Rebirth of an Empire "O Renascimento de um Império" v2.0

Lusitania

Donor
Now for slavery to be eradicated not only in Metropolitan Portugal but throughout the Portuguese Empire circumstances like those that existed in Northern US states would need to exist. For example New York only outlawed slavery in the 1820s so the Portuguese have a very good chance of accomplishing this. So I pose the question to the readers what conditions would need to exist in the rest of the Portuguese Empire for slavery to be eradicated? Will it be Empire wide or only in specific parts? Let us see if anyone will be able to guess how things actually worked out.

I guess a new taxable base? Slaves don't pay taxes after all and money's kinda tight.
Also reducing the power of Plantation owners who are basically the nobility of the colonies.

These conditions might also help:
  • A widespread moral outrage against slavery among the educated classes (and among the common citizen, to avoid any rabble rousing);
  • industrial development/methods that renders slavery economically unproductive;
  • A switch from large land properties in the colonies for small farms to long established colonists, or to new colonists;
  • Several sources of colonists, that provide a cheap workforce for industries, or a demand for farms.

I know it was a while that these posts were posted and I apologize for not responding to them earlier but now we can respond properly. The Abolition of Slavery movement is happening in not only in Metropolitan Portugal but has also planted its roots in Brazil decades before it happened in the USA.

So as a prize to both Sceonn and Archangel we offer to include one of your great great great relatives in the TL. We believe some of the administrators, ship captains or army commanders were related to you we just need you to identify them and their role.
 

Lusitania

Donor
Note:
Due to length of several sections in Pombaline Cabinet(1762 - 1777) we wanted to make an announcement regarding posting schedule. We will be moving to scheduled updates to the TL.

Starting today we will be posting twice a week on Sundays and Thursdays. Each post will be of approximately 5 pages in length.

 
Rebirth of Empire (Part 1 of 2) - Pombaline Cabinet (1762 -1777) - Prime Minister (2 of 2)

Lusitania

Donor
Rebirth of the Empire (Part 1 of 2) (cont)
Pombaline Cabinet (1762 - 1777) (Cont)

Prime Ministry

Provincial Resettlement Program & National Intelligence

We know of you, we’ll find you, we’ll arrest you and we’ll send you and your family to the other side of the globe. Once mere agents of state bureaucracy and transport, now the only thing that distinguishes us from a national spy network is the fact we don’t ‘technically’ have a license to kill. The coldness in our blood, as we empty entire communities to populate other territories, is only matched by the importance we had in reshaping the very face of the empire.
XXXXXXXXXXXXXX, Fourth head of the PRP


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PRP Badge

A true agent of demographical imperialism, international foul play and demonic diplomacy, the Provincial Resettlement Program (por. Programa de Repovoamento Provincial) was originally created at the climax of the Lisbon reconstruction in 1763 to deal with the many workers involved in it that had come from many parts of the empire as well as the war refugees from the Spanish invasion of the same year (see Fantastic War). The purpose was to create a new bureaucratic system that could not only process the information of all these migrants and refugees but also assign them both on paper and physically to a new land.

The PRP, in its birth, consisted then of a simple headquarter in Lisbon comprised of office clerks, membered merchants and secretaries that had a direct access to the Pombaline Census, police reports and even some documents of the newly formed SIMP (por.
Sistema de Informações da Monarquia Portuguesa), the Portuguese intelligence service established around the same time as a direct consequence of the ‘Távora Affair’.

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SIMP Heraldry
Headed by the Secretary of Intelligence directly reporting to the King, Prime Minister, Navy Minister and Army Minister, the SIMP was formed by the Count of Oeiras to establish a new intelligence agency in the kingdom to protect it against future conspiracies such as the ‘Távora Affair’ and combat corruption. It recruited, trained and assigned diplomats and spies to domestic and abroad positions to collect information on potential enemies and events of interest. Their actual operational role was rather limited; they were not allowed to carry out assassination missions, for example, for fear of international incidents and overstepping.

