Rebirth of an Empire "O Renascimento de um Império" v2.0

Another Great update let s see how the war will progress and what territories will we capture from the French, Cant hardly wait for the next update.
 
The significance of Joseph’s arrival was certainly marked by the ongoing American Revolution. Brazil, much like the Thirteen Colonies, was home to adventurers, conquerors, radicals, criminals and free spirits that fled Portugal’s aristocracy, autocracy and oligarchy in search for wider plains of cattle, gold and sugar. Critics of Joseph, or Portuguese sovereignty as a whole, commented the visit as vain, false and a political maneuver of little significance for Brazil’s future and that tax, conscription and overreaching would return just as Joseph II renovated Pombal’s government. These feelings were inflamed by the status quo breaching that was the American Revolution as a whole continued, inspiring some Brazilians to follow its example for their own good.

It would be interesting to know if Joseph II will try to coopt leading planters, miners, industrialists and merchants in a nobility, and if he will try to do so elsewhere in the empire, including coopting local native elites.

Present figures included the new Patriarch of Brazil, Atlantic Army representatives and Jesuit Order revivalists under the protection of Brazilian state law

Was the Society of Jesus reestablished in Brazil? If so, then how did the landowners reacted to this?

In Rio de Janeiro King Joseph went out into the streets and met many of the city’s residents much to the joy and excitement of the city’s residents and began the current tradition of second coronation ceremony, where Portuguese kings would be crowned Kings of Brazil.

Will coronations happens elsewhere in the Empire?
 
It would be interesting to know if Joseph II will try to coopt leading planters, miners, industrialists and merchants in a nobility, and if he will try to do so elsewhere in the empire, including coopting local native elites.

At this point the Portuguese head of state would not be wise to risk dictate severe administrative changes, especially in major far off territories, and the Vice-Roys are at this point picked by the Navy & Colonial Affairs Ministry, which manages policy and top personell. It does not, however, try to deal directly with informal and formal leaders in colonies as there is a registered history in the Pombaline Era ITTL of major rebellions against the government when it tries to usurp power structures within its own demography. Even the PRP knows better than mess with the politicians. Josephine Portugal wishes to detach itself from Brazilian headaches and bounce its energy off it, not waste resources forcing them into complete cohesion.

Joseph II is also significantly young, one of the youngest monarchs in the timeline, comparable to Sebastian the Desired, and he has not proven himself capable. Joseph II is simply not impressive enough to do that sort of thing on his own accord. He also does not have the experience to antagonise him against Brazilian power figures.

Brazilian states and their organisation, as well as Joseph II's involvement in it, will, however, be adressed in one of the first sections of the ministry work. Native rights are another matter but will eventually be shown.

Was the Society of Jesus reestablished in Brazil? If so, then how did the landowners reacted to this?

It depended immensely on region, political context and how entrenched the Jesuits already were territory-to-territory. ITTL Rio de Janeiro and southern states have benefitted a lot from cooperative agreements like the MAD but in northern states Jesuits were seen as incoming allies, especially the more convertible natives and slaves there were. All in all, however, the exile in itself is inconsequential to Brazilians. They are more concerned with local matters and they see the Jesuit refugees as just another migrant wave, albeit one that strongly bolstered the clergy. The Jesuits also were not empowered to take land, especially as they were blacklisted by Joseph I and his Vice-Roys, so it's not like they were a credible threat to land owners.

There's also the sponsored introduction of rival religious orders who accepted to work together with the crown, like the Carmelites, who moved into Brazil around the same time. It's not enough to offset the radicalisation of resentment towards Lisbon, but it's definitely a game changer compared to IOTL.

Will coronations happens elsewhere in the Empire?

Not at this point. Not only are there travel issues, but Brazil will be the only territory uplifted to a kingdom and collective of oversea states.
 
Rebirth of an Empire (Part 2 of 2)

Lusitania

Donor
Rebirth of the Empire (Part 2 of 2)

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On 31 March 1777, Joseph II’s reign over Portugal began, ending the age of the Reformer and beginning the age of the Great. It was not immediately, however, that Joseph II earned such nickname, or even entirely in the timespan covered until the end of the century. The 1780s and 1790s, however, would be a period of brute, intense toil on a global scale organized and bolstered by the institutions formed and reformed in the fires of the 1760s and 1770s Pombaline forges.


The aged Marquis of Pombal was still holding the reigns of the nation, but his grip weakened with the passing day in favor to that of meek King Joseph II. The Prime Minister would have but a few years to prepare king and country to his absence and found little comfort in leaving the monarch behind to face the ghouls and snakes of society and politics. The renewed industry promised healthy influxes of cash and prestige, but the looming threat of war with Spaniards, Dutch and French threatened the empire at every waking moment.

It was also a time of deep change thanks to the American Revolution, something the Marquis would not be able to guide Joseph II in. All he could hope to do was serve as example and perhaps name a few trustworthy minds to leave behind in ministry to advise the king. Little did the old PM realize, however, that Joseph II’s inexperienced nervousness hid an ambition even greater than that of the Marquis himself.

The 1770s were ending and, with it, the Pombaline era. The Josephine era was about to begin.

Earthquake - Final Reconstructions

As a result of the earthquake, the National Palace of Ribeira, which served as the official residence of the King and as house to much of the cultural treasure collected by John V the Magnanimous, was left in ruins. During the reconstruction phases, the late King Joseph I refused to take residence in the salvaged ruins of the Palace due to the phobia he developed of masonry buildings.

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Destruction of the Ribeira National Palace during the 1755 Earthquake

The King then lived in the tent refuge complex for the remainder of his life. When his grandson King Joseph II ascended to the throne, however, and Portugal’s financial situation stabilized itself with its new revenues, Prime Minister Pombal convinced the young King to finance the construction of a new Palace. Pombal feared that the King’s youth would be seen as a sign of weakness by both foreign and native aristocrats. Moreover, Joseph II was partially responsible for the Order of Christ Conspiracy busting, which could give rise to dangerous intrigue in the court by whatever noble still owned secret loyalty to the old status quo. The Prime Minister was convinced that, if the King was able to create a monument to his authority funded by the rewards of Pombal’s reforms, Joseph’s authority and Pombal’s credibility in the court would be secured once and for all.

