war labor while Mysorean morale remained weak;
- Professionalism Validation: The advantage in the difference in nature between professional soldiers and levied warriors was validated in the Indian theater against even greater odds than the Europeans thought possible. Thanks to organization, paid work and training, professional soldiers proved themselves more dedicated to their role, self-maintained and capable of maximizing the difference made by tactical, technological and leadership advantages, proving quality outweighed quantity many times over in India;
- Naval Reform Validation: Much like in Castro’s land battles, the sea battles conducted by ‘Hammer-Shark’ validated the Navy Ministry’s reforms in sailor training and cannon choice, incentivizing continued efforts in sea combat preparation;
- Naval Tactical Advances: Sea baiting and frontal Anti-Column tactics employed by Rebelo against the much stronger Mysore Navy were written down, showing how an organized and courageous line could disrupt and pick apart a larger naval column phase-by-phase;
- Naval Officer Debate: Rebelo, born a peasant, further challenged conventional sea officer recruitment with his victories, showing aristocrats were not the only ones fit for captaining;
- Popular Support War Labor: Annotations were made on how war labor involving volunteers and refugees was organized in Canacona for improved effect on the war’s outcome;
- Armed Rocket Warfare: Most importantly of all, the effect of a new type of indirect artillery fire was observed in several situations and samples were captured and stored by the Portuguese Army, allowing for the eventual integration of a new kind of weapon, the Armed Rockets;
- Overstretching Challenge: Goa has more-or-less succeeded in integrating a significantly large amount of land, which would embolden the Portuguese in future territorial gains in Africa and Asia, but only thanks to how Vice-Roy Frederick demonstrated it was possible;
The conflict motivated overseas expansion in other areas, where similar circumstances applied, and Portuguese ambitions had long been stale. Militarization and Liberalism therefore grew hand-in-hand, with the war industry profiting at the same time people were horrified by it.
[1] iOTL – Agpanashini River
[2] In 1775 he married Maria Amália de Carvalho e Daun, daughter of Marques Pombal and his appointment as governor of Daman and Diu was his first appointment as governor of a Portuguese colony.
[3] iOTL Mangalore Tile was only introduced to Mangalore by German missionary in 1860s, here Portuguese takeover of the Mangalore recognized the potential almost 100 years earlier.
Note:
Good morning hope everyone been enjoying the October, today we witness the second major Portuguese expansion. This follows the Portuguese-Maratha war that saw Diu and Daman size and strength increase a few years back. The increased size of Goa makes it a much larger and more powerful player on the west coast of the Indian Subcontinent. Added to this the Portuguese have received a few "old ports" that extend Portuguese power and strength into Malabar area. How will this play out in both India and through out the world? We will examine those very questions on the final installment of the Portuguese-Mysore War (1777 -1778) Comments / questions???
Please return Sunday October 21 as we finalize the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778.
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