This passive nature caused their role to eventually become secondary to that of the PRP, which was formed to move people around based on collected information. As a result, between the years of 1764 and 1774, stressed by the ongoing demands for colonial relocation and empowered by the growing navy, the nature of the PRP took a darker, more directly involved turn that would change the reach of the state’s hand forever.

In 1769, as a direct consequence of the many ambitious reforms carried out by the various members of the Pombaline Cabinet, the desire to alter the colonies’ racial makeup gained appeal in the government. It was believed that more balanced demographics would allow for increased efficiency of the Oversea State theory, smoothing of social tensions and the energizing of the Production Companies set up by Pombal in Portugal’s many colonies. Moreover, approximately two thousand RVR troops were instructed to settle down in the Cisplatina region following the Undeclared War with the intent of strengthening the region as well as Portugal’s claim to it, and so needed a proper bureaucratic support to fulfill these objectives effectively.

The PRP was then reformed to gain offices in the various colonies as well as a number of cooperation contracts with the army, navy, Chambers of Commerce and production companies to guarantee them the necessary tools for widespread operations. An authentic secret force of organized agents supplied with weaponry, horses and transportation clearances was formed under its power to allow the PRP to enforce its resettlement orders on the people.

An important early example of the PRP’s work was its management of worker circulation during the 1760s labor shortage. As the Portuguese industry developed itself and as territory expanded in India, East Asia and Africa, the subjugated populations and tribes that accepted Portuguese control were required to provide a specific number of laborers on a yearly basis. Typically, these workers would stay in the local Portuguese colony but in the 1760s and 1770s, when the biggest demand for labor was overseas and the empire’s desire to move people around grew, the need for a good labor traffic system increased dramatically, a role fulfilled by the PRP which documented, transported and assigned the hundreds, sometimes thousands, of laborers collected by Goa, Luanda, Macau and Dili.

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Group of Asian and African workers transported by the PRP to Faro

However, the PRP did more than move colonial natives around; it wasn’t long before the idea of involving European workers in this smuggling gained impetus as well. In 1765, Finance Minister Rattan had passed a series of reforms on patent legislation that lead to Pombal establishing a procurement department in all the major Portuguese Embassies throughout Europe with the object of investigating and securing new industrial and technological ideas for Portugal. An effort was also made to use these new contact points as gateways for immigration propaganda. Said effort would not gain momentum for another ten years mostly in part to the unremarkable reputation Portugal had as source of work and new life for expatriates.

The PRP was tasked with not only sending out ‘recruitment’ agents to European communities such as the Irish and the Polish in, respectively, Great Britain and Prussia, but also process them fully as registered civilians in metropolitan territory, often with an assigned region to settle in (over which the immigrant had little choice in the matter).

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PRP Visa given to ’recruited’ immigrants

Known for the increasing shadiness of their methods, the PRP would be responsible over the decades for the uprooting and forced settlement of thousands of native families, prisoners, state enemies and coerced immigrants. At the peak of their power during the Napoleonic Wars, the PRP could be very well compared to an informal secret police with a finger in every possible pie in not only the Portuguese Empire, but in the embassy of Spanish, British and French capitals as well as in the major cities of their future Prussian allies.

Its role in outraging the citizens into constitutionalist thinking in the 1800s and 1810s would be determinant for the birth of the ‘Citizen Chart’ that revived the old ‘Cortes’ as the Portuguese Parliament’, but the PRP would also be mostly remember for its massive part in balancing colonial demographics throughout the empire. By the end of the 1800s, most African and Asian territories had more in common with Brazil in terms of racial composition than their original form in large part due to the generations of non-native families established in these lands decades before by the PRP agents.

The 1764 London Treaty a.k.a. the New Methuen Agreement

The Count of Oeiras’s first term had done much in terms of taking Portuguese commerce and production back into Portuguese hands by giving the merchants better tools to combat their British counterparts with. In combination with the steep industrial development powered by Jacques Rattan’s measures and investments, the Pombaline Cabinet’s efforts had tipped the balance of market dominance in Portuguese territories from a major foreign control into a strong national core of plutocrats.