In 1774 the Portuguese government under Pombal had started planning and designing the new Royal Palace to be built in Ajuda at the current location of the large tent pavilion that the Portuguese court and His Late Majesty Joseph I had resided since the Lisbon Earthquake of 1755 as part of Lisbon’s reconstruction plan. In 1782 the first of four phases was complete and the Royal family along with the court moved from the tent pavilion to the palace. The last of the remaining three phases was finally completed by 1812, just as the Peninsular War ended.

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Royal Palace of Ajuda
Royal Residence of the Portuguese Monarchy since 1782

In 1779 Dom Joseph II granted all political prisoners amnesty and released them from prison. Several former noble families chose to immigrate to Brazil rather than stay in Portugal; these were the nobles who had opposed the Marquis of Pombal. Their titles and land along with their possessions had been confiscated by the government when they were imprisoned. They arrived in Brazil, however, to discover their return to power barred by liberal legislation in southern states.

In 1782, to consolidate the power of the second pillar of the Pombaline Revolution, the Portuguese Catholic Church, renovations were made on the Lisbon See to rebuild it as a cathedral for the metropolitan Patriarchy. The first ceremony held there was the reception in the country to Princess Charlotte, who had married in Canterbury with Joseph II.

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Cathedral of Lisbon Patriarchy

The completion of these two buildings marked the long-awaited ending to Lisbon’s reconstruction. The painstaking process had endured for decades but supplied the country with a wealth of experience that would benefit the rest of the territory. Even as the Royal Palace awaited completion, the streets were finally clean, the dust was finally off the air and confidence blossomed in the city as people moved once again into Lisbon.


Note:
Hope everyone is enjoying the unbridged Portuguese History we have been able to provide you. This could not of been possible without the sacrifice of the brave individuals who risked their lives to provide all readers with the information. As the country welcomed a new king it was time to finalize the rebuilding of the capital and turn a new page. We have provided the readers with an introduction to some of the new principle players and how they planed on reshaping the country and abandon the last reminders of the country's great challenge. Rebuilding the capital in a new splendor, a reflection of the hope that people had for the country. Comments / questions???


Please return Sunday July 15 as we start part 1 of 2 of the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - Manufactory Revolution & General Theory of Productivity".
 
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) - Manufactory Revolution & ‘General Theory of Productivity’ (1 of 2)

Lusitania

Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (cont)

Manufactory Revolution & ‘General Theory of Productivity’
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The last years of the 1770s brought together the efforts of twenty years of tireless reforms and investments from both the government and the new commercial institutions in the form of Portugal’s pre-industrialization. Even if actual technological advancements were limited, as Portugal lacked the resources for intense prototype creation, the manufactory sector had to all effects suffered a revolution in the previous decades. The processes of extraction and manufactured goods construction had been organized, associated, documented and supplied with everything they needed, allowing pre-industrial commerce to take the metropolis by storm.

Economic growth was slowly accelerating due to this gradual mechanization and concentration of efforts. The coronation of Joseph II coincided with the long-awaited paying off of countless loans and investments made in the previous reign, resulting in unexpectedly high and stable revenues that brought confidence and ambition to the capital.

More importantly, this mounted an historical precedent of rapid change of nature of an entire nation’s economy over the course of only a few years. Coupled with the documentation of these efforts, the establishment of legal deposits in universities and the formalization of population censuses, a wealth of knowledge had been accumulated and stored on Portugal’s sudden burst of growth. That same wealth would allow for a retrospective on the Pombaline Revolution and the writing of one of the most important economical documents of the age, the ‘General Theory of Productivity’.

Theory Background

The ‘de Pinto’ family consisted of a Sephardic lineage of Portuguese origin who had resided in the Netherlands for many generations. Born in 1717 in ‘The Hague’, a Dutch city with a seat in its government and approximately 35,000 inhabitants during his lifetime, Isaac ‘de Pinto’ was the latest prominent member of the family, having made a career as a merchant, banker, investor, scholar and philosopher. Through financial support to Stadtholder William IV of Orange against the French and in favor of the Dutch East Indies Company, Isaac focused his efforts to promote further Jewish commercial emancipation by pulling favors from William IV and studying National Debt.

His career would peak in 1750, when Prince William appointed him as president of the DEIC. Things would take a turn for the worse in 1761, however, when he and his brother Aaron, after a series of loans to the British government, would go bankrupt. Isaac had his house sold and moved to Paris, where he would meet several prominent names such as the Duke of Bedford and Denis Diderot.

Meanwhile, from 1763 onwards, Aaron Lopez, a Luso-American Jewish merchant, became Minister of Health & Agriculture in Portugal and adopted a secretary-focused stance to his matters of government, focusing on recruiting specialized minds to the many fields under his jurisdiction. This included crypto-Jews in Portugal and Jewish descendants overseas and the rest of Europe. His background of prominent plutocrat in Northeastern colonial US had gained him a wealth of experience and contacts which he employed in Europe to quickly establish a web of information. Amongst his contacts was another member of the ‘de Pinto’ family, Joseph Aaron.

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Joseph Aaron de Pinto
1732-1801
Art Auctioneer and Economic Theorist
Main author of the ‘General Theory of Productivity’

Also born in ‘The Hague’, Joseph Aaron dedicated his life to performing services to the Portuguese Jew community in the Netherlands, acquiring many works of art for their synagogues. He became a contact of Aaron Lopez in 1765, when the Minister arranged for him the acquisition of art heritages from Portuguese crypto-Jews to take to the Netherlands. Around this time, the university, industrial and financial institution expansion programs were underway in the Iberian country and Aaron Lopez used Joseph as well as other contacts to recruit skilled men to many sectors of the economy, education and market in Portugal.

It was in this context that Joseph convinced Isaac, who was in dire financial need, to move to Coimbra to work as a university teacher. Under the protection of Minister Aaron, who was gradually building up a faction of philo-semites to protect himself politically, the two ‘de Pintos’ settled rather comfortably and discretely, pursuing new careers of education and commerce.

As the 1770s rolled in, Joseph Aaron witnessed the events of the OOC conspiracy and the signing of the Tagus Declaration, which curbed ecclesiastic power in the country in favor of a more tolerant and shy national church. This was an event of significance to all Jews settled in the kingdom, as they had been persecuted and betrayed due to the old Church’s politics for many centuries. Joseph Aaron sought to use this as an opportunity to express himself in the country and obtain a higher status of recognition and decided to compile an argument in favor of the Jewish’s community contribution to the local economy with the financial advice of Isaac.

Joseph and Isaac, however, found themselves with more to work on than they imagined. The news of oversea victories in India, the solidification of power in the Chambers of Commerce and the signing of anti-job-restriction legislation brought strange currents of fresh air which deviated their attention and the plethora of observations made on the Portuguese economy and demography stored in the Universities convinced Aaron to instead compile a study on the transformation the national economy suffered in such a short period of time.

This, too, of course, was politically motivated, as Joseph Aaron wished to prove how the new, more liberalized economy was highly beneficial to Portugal and how the Pombaline Cabinet reforms should never be rolled back.

General Theory of Productivity

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‘General Theory of Productivity’ (1910 cover)

Departing from Quesnay’s studies on the idea of ‘Productivity’, this book sought to take the French Economist’s physiocracy ideas from solely agriculture and into manufactured goods and financial institutions as well. According to Quesnay, agriculture was the only source of true national wealth or productivity as it was the only continuously renewable raw material but, according to Isaac and Joseph, manufactured goods, which resulted from the application of industrial resources into raw materials, and financial institutions, which efficiently translated the value of said wealth and productivity, could be regarded as ‘production’ through certain well-conceived paradigms.

Using data on Censuses and Legal Deposits, Joseph and Isaac mathematically demonstrated the correlation between Portugal’s organized industrialization and its return to moderate wealth and prominence. Joseph also made historical arguments, citing the more relatively rapid industrialization of Lisbon as opposed to Paris and Madrid as the result of ‘industrial organization’ based on observations made on more advanced countries such as Britain.

Most importantly of all, ‘General Theory of Productivity’ sought to build a primitive, pre-Keynesian idea of ‘National Production’ as a point of power, interest and wealth, something that was only possible during this time due to the country’s particular style of bureaucracy and administrative observations. It was still impossible to make a full case in favor it, however, as that would require full mechanized industrialization and mass production that would not arrive for decades, but the changes on a national scale observed over the course of two decades in the particular case of Pombaline Portugal were so obvious that Joseph had little trouble delineating a basic mold for ‘Productivity’ to further his points.

According to them, manufactory productivity in the country had the following effects:
  • Replacement/Reform of Taxation: The controlled and profitable production had allowed for commerce focused on a wealth that Portugal could not generate without Brazil earlier, causing several obsolete or inefficient tax methods to be terminated, reformed or replaced. The new perspective on taxes allowed, in turn, for the opening of windows to a more just society;
  • Immigration Attraction Correlation: ‘De Pinto’ connected the first dots between the labor market and population increase. Using the Pombaline Censuses data, he argued that the more industrialized spots had suffered the highest non-PRP immigration (not that De Pinto was aware of what the PRP, a seemingly innocent migration registry office, truly did), as the starving masses of Europe were infatuated with good economies and just laws;
  • Manufactory Organization Impact: Using street charts and financial reports, Joseph argued that smart organization of manufactory sectors according to resources, geography, transportation and demography had a direct impact on its medium-to-long term productivity;
  • Power Projection from Liberal Productivity: Citing historical, scientific and ideological arguments, ‘General Theory of Productivity’ also made the case that organization and freedom made citizens more productive, that a more productive citizen resulted in stronger communities and that stronger communities contributed to a more powerful country regardless of size. The work quality of a population therefore had as much importance as the same population’s quantity and there was then a direct correlation between a country’s production and a country’s standing amongst others;
  • Primitive Mathematical Productivity: With Isaac’s help, Joseph Aaron also devised basic tools for productivity calculation based on the numbers possible to register at the time, arguing towards the importance of their use (and the continued development of them) to reform administration;
  • Breakdown of the ‘True Wealth’: Joseph argued against Physiocracy by claiming that ‘wealth’ could also be represented in a pure form by the total amount of manufactory productivity, the total amount of service (in this time Aaron merely meant all work with no physical output which was mostly contained in the universe of bureaucracy) and total amount of claimed untapped resources, all of which, together with agriculture, formed a group of separate sectors that could be summed up into the country’s True Wealth;
Joseph Aaron’s work was highly motivated by his desire to further the goals of the Jewish and mercantile communities, as made obvious in the historical cases he makes about pre-Manueline[1] Lisbon or even First Dynasty Portugal as places of booming commerce, shipyard industry and relative enlightenment in a mostly autocratic and roughish Iberian ambiance. He argued for a return of the country to national production in detriment to reckless colonization as well as an intensification of reforms on labor, economy and education.

Finally, the study argued for continued reforms on financial and ideological sectors, such as the institutionalization of central banking and lifting of restrictions on commerce, technology and labor. It was therefore a capitalist document which believed any contemporary government control was counter-productive.
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[1] One of Portugal’s saddest and economically devastating chapters was the expulsion of thousands of Jews from Portugal. The expulsion would herald the subsequent growth of the Dutch republic and strengthening the Ottoman Empire economy, the two primary beneficiaries of Portuguese Jewish expulsion.

Note:
Good evening, today we provide part 1 of a very important Physiological 18th century document. But of a greater importance is the growing returning of the Portuguese Jewish heritage. While Pinto only represented a small percentage of Jewish descendants who fled Portugal in the 16th century it was an growing important trend. One that would assist the Portuguese in the coming decades. Comments / questions???

Please return Sunday July 29 as we conclude part 2 of 2 of the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - Manufactory Revolution & General Theory of Productivity".
 
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Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) - Manufactory Revolution & ‘General Theory of Productivity’ (2 of 2)

Lusitania

Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (Cont.)

Manufactory Revolution & ‘General Theory of Productivity’ (2 of 2)

Publication

“Who would have imagined that the secret to success was hard work?”
-Navy Minister Castro, mocking the conclusions of the ‘General Theory of Productivity’

Joseph Aaron’s study was signed and published in 1774 after almost 10 years of observations, studies and theorizing. It did not sell well but it spread relatively quickly to colleges and libraries, where Duke John of Braganza was funding the reprinting of books. It was therefore the students that went on to work in bureaucracy and magistracy, and not the masses, who would popularize Joseph and Isaac’s work.

These students, largely aristocrats and burghers, once in a position of leadership, booking or advice, would go on to apply Joseph’s theories and demonstrate his work, especially in the areas of land enclosure and manufactory district delimitation. ‘GTP’ lacked a true scientific analysis of how to measure production factors, but the primitive theory alone acted as validation for ‘smart’ work.