This helped improve the Portuguese economy immensely, but had also antagonized many British merchants who found Portuguese markets much harder to penetrate, especially as Adam Smith’s Free Trade theories took the Isles by storm. British interests ultimately revolved around commercial interests more than traditional friendship; this was a lot more due to sake of self-preservation than any possible smudge of dishonor Europeans typically accused them of as the British were dependent on having an overpowered economy to fund the Royal Navy and keep their islands safe from invasion. They could not afford to let even the smallest market front unattended.

Between 1755 and 1765, the popularity of the Portuguese government in the British parliament had faced a gradual decline. Joseph I’s repeated symbolic breaches of the Methuen Treaty combined with the increasing number of cases of British failure in the Douro Valley, rising wine prices, loss of warehouses and the increasing competition from the Portuguese in the textile industry sector put the British PM who sought to maintain the healthy economic link stable. The Távora Affair had intensified matters as news of the Portuguese Prime Minister’s shady and overdramatic investigation and the subsequent execution of many prominent nobles reached London. British concerns over Portuguese ambitions began worrying them immensely.

The slight market changes contributed a great deal towards developing this semi-crisis by raising British concerns further. The increase of quality and distinction in Portuguese vineyards as opposed to a lesser number of bottles put out per year lead to an increase of British demand for it despite a decrease in supply, causing prices to go up. The rise in Douro wine prices was accompanied by a decline in British textile profits, reversing the wealth flow once created by the old Methuen treaty. British wool was free to enter Portuguese ports and supply the new industries and thus remained mostly unaffected, in some cases even growing in profits as the Brits had more sheep than the Lusitanians, but the manufactured British cloth was selling increasingly less.

A balsam to the situation revealed itself in the Fantastic War when Portugal accepted assistance and leadership of George III’s military envoy, the Count of Lippe. The joint military operation was a stunning success and helped quell Pombal’s fears of British intentions in Brazil, not to mention that it allowed for an opportunity of redemption for the Távora Affair by assuring the British Portugal had its wits about it by modestly accepting British stardom for the war. The treaty of Paris of 1763 was another high point in Anglo-Luso relations, as the British accepted to support Portugal’s request for war reparation with their own force of arms, lest the Spanish refuse to pay it, in return for a large part of the war loot.

Still, by 1763, even with the ongoing Undeclared War still open in the South American front and the British East India Company’s increasing pressure to assist the Portuguese on it so as to open up the La Plata market, tensions were still somewhat sore between the English merchants and Lusitanian Commercial Companies and, quite strangely, the Letter Road and Royal Road projects. The overbearing commerce and production overseers had spread to Brazil, further asphyxiating British attempts to profit in South America, and the smuggling of goods into the Portuguese Empire was on steady decline as Portuguese product quality increased and police activity efficiency hit a new record.


In January 1764, growing frustrations in the La Plata front following the Cevallos expedition convinced Pombal he needed to ensure continued British support in the war against the Spanish while the Thirteen Colonies’ issue was still somewhat under control. Animosities inspired by him in British emissaries had become clear, however, so Pombal realized an extraordinary compromise was need to guarantee British assistance.

The 1760s and 1770s were a time of gradual commercial policy change in Portugal. The neo-mercantilism favored by Pombal in the 1750s was growing more obsolete the more capable the Portuguese plutocrat class became in securing their own market and more and more ministers and statesmen believed the correct course for the country was a steady shift towards Free Trade. The Count of Oeiras was initially a fierce opponent of Free trade in Portugal but the new colonial policies the country was adopting, which favored indirect control for better productivity and cooperation, had proven him his traditional beliefs were not foolproof. The rapidly multiplying successes of Jacques Rattan in industrializing and capitalizing Portugal had also contributed to cracking Pombal’s stigma towards Free Trade as the country seemed more and more capable of taking care of itself.