That same validation would then attract the attention of government, which saw in the document a tool to bolster its reforms. In 1777, Duke John funded the publication of the book to many other universities and learning centers and awarded the ‘de Pinto’ for their services with pensions and higher positions in teaching. In 1778, Minister Ratton founded the Order of Economists to classify and promote the work and studies of people like Isaac de Pinto.[1]

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Economists Order Heraldry

The impact of the book, however, would go far beyond this. It formed a framework for labor and industry planning that, once applied to the various ministries, would define the development of the country’s economy and infrastructure for the following fifty years. Its observations on productivity denounced early mistakes of the Pombaline period, pointed out important realizations and delineated methodologies and stances on how to promote production with Portugal’s small population.

The sheer bolstering effect of the study, however, was most important; the book’s theories on the relation between a country’s power and its population size demonstrated that there was yet much untapped potential to dig up should well-thought plans be made towards it. It validated and motivated projects of intense urban development, using historical cases of England and the Netherlands to demonstrate how to best make use of limited space and workforce. It also attached names and calculus to a lot of the country’s economic demons, such as its harsh terrain and stubborn culture, which was a first step in guiding the country out of its lingering chains from the pre-Pombaline period.

Pre-Industrial Revolution in Portugal
The book was merely a consequence; a product of a transformation that was already slowly occurring. While its contribution to the intensification of said transformation is undeniable, the true fruit to behold was the rise of productivity.”
Historia da Mudança da Relacão entre Portugal e Brazil durante of Seculo XVIII[2] - Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen, Viscount of Porto Seguro

For all the benefits that putting a name to a phenomenon could have, the phenomenon itself is unchanged and ongoing.

The country in the 1760s to the 1790s was, as already stated, burning hot with transformation. The technological limitations of the age, however, radically limited automatization. Steam technology was still stuck in Thomas Newconen’s 1712 model, meaning mechanization of power was still commercially unviable for Portugal, but a different doctrine was rising in its industrial sector to compensate; productivity management. If machines were not an option to optimize quality production, owners then had to organize and intensify manual labor itself to remain competitive in the Lusitanian markets.

Land Enclosure was an excellent example of this and the study to optimize agricultural production was so intense in Portugal that its agricultural ‘revolution’ would fold over itself numerous times in this period, first with the introduction of enclosure in itself, then with the late Pombaline reforms that would compromise it with private property,[3] later with further mechanization and finally with the contemporary advances in terrain development technology (which included navigation in rivers, land reclamation in beaches and irrigation in land). Many believed this was possible to apply in manufactory, which had suffered severe displacement in the Lisbon industrial areas thanks to the Earthquake’s destruction and investment thanks to Anglo-Luso friendship treaties, Hispanic-Luso peace treaties and infrastructural expansions.

Conditions were set for a strong surge of manufactory expansion in Metropolitan territory and, later on, non-Brazilian colonies.

Joseph II’s reign would therefore be one of intense and focused work towards industrialization and urbanization, using the guidelines of the ‘General Theory of Productivity’ to motivate and enhance its projects. The Metropolitan economy would see its most turbulent years yet, as great infrastructure works such as the Royal Roads, river navigation canals, banks and shipyards would be completed and capitalized on. ‘General Theory of Productivity’ continued to be published and worked on, being used to teach new generations about entrepreneurship until more modern economic ideas would overtake it in the 19th century.

Unemployment & The Manufactory System

The theorization of organized labor also changed the perception of ‘employment’ in the Portuguese market. The introduction of a pace of industrialization that allowed for investors to more effectively contribute to the development of communities, combined with the surveying of census, created, as already stated, a pre-industrial revolution that was actively monitored. This resulted in unemployment becoming a more visible factor as government entities and investors more closely observed the rate of urbanization in certain towns all while communities were relying less and less on agriculture for personal subsistence to pursue manufacturing.

These preoccupations would affect politics from 1777 onwards, especially as immigration policies were decided. Moreover, the centralization of manufactories without the restrictions of urban guilds allowed the new organized production method to supersede the 17th century ‘Put-Out’ system, as well-equipped and trained workshops became more efficient and cheaper in long term than domestic production. This led to the rise of ‘The Manufactory System’, a short-lived precursor to ‘The Factory System’ that served as a stepping stone for Portuguese urbanization.

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The Manufactory System

The workshops lacked complex machinery but were organized so as to be more efficient than domestic production

‘The Manufactory System’, however, was only at peak efficiency for as long as it consumed unemployed workers, or, in other words, as it carried out the pre-industrial revolution, bringing in domestic producers to organized and funded workplaces. This meant that investment relied heavily on there being available unemployment, so the new censuses were expanded to carry out as much information on existing employment as possible and what kind of it.

This formed the first major argument for the creation of a Ministry or Secretary of Labor in the Cabinet, but lack of understanding of macroeconomic figures at the time prevented such political development. The Manufactory System remained dominant throughout the Late Pombaline Period, employing people and attracting investment at a risky and inefficient pace.

[1] iOTL the Order of Economists was only established in Portugal over 200 years later in 1998. The establishment of the order in the 1780s would lead to a significant advantage to the Portuguese Empire as trained Economists would lead many government departments both on the national level but more importantly on the state level. This in turn allowed for a greater economic development on both the micro and macro level.

[2] History of the change in the relationship between Portugal and Brazil during the XVIII century.

[3] See Rebirth of an Empire 1799-1799, section: Last Years of Pombal (1777-1782), Ministry of Health & Agriculture.

Note:
Good evening, today we provide part 2 of a very important Physiological 18th century document. Which provided the impetus for the continued professionalism in the Empire and one that would go on an enhance the growth of the country.. Comments / questions???

Please return Sunday August 12 as we start the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778.
 
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It sounds like Portugal is going to form a bit of a tall empire with tightly organized manufacturing hubs doted around Africa and Asia that'll serves as conduits for goods beyond the control or exploration of Portuguese settlers.
 
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) - Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (1 of 6)

Lusitania

Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (Cont.)

Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (1 of 6)

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The first conflict between Goa and the Mysorean Kingdom was a sign of passing times for the status quo of both the colonies, the Navy and the Indian Princes; bravery was demonstrated, so was discipline, but, most of all, the first in a series of native defeats that would prove the rising power of western navies and turn the subcontinent into a European cake.
-Teotónio R. de Souza, Portuguese Historian

The situation of the Portuguese territories in India at the dawn of Joseph II’s coronation was one of commercial and political resurgence. The New Conquests of Goa and the restoration of political power and freedom as a result of both the Tagus Declaration and the Last Roman Assembly had refilled local morale and allowed investment to return to Goa, where iron mining was growing and ports were expanding. The domestic power of the territory had also grown, with Luso-Indians enjoying representation delegates in Lisbon to protect their interests.