It was therefore under the influence of his ministers and the national situation that Pombal decided to make his new move. He employed the new secretary of Foreign Affairs under Count of Lippe, Lord Louis Manuel, and instructed him to travel to London to present the parliament a renovation of the Methuen Agreement that had once crippled Portugal’s industrial potential.

The 1764 London Treaty, which became colloquially known as the ‘New Methuen Agreement’, was proposed by the Portuguese ambassador, Martinho de Melo e Castro in the British parliament with the objective to ensure London of Lisbon’s continued goodwill and desire to cooperate. It stressed the changing nature of Portugal’s economy to justify the need to renovate the legal agreements between the two kingdoms into a more effective and modern commercial treaty.

If approved and signed, the treaty would enforce the following points:

  • British Merchant Legal Protection: British citizens would be protected under Portuguese law from practices that could be misconstrued as mercantile harassment, asset seizing and protectionist segregation in all Portuguese territories, just as Portuguese citizens are.
  • Tariff & Supply Contract: British manufactured goods paid decreased tariffs as opposed to other foreign goods in Portuguese gateways. On the other hand, the Portuguese industries and military could also buy supplies such as coal, cannon casts and timber from British enterprises at reduced expenditure (often via purchase and price tariffs).
  • Anti-Slavery Alliance (1771 Revision): The two states would commit to cooperation in eradicating slave trade in their liberated territories through naval, military and legal action.
  • Open Market & Ports: All Portuguese markets and ports would allow British citizens in as if they were Portuguese.
The treaty essentially safeguarded the remaining British presence in Portuguese markets while guaranteeing them spot in future Portuguese acquisitions. This meant that a Portuguese conquest of Uruguay became of immense interest for the British, as it would open up the La Plata market to their East India Company, as every Portuguese port would be as if British.

It was arguable how much this made Portugal back into a satellite of the British empire as the old treaty had made; the new treaty seemed to neglect the Portuguese side of the benefits for the sake of placating London as there was no visible profit for Lisbon in most of its terms. In actuality, Portuguese profit in the new treaty was in aligning British interests with their own; by treating itself as an extension of British ambitions, the Portuguese empire promoted diplomatic, economic and military support for many of its South American and Far Eastern endeavors, where the British would benefit from there being a strong allied presence.

Moreover, the stronger mercantile culture in Portugal allowed Portuguese merchants and industrialist to compete with the British more effectively, meaning the risk of renewed British dominance through Free Trade in Portugal had reduced substantially.

The alliance against slave trade, on the other hand, obeyed recent developments in Britain in terms of its abolishment effort. The recent Liberation Decree passed by Joseph I had inspired the yet small abolitionist movements in England to follow suit and take action. Slavery did not exist in England and Wales since the 1706 John Holt ruling that ‘every Negro that entered England was free’, but actual emancipation was yet to be done. The 1770 Somerset versus Stewart case had resulted in the emancipation of thousands of Negroes held as domestic servants (possible slaves) and the ongoing political revolution in the Thirteen Colonies was motivating a lot of liberation thinking.

In 1771, following the termination of slavery in the southern Brazilian states, a revision was made to the London Treaty to include an operational agreement between the Royal Navy and the Portuguese Merchant Navy to actively seek out and destroy clandestine slave trade in the Atlantic Ocean. The anti-slavery alliance was born to combat the new wave of underground slave smuggling that had arisen as a result of Portuguese suppression of African-to-Brazilian slavery. This was the most effective weapon to enforce the abolishment as it put the power of two of the strongest navies of its time directly behind the liberation of slaves.

There were concerns regarding the treaty on both sides of it. Portuguese entities, for once, feared the British would regain their impetus in Portuguese markets and cumber national prestige and growth once again. Others worried Portuguese profits were suffering unnecessarily for the sake of a few war supplies.

The British concerns revolved mostly around the ulterior motives of the Portuguese apparent concession; William Pitt the Elder believed the Count of Oeiras sought to manipulate the British to support his goals in South America (quite rightly, so), and argued in parliament against signing the treaty. The ongoing difficulties in South America, combined with the rising tensions in the Thirteen Colonies, eventually pressured the British parliament to safeguard its economic freedom by guaranteeing profits in the La Plata region in case of the worst happening.

The new Methuen Treaty allowed the Kingdom of Portugal to further align British interests with its own at the cost of the risk of British mercantile interference in its markets. Said risk was considered a small price to pay, especially as the Portuguese plutocrat class evolved and more advance financial tools and institutions rolled in in the 1770s and 1780s.

Production Company Reform

Like it was said in the Methuen Treaty section, the 1760s were a time of economic ideology shift in Portugal from Pombaline mercantilism to limited Free Trade. The biggest tools of said Pombaline mercantilism were the commercial companies in metropolitan Portugal that sought to favor native merchants by manipulating prices, resource charts and market openings in addition to its primary goal of raising quality and quantity standards in production.

The rising strength of the Portuguese merchant class and the birth of the Chambers of Commerce, the latter which sought to fulfill the Commercial Companies’ role of protecting and training native merchants and workers while preaching Free Trade instead of Pombal’s methods, resulted in the Commercial Companies entering a visible state of progressive obsoleting. As market power statistics began showing stronger Portuguese presences in the textile market, for example, many subversive methods instilled in the 1750s began being rolled back by the companies, from the Douro Wine to the Metropolitan Mining & Quarry, to accommodate the new situation. Since there was no longer an oppressive presence of foreign warehouses and inadequate production, it was no longer as necessary to spend so much time and effort trying to suppress said situation.

As a result, by 1765, most of the Commercial Companies in Continental Portugal had all but abandoned their secondary goal, instead focusing on acting as a quality assurance and government interference entity.

Around the same time the Archipelago Act
[1] was instilled and a demand for new agricultural yield and land reforms increased dramatically. In 1773, the Azores Archipelago requested the central government to install an Agricultural Company to oversee production quality and land owning in the islands in an effort to curb the newfound power and corruption of the Azorean upper class. The Archipelago Act itself, however, defended the existence of a legislation assembly that held power over a significant degree of local market laws, preventing the traditional Commercial Company from acting as a government agent of market control and bringing to light the inadequacy of the 1750 system.

The Count of Oeiras, observing this evolution of matters, decided to formalize the new situation and reform his Commercial Companies by removing their delicate monopolies and ‘guided encouragement’ policies regarding market prices, tariffs and distribution. Instead, the new Production Companies, as they now became known, focused their resources on upholding quality methodology in production in the name of the central state. They lost many of their powers but in turn gained a more modern role to play.

Under the guidance of the new Minister of Agriculture & Health Aaron Lopez, the new Production Companies shined by becoming tools of implementation of new farming techniques and land reform, especially in southern Portugal and Archipelago territories. Jacques Rattan also made intelligent use of them to uphold the quality of industrial raw material that fed the new manufactories in Portugal.
______________________________________________________________________________________________

[1] (see Pombaline Cabinet 1762 -1777: Ministry of Navy and Colonial Affairs section)


Note:
These are the remaining chapters of the 2nd Section in the
Rebirth of Empire (part 1 of 2) Pombaline Cabinet(1762 - 1777). The Prime Minister now alleviated of several major portfolios is dealing with empire wide issues foremost is security and placating British concerns on the renewal of Portugal. Portugal was just taking baby steps in its reforms and continued to need British protection in order for its reforms to take root. Comments / questions???.

Please return Thursday March 23 as we introduce the first Pombaline Cabinet minister the Minister of Science and Education. Included in the post will also be several of the first chapters.
 
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About Treaty of London, why emancipation so early? After all, it's the time when slavery is allowed in British Empire ( and will be for next 60 years ), when anti-slavery movement was still weak, so why make youreself a lot of problems, especially in Brazil, but in other colonies too?

It doesen't seem as prudent policy to me... Humane yes, but smart- no.
 