War reconstruction and territorial adaptation had been taken place since 1774, when the Treaty of Satari was signed. Reforms in administration allowed the new areas of Goa to specialize their development, putting aside border territory to be fortified and allowing central areas around the Mandovi River to flourish commercially. During this period, commerce with Narayan Rao’s Maratha domains was extremely important; Goa was enjoying a phase of particularly strong friendship with the Peshwa due to the events of the Luso-Maratha War of 1774, increasing its position as the preferred European-Maratha trading spot to a new apex.

The Vice-Roy of Goa was still none other than the military leader of that war, Count Castro.

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Manuel de Saldanha de Albuquerque e Castro
1712-1779
Count of Ega, Tagus Signer
47th Vice-Roy of Portuguese India 1758 – 1768, 1770 -1779

A decisive man in the most recent years of the colony, Castro was adored for his military, diplomatic and administrative accomplishments. He was hailed by many residents as single-handedly responsible for Goa’s survival and resurgence, as well as for the popularization of enlightened methodology and the new social-religious regime in Goa, Daman and Diu. For as long as he guarded Goa there was a sense of optimism which bolstered his political power significantly, allowing him to implement reforms and projects that would prove critical to Goa’s growth.

The settling of new burghers and workers in the Mandovi River basin coincided with the foundation of the Patriarchy of Goa, under the new Portuguese Catholic Church, at the time under the care of Patriarch Manuel, who focused his tenure in enforcing the new religious doctrines in the established churches. Under the regulations of the new See, Inquisition was forbidden, education was no longer monopolized, and Syncretism was more tolerated, creating a less strict but more wide-approaching presence of Christianity in the territory. The combat against heresy was thus weakened, but the reach of missionaries and their ability to convert was increased, something that led to a rebirth of prominence of Goan Clergy.

Thus, that settling was greatly affected by the expansion of religious conversion. Taking advantage of the migrations, churches began to offer asylum to impoverished workers and new city dwellers, creating new communities of lax Christians that formed the foundation of the new urban workforces. There was also the intake of African denizens brought by Mozambican ships, which formed a third ethnic community in Goa. The black population in the region had risen to almost 10% during this period and it often found more comfort in churches than Hindu temples.

However, it was the presence of new schools that created the most striking impact. In 1777, there was a new generation of children that had a higher percentage of speaking Portuguese than the previous one. The adoption of Portuguese names also increased with this tendency. Within three years the city had changed significantly, but not enough time for a striking cultural morph had passed. Hinduism was still very strong in Goa, however, having culture, history and traditionalism on its side. Goa, Daman and Diu therefore underwent a silent culture war fought with education and preaching instead of inquisition. The living stand growth of Christian or Portuguese-speaking communities formed the strongest weapon in favor of the administration.

This boiling pot of culture, however, as well as the growing militarization of Lusitanian colonies, would eventually spill and singe the hand of nearby powers.

By 1776, with the establishment of the new Patriarchy, Christian communities in Goa were in a state of transformation and intense movement. Motivated by a desire to affirm itself to the Prelate in Lisbon as well as ensure its safety and power in India, the patriarchy and its churches worked around the clock to renovate institutions and reform missionary work. This often meant sending converted natives abroad to sovereign Indian territories to foment religious propaganda.

In the meantime, the growth of Goa’s military and navy was visible. Not only were border fortifications significantly bolstered, but by 1775 three fully active professional brigades (Goa, Diu and Daman) of 4,800 men each inhabited the territories under the leadership of the Indic Army, with other forces positioned in Mozambique, East Timor and Macau also slowly forming. The number of frigates patrolling and enforcing Portuguese law was also visibly growing, with the first new 3rd Rate Ships-of-the-Line arriving in Panjim as soon as 1777. While these were the last reinforcements Goa would receive from the capital before the Anglo-Dutch wars broke out, the militarization of Portugal’s presence in India as well as its lack of reliance on Sepoys was clear to everyone.

While still too small a threat, Goa was now a tough nut to crack. It was growing richer, too.

Kingdom of Mysore

The powerful and historic Indian Kingdom of Mysore laid to the south of Goa, and its situation and friendship had been important to the Portuguese colony for centuries. Throughout the 18th Century, the Kingdom of Mysore enjoyed growth thanks to a delicate political game of alliances and expansions, though at periods it had been subordinate to the Mughal Empire. The decline of the Mughals and the rise of Marathas changed dynamics for Mysore, however, forcing it to juggle politics between the two powers, though usually favoring the Islamic Mughals over the Hindu Marathas despite the common religion.

In the 1760s, another important development shaped Mysorean politics; the battle of Wandiwash. The defeat of the French by the British spelled the end of French colonial ambitions in the subcontinent and the affirmation of the Isles as the primary European Power in South India. Combined with the decline of the Marathas by 1761, Hyder Ali, leader of Mysore, captured the kingdom of Kelandi, defeated several neighboring rulers, invaded Malabar to the south and seized Calicut to the north, causing Mysorean borders and powers to increase significantly and turning it into the main native force of Southern India.

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Hyder (Haider) Ali
1720-1782
Sultan of Mysore and military innovator

The resulting clash of powers between the two main forces of the region would trigger none other than the Anglo-Mysore War in 1767, which resulted in a curbing of Haider’s meteoric rise. A Maratha invasion followed in 1770, further injuring the kingdom, and salt was rubbed on the wound when the British refused to help Haider Ali despite their peace treaty conditions. Haider’s resentment of Europeans grew further, something that would also affect his son, Tipu Sultan, the ‘Tiger of Mysore’.

Setting
Accompanying the rise of Goa’s growth was the return of Mysore to conquest and prestige. The events of the Luso-Maratha conflicts caused a political turmoil in the Maratha holdings that did not go unnoticed, with the young Narayan Rao assuming power after defeating his uncle’s conspiracy thanks to an alliance with Vice-Roy Castro of Goa. The new Maratha realm’s political status was shaky, however, and unprepared for Mysorean revanchist counter attack in 1777, when Hyder Ali recovered the territories of Coorg and Malabar it lost to Narayan’s predecessor after the battle of Saunshi, where he defeated the Marathas and captured a number of Narayan’s family members acting as military leaders, including Padurang Rao.

These events were highly alarming for Goa, which was allied to Narayan Rao, especially as Mysore’s holding expansions now gradually approached Goa’s southern borders. Vice-Roy Castro called the Brigades to prepare for future conflict and funded Mariner exercising but ordered the civil institutions to proceed as normal in spite the approaching threat.

Tensions between Goa and Mysore, however, went beyond the Luso-Maratha friendship. Enticed by anti-European resentment, Hyder Ali had become angry with the large number of Indian converts along its border with Goa. Between 1774 and 1777, the Mysorean armies and citizens reported the movement of many new missionaries from the European enclave inciting the poor populace of northern Mysore to either convert or find labor and education in Panjim, where schools and businesses were opening. This was obviously an intolerable subversion of Mysorean authority, gradual as the conversion was. To worsen matters, the increase in size of Goa’s naval squadron posed a significant threat to Mysorean coasts, as the power of the enclave to assert itself was growing.

Missionaries were then viewed as agents of the Portuguese government. In 1776, Hyder Ali issued orders to expel all Portuguese Missionaries from northern Mysore. Later that year it was discovered that villages were harboring missionaries, so a military sweep was ordered to uproot dissidence. In 1777, enticed by missionaries and PRP/SIMP agents, the converts along the border rose up in rebellion against Mysore, arming themselves with smuggled weapons and demanding to be left alone. Hyder Ali sent his son Tipu Sultan along with 20,000 soldiers to put down the rebellion and to expel the Portuguese from India.

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Orange: Kingdom of Mysore (1777)
Green: Portuguese Goa (1777)

The news of the approaching army sent dozens of converts and hundreds of their non-converted family members from the border area into Goa’s new southern districts, where fortifications had been ongoing since 1774. With the rebels effectively expelled, the armed forces settled north of Mangalore to pacify the area and ensure Mysorean borders were respected.

Note:
Good evening, today we return to the Indian Subcontinent and witness the next phase in Portuguese India's struggle against both British Indian Company and the various Indian countries. Special note to those not familiar with the Indian Subcontinent in 1777 the British East India Company while powerful was not in full control of the sub-continent and various factions viewing for power and control. The Portuguese and Mysoreans were just two of those. This is part 1 of 6 in the Portuguese - Mysorean interactions. Comments / questions???

Please return Sunday August 26 as we continue the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778.
 
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Lusitania

Donor
K thx for the great update!

Thank you for all your support we greatly appreaciate it. As we stated when we started to post the 2nd book we have written over 300 pages but do not want to repeat the issue of long gap between posting so we changed the posting schedule. We post about 4-7 pages every two weeks. The current section “Portuguese - Mysore war is over 40 pages. That is why it will be posted in 6 posts. Hope you all enjoy.

See signature for a list of TLs currently being posted.

PS. We are looking for budding writers who can contribute to this TL. We have a companion TL for narrative stories that we are hopping will have contributions from fans. We Love some fans to write in their families in the growing TL. Do not worry if your writing skill not the best. We can help and all stories submitted will be linked to main TL. We might even include your idea, story into the main TL. That is what happen with Archangel who won a contest we ran a few months ago and his ancestors have been enshrined into the TL and will appear in future post.

To check out the current narrative posts
See signature for link.
 
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Is it still augsut 26?/ Are we going to see a expansion of portugues african holding in morrco or anywhere else? and are we now see the fa east territortys taht ahve been neglected modezine like the rest of the empire
 
Is it still augsut 26?/ Are we going to see a expansion of portugues african holding in morrco or anywhere else? and are we now see the fa east territortys taht ahve been neglected modezine like the rest of the empire

The current priorities of the government bodies are to engage commercial and ideological war, not a direct territorial one. While the cabinet is ambitious, the current head of state is very young and seen as a frail leader while the 'de facto' leader, the Marquis of Pombal, is an aging dictator that was never hyper about being the proactive party of a war. I'm afraid you will need to follow the work done throughout this period to see what options will become available to the various internal factions, like the king, the vice-roys and the ministers. This does not mean, however, that retaliation will not be the response to foreign aggression towards Joseph II's possessions.

Moreover, while the FE territories are underdeveloped even in this TL, there is no surefire way yet for this cabinet to guarantee high development efficiency in those lands. Hopefully the situation will improve in the future.
 
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Lusitania

Donor
k and is the update still on august 26
Yes we will be updating the TL on a regular basis every two weeks. I do ask for people to be patient since my work requires that I travel across US and Europe so updates are done every 2nd Sunday but actual posting of it may appear the next day depending on forum server time.
 
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) - Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (2 of 6)

Lusitania

Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (Cont.)

Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (2 of 6)

War Outbreak

The resulting situation was one of high tension in the southern Goan border, with approximately 3,000 refugees to offer asylum to and a settled Mysorean army of 20,000 not but 100km south of Goa. Many revolted youths amongst these refugees joined the fortification efforts or auxiliary military units, but most people were routed to the basin where economic circumstances were more resilient. Sending them back was not an option, as Castro predicted this would result in instant war declaration.

Negotiations with the British office in Bombay began to work on a plan of action against Mysore, as the British were also concerned about their aggression and it was becoming increasingly clear the Sultan did not intend to stop at rebel dispersion. The British and Portuguese believed Mysore would turn its guns to their territories once the minor Indian kingdoms were fully annexed and the Maratha threat was blocked for good. Political pressure within Goa to act was also increasing, with the Clergy demanding that the southern border be re-opened and the merchants clamoring for the securement of their assets.

Castro decided to take a bold step; he ordered the Goan naval squadrons to patrol waters despite the recent reports of growing naval power in Mysore and moved the local brigades to the Canacona district in the southern border, to send the message to the Mysorean Prince that Goa was ready to defend itself. In the meantime, steps were taken to lessen the impact of the migrations by encouraging churches and residents to offer asylum and the impending invasion threat was used to motivate workers to volunteer to fortification building. Castro did not expect to be able to face Mysore in open combat by himself, but with Narayan Rao’s armies recently injured and embarrassed by Mysore, he had little choice.

In the meantime, messages were sent to Narayan Rao with formal requests for assistance, citing Portugal’s role in Maratha’s stabilization as well as the Peshwa’s expressed gratitude. The Maratha Confederacy, however, had its hands full with the damage caused to it by Mysore and the ongoing preoccupations with the British office in Bombay, whose rivalry with British Calcutta was threatening to trigger a conflict with the young ruler.