Best chapter so far!!!!

We know of you, we’ll find you, we’ll arrest you and we’ll send you and your family to the other side of the globe. Once mere agents of state bureaucracy and transport, now the only thing that distinguishes us from a national spy network is the fact we don’t ‘technically’ have a license to kill. The coldness in our blood, as we empty entire communities to populate other territories, is only matched by the importance we had in reshaping the very face of the empire.

This is aweasome! I'm simultaneously scared and laughing my ass off. x'D

Just a few years ago people here in Portugal were complaining about the government "forcing" them to emigrate because of the crisis, but having an entire secret police exclusively dedicated to demographic resettlement is something on a whole different level.
 
The mixed population across Portuguese Colonies ensures a greater entrenching of the Portuguese language, culture and identity. Looking forward to how the global Lusophonic identity developed TTL as well as how large it gets.

Latching onto the British draft was a particularly cunning move.
 
Wondering how this will affect Portugal; I, too, Joao97, was smiling and a little afraid at that quote.

The detail is amazing...
 
If slavery is curtailed sooner than OTL in a major actor then it might have demographic influence on Brazil and the places in Africa where they sourced them.

Moreover, this policy of forced displacements might homogeneize the Portuguese Empire, thereby ensuring a greater cohesion, or alternatively ensure populations are angry enough to try to pull a revolt.
 

Lusitania

Donor
About Treaty of London, why emancipation so early? After all, it's the time when slavery is allowed in British Empire ( and will be for next 60 years ), when anti-slavery movement was still weak, so why make youreself a lot of problems, especially in Brazil, but in other colonies too?

It doesen't seem as prudent policy to me... Humane yes, but smart- no.

If slavery is curtailed sooner than OTL in a major actor then it might have demographic influence on Brazil and the places in Africa where they sourced them.

IOTL Portugal did outlaw slavery both in Metropolitan Portugal and in Portuguese India during Pombal tenure. It also outlawed slavery of all mixed race "mulato" people everywhere. Here the same applies the difference is the emergence of industrialized southern Brazil and increased imigration to that area leading to the state of Rio choosing to outlaw slavery in 1771. The treaty of London was amended in 1771 to include an agreement to work towards outlawing slavery in their respective territories. In 1772 slavery would also be outlawed in British isles (same iOTL). By the time the British finally outlawed slavery in the British empire except British east India company at the start of the 19th century Portugal was way ahead including all of Portuguese territories in India and Asia. While in Africa slavery had been severely curtailed and any remains slave trade was done in secret. In Brazil, only the northern states still practiced slavery.

We will detail the changes in Guinea, Angola and Mozambique in great detail but it took many years (decades) for changes to occur.
 
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Lusitania

Donor
Best chapter so far!!!!



This is aweasome! I'm simultaneously scared and laughing my ass off. x'D

Just a few years ago people here in Portugal were complaining about the government "forcing" them to emigrate because of the crisis, but having an entire secret police exclusively dedicated to demographic resettlement is something on a whole different level.

The mixed population across Portuguese Colonies ensures a greater entrenching of the Portuguese language, culture and identity. Looking forward to how the global Lusophonic identity developed TTL as well as how large it gets.

Latching onto the British draft was a particularly cunning move.

Wondering how this will affect Portugal; I, too, Joao97, was smiling and a little afraid at that quote.

The detail is amazing...

Moreover, this policy of forced displacements might homogeneize the Portuguese Empire, thereby ensuring a greater cohesion, or alternatively ensure populations are angry enough to try to pull a revolt.

After the last incident with my account being hacked security measures were increased to prevent unauthorized access by government officials. Still I received an email earlier today and will quote part of it.

".... the imperial government of Portugal strongly denies any of the alleged slanderous statements in the PRP post. All information on PRP actions is still classified any discussion on this topic is strictly prohibited without prior written authorization of the Ministry of Interior."

It seems we upset some government officials again in posting this chapter but we will strive to provide a complete and unbiased history of the Portuguese people. We unfortunately were not able to get complete details of the PRP operations or even the officials involved. That information was not even available to our source. We must understand that the role of PRP is still sensitive today more that 200 years after its founding.

Information is at times difficult to get but you are right that demographic of every Portuguese empire province on all continents was effected by it and its successor programs.

PS I want to give credit to the co-author of the TL Thrudgelmir2333 for the excellent writing. I just hope he is ok since I have not heard from him in while.
 
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Lusitania

Donor
This is a sign that religious discrimination is gone,:) since he was a Portuguese Jew.

Pombal's position in Portugal caused him great problems in getting qualified Portuguese staff especially in the first cabinet. All of his cabinet were either foreigners, naturalized Portuguese or Portuguese who had lived outside of Portugal. Religion was never a consideration.

As for Jews, new Christians and the Catholic Church we have a whole section spanning several decades to post but first we need to get through a few more government officials and their departments.
 
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Rebirth of Empire (Part 1 of 2) - Pombaline Cabinet (1762 -1777) - Minister of Science & Education (1 of 3)

Lusitania

Donor
Rebirth of the Empire (Part 1 of 2) (cont)
Pombaline Cabinet (1762 - 1777) (Cont)


Ministry of Science & Education ( 1 of 3)

“Let he who’s granted this mantle oversee the production of educated minds by Portugal, as well as the furthering of academic and scientific interest for the benefit of the nation. God shall not enlighten him, for it is the duty of Man to pursue knowledge. His enemy shall be ‘ignorance’ and his weapon shall be the ‘book’.”

-King Joseph I, proclaiming the new reformed Ministry of Science & Education

Ever since the times of King Alphonse I, education in Portugal was handled by the clergy. Princes, knights, merchants and bureaucrats were raised in schools with religious teachers or spiritual undertones, more often than not more preoccupied with moral matters than scientific ones. This was mostly the product of feudal circumstances. Priests, Jesuits and nuns were traditionally the most studious of all classes, as well as the ones held the most in high moral standards. The positions of teaching were, thus, more easily and trustingly handled by them than the other social estates.

With the passing of time, the clergy’s grip on education only strengthened and some sorts of cultural monopolies were even gained by Orders established in Portugal. The Jesuit order was the perfect example of this; once an important driver of territorial colonization and pacification, it gained an uncontested role in Luso-Brazilian expansion and upbringing. As demonstrated by Portugal’s lack of scientific inclination, however, this resulted in emphasizing moral education over logical one. It was more important to teach the people to be god-fearing and decent than to read, write and count.

Portugal was home to one of the oldest universities in Europe, the university in Coimbra, and while it had played an extremely important role in advancing the minds of Portuguese Kings, intellectuals and politicians, it was a semi-exception to the stagnant rule. Originally located in Lisbon, the Papal Bull which legitimized its establishment allowed it to teach most subject with the notable exception of theology, but social conflicts of the time forced the university to move up to Coimbra, where the Monastery of Santa Cruz was located. Though it shifted locations between the capital and Coimbra several times, it still established itself as a place of scientific pursuit in a country of Christian fundamentalism.

The lonesomeness of its role, however, probably casted the shadows of ignorance in the country even more strongly; Coimbra was a place of science, foreign teachers and doctorates, but still a singular place of pure knowledge in a large kingdom of cultural and educational static. No matter how many men and women of intellectual girth it graduated, it did not compare itself to the sea of illiteracy which filled Continental Portugal and Brazil.

The Jesuit control over Portuguese education was not to last, however. During the late 1750s, following the attempted murder of Joseph I, the Jesuit Order was declared an enemy of the crown and ruthlessly persecuted by the state both in Lisbon and Rio. This meant that countless schools that littered the empire were, all of a sudden, emptied of teachers that had served them for centuries. If education was stiff with the help of the Jesuit Order, it was now in a state of complete free fall throughout most of Brazil.

Education was truly the greatest failure of Pombal’s magistracy. His merciless