Castro agreed to then sign a treaty of war supply with the Peshwa, asking for gunpowder, weaponry and munitions, in return of backing the peace between Mysore and Pune. In the 1777 treaty of Panjim, Portugal agreed to recognize the new Mysore-Maratha borders, oppose Bombay ambitions in the Deccan Plateau and extend its recognition of Narayan’s rule in exchange for lowered commercial tariffs, war supply, Maratha naval convoying of Portuguese citizens and Maratha funding of road construction in Northern Goa.[1]

This further exacerbated Mysorean poor regards for the Panjim office, which was now predicted to soon fully ally itself with Pune against the Hindu-Islamic kingdom of Hyder Ali. With casus belli formed, Hyder ordered his son Tipu to begin operations against the Portuguese enclave. By December 1777, the border situation was clearly hostile to the civilians and a Mysorean invasion of Goa was ordered.

The First Siege of Canacona

On 10 March 1778, Tipu Sultan arrived along Goa’s border and began his scorched earth attack. On 15th of March, his forces crossed the border and headed the fortified border town of Canacona, which was fortified so as to watch over the Talpona River. In the meantime, the Mysorean Navy was ordered to skirmish with the Portuguese Navy in preparation for a bigger attack, as their awareness of the actual size of the enemy squadron was limited.

It was along the Talpona River that the most important phases of the early conflict would occur, as it formed the passage between Goa’s southern hills that would allow Tipu to smoothly march past them. Three Portuguese brigades had amassed in the region 14,400 professional soldiers plus over 2,000 spread out volunteer and conscripted citizens and refugees. As in previous conflicts, Portuguese cavalry was limited but its infantry organization was superior to the enemy’s. Castro directed the operations from the rear, expecting to make use of the three brigades to attack the larger Mysorean force from multiple angles without compromising integrity.

Tipu, however, was wary of Portuguese stratagems as he knew the terrain well and read of their tactics against the Maratha, using rivers, slopes and mountain ranges to limit enemy action and attack sweet spots. Having just crossed the Galgibaga River, Tipu felt his forces already positioned between two water courses and knew the Portuguese planned a tactical trap in that area, most likely coming from northeast or Canacona itself. Tipu therefore opted to position himself in the southern bank of the river, send a message to his father to ask reinforcements and bombard the Portuguese from a safe distance.

The ‘Battle of Canacona’

Headquartered on the northern bank of the river, Vice-Roy Castro directed the operations of the three Brigades and the Canacona garrison, the latter which positioned itself defensively in the fortified, forested area of the Talpona River’s northern bank. The fame of the young Mysorean Prince, who was instructed in the art of war by the French and showed promise and a taste for innovation as he accompanied his father to Mysore’s most recent invasions,[2] was known to Castro, as any self-respecting Vice-Roy in India needed to be aware of the native powers that be. His prediction was that the youth was wittier than most gave him credit to and that he would not fall to the typical terrain trap. Castro therefore intended to bet on the enemy leader’s lack of experience.

With the assistance of his skilled Brigadier Generals, Castro ordered the detachment of most of the artillery squadrons from the Diu and Daman Brigades to the Goa Brigade, which positioned itself in the northern bank by the village of Delem, from where his heavy pieces could target the Maratha besiegers. He then assigned most cavalry squadrons he had at his disposal to Diu and Damn and ordered them to move eastwards as they arrived on scene to prepare for a rapid interference maneuver.

From Tipu Sultan’s perspective, the garrison and the Goa Brigade, totaling in almost 6,000 men packed with considerable artillery and positioned across the defensible spots of Canacona, formed a believable defense line for a European power, as most encounters with the British also numbered in only a few thousands. It was believed by the young Prince that the spread-out enclaves of the European kingdoms made it impossible for them to focus more than a few thousand soldiers in India, which, even to militarized Goa, was to a large extent true.

Bombardment of Canacore’s garrison by Tipu began on 2nd of February at 10:34, initiating the battle. Tipu’s strategy consisted of squeezing the Portuguese into committing themselves into a careless attack by harassing their weaker troops and city with cannon shots and rocket fire. He would then maneuver his forces to pinch and overwhelm the Europeans. Expectations for infantry clash were favorable to Tipu; not only he held numeric superiority, but both he and his father were staunch believers of military technology, often importing armament and combat manuals from the French to counter British aggression and smash weaker neighbors.

Tipu ordered the immediate issue of a siege to the double-layered star fort from the east side of the city to minimize the risk of naval cannon fire on his troops. Indian cannons were lined up and fired at the Portuguese walls, but the multi-sheeted star fortifications resisted valiantly. By the end of the day the Indian forces manages to breech a hole on the outer 3rd o’clock Bastion, which faced the road to the Talpona River Bridge and Tipu Sultan immediately began organizing an assault force. To further increase the odds of said force’s success, Tipu Sultan brought in his ace in the hole.

It was in this assault that the Portuguese found themselves facing for the first time Tipu Sultan’s secret weapon; the Mysorean Rockets. Bayonet regiments in bastions adjacent to the breached one had been ordered by their officers to gather by the opening to open fire on any charging Indians Tipu would throw at them, to buy time for the garrison in the damaged bastion to fall back to innermost defenses. The officers hoped to minimize losses, maximize the enemy charge’s attrition and perhaps with some luck even repel the attack.

As soon as the garrison organized itself, however, Armed Rockets were fired from behind Sultan’s lines and over the Portuguese bastions like sky fire, crashing on the defenders and preventing them from organizing further cannon firing rounds on the Indians. At one point the chaos and destruction spread by the Rockets on top of the adjacent bastions became so that the leading Portuguese officers considered ordering those regiments to surrender the outer layer and fall back as well.

Due to the Talpona River, it was nearly impossible for the Goa Brigade to successfully bait Tipu with a frontal counter-bombardment, which was why Castro positioned the Goa Brigade further inland to force the Mysorean army to spread its attention and heavy fire to a broader area. The ultimate result was that Tipu’s right flank was forced to face north to counter-fire Portuguese bombardment. By 13:00, frustrations had increased significantly; the fortifications in Canacona were taking reduced damage and the Goa Brigade’s artillery was beginning to compromise the right flank’s integrity.

Correctly concluding that the Goa Brigade was by far his biggest problem on the field, but incorrectly deducing the reason, Tipu reformulated his plan; taking advantage of the apparently defensive tactic, Tipu would order his shock troops to cross the river’s bridge while suppressing the Brigade’s fire, overwhelm the garrison in the west, maneuver north and take on the Goa Brigade from two directions with overwhelming fire, numbers and position power.

Just as the right flank was ordered into attack mode and moved towards the bridge, however, the Goa Brigade revealed its true purpose as a distraction; Castro signaled the Daman and Diu Brigades which, with approximately 10,000 men, move in from the east and attacked the Mysorean flank just as it exposed itself.

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Siege of Canacona

Light Green: Fortified Canacona & Garrison
Dark Green: Indic Brigades & Maneuvering
Red: Mysore Besiegers
Orange: Main Roads

The Portuguese infantry of the Indic Army brigades consisted mostly of men professionally trained under the doctrine of Lippe’s army reforms, but also tempered by the wars with Raghunath Rao, where they had to face fearsome Maratha warriors armed with comparable technology with nothing but rapid maneuvering and courageous attacks. The Daman and Diu Brigades were therefore able to position themselves to the east of the southern banks outside scout detection and quickly move in an organized fashion when signals were given, allowing them to strike full force the Mysorean infantry as it move in towards the bridge.

The sudden tripling of the enemy forces was alarming enough, but the musket fire and cavalry charge that struck the shock troops by the Daman Brigade was enough to lock, scramble and force the surprised Mysoreans on the defensive. In the meantime the Diu Brigade, positioned further south, fired at the main core of Tipu’s forces to prevent it from organizing a counter marching effectively. The first few minutes of aggressive pressure alone were enough to startle the army into a state of disorganized movement.

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Mysorean Right Flank is shattered and routed, but Tipu’s remaining army faces Castro

The Goa and Daman Brigades rapidly made their move to capsule the approximately 5,000 men the Tipu had committed to his assault, defeating them in combat and saving the Canacona garrison from being overwhelmed by a siege breach. The battle was not over, however, as Tipu relentlessly reorganized his divisions so as to face the Portuguese frontally by turning his core forces towards Diu as Daman and Goa focused on the doomed shock troops.

Thanks to Tipu’s rapid thinking and leadership, the Portuguese were unable to break the rest of the Mysorean army which now assumed position and defended its line so as to give time for their left flank, artillery and Armed Rockets to reorganize as well.

It was at this point that the battle of Canacona turned most intense, with musket lines facing each other frontally and the Goa Brigade in movement frenzy to cross the river safely and reinforce the struggling Diu and Daman. The Portuguese Cavalry Squadrons made the decisive move of pursuing the routing right flank to bait the stronger Mysorean cavalry to the river bank, where they would cause the least damage. Despite Mysore’s overwhelming cavalry superiority, however, they were unable to defeat the Portuguese cavalry in time, which bravely held them in place with cold steel while the Goan infantry battalions made their move across the river.

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Daman Brigade Cavalry Squadron clashes with Mysorean horses
The clash was ineffective in itself, but vital for the eventual outcome

At 14:03, the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Goan Battalions rushed to firing range and peppered the Mysorean Cavalry before facing them with squared bayonet. Faced with braced steel and disciplined fire, the Mysore horses were defeated through bloody fight. The falling back of Mysore’s cavalry caused its remaining forces to withdraw further into themselves so as to not compromise integrity. The battle reached a stalemate with Tipu’s divisions holding their ground but unable to break through the Portuguese triple brigade lock. Facing fire from two different directions, not willing to turn the rockets away from the fortress firing at him, unable to press advantages and with his numeric superiority shattered by the loss of its cavalry and assault forces, Tipu ran out of options; while his army could still fight, it could no longer press an invasion and could face a serious defeat if the struggle prolonged itself and, worse yet, lose his big guns to the Europeans.

Ordering with great reluctance for his artillery to provide cover fire, Tipu ordered a tactical retreat to salvage his forces and regroup south of the Goan border with Mysore, in Karwar.

Regrouping, Preparations and Developments

The defeat of the Mysorean Army at Canacona forced Tipu Sultan and his father to readdress the war situation with Goa, as a frontal attack at its southern border proved itself very costly. Defenses and manpower proved themselves stronger than expected and the European soldiers’ professionalism won the day for Portugal. Even the armed rockets failed to win the day, but the biggest mistake had been of Tipu, who failed to understand the true intent in Castro’s forces positioning and did not expect an aggressive initiative from the less mobile and less numerous Portuguese when in superior defensive location. It was now believed the Portuguese would mount a counter invasion unless the Prince organized reinforcements and defended the northern Mysore border.

In Goa and Canacona, the mood fluctuated between nervousness and celebration, as the troops had proven themselves superior and victorious, but it was well understood the Kingdom of Mysore was far from beaten. The looming threat of Mysore’s navy was also pending on the people’s minds, as despite the recent increase in warships and mariners the balance of sea power was still tipped in native favor.

As 1778 progressed, negotiations with the Vice-Roy of Mozambique, the British offices in India and the Peshwa of Pune continued. The intent was to organize an expedition of allied reinforcements to secure the safety of Canacona and allow a counter attack at land and sea. The victory of Canacona was important to motivate the Vice-Roy and Peshwa Narayan to supply Goa with reinforcements and supplies, but the British in Bombay insisted in staying out of the conflict due to their animosity with Narayan. The prospect of Mozambican reinforcements arriving in time, moreover, was slim.

In April 1778, the Sofala Squadron of six 3rd rate Frigates arrived in Panjim and conjoined with the local Portuguese Navy to form a counter-Mysore fighting fleet of approximately 20 warships. This force was put under the leadership of the soon-to-be-famous Rear Admiral Rebelo, the man known as the mentor of the future Admiral ‘Marquis of Nisa’ and the nigh-uncontrollable Vice-Admiral William ‘Piranha’ Távora.

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[1] Following the signing of the treaty with Peshwa several of Portuguese India’s largest merchants began flying Maratha banners to avoid detection by Mysorean fleets. This later was copied by some of the Portuguese warships who used Maratha banners to spy on and ambush the Mysorean ports and ships.
[2] iOTL at this point in time the Maratha, Mysore and British East India Company were all involved in the 1st Anglo-Maratha War. iTTL the failure of Raghunath Rao’s coup delayed the war till 1780.



Note:
Good evening, today we continue with Portuguese actions in the Indian Subcontinent and witness Portuguese India's struggle against Mysore. Special note to those not familiar with the Indian Subcontinent in 1777 the British East India Company while powerful was not in full control of the sub-continent and various factions viewing for power and control. The Portuguese and Mysoreans were just two of those. This is part 2 of 6 in the Portuguese - Mysorean interactions. Comments / questions???

Please return Sunday September 9 as we continue the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778.
 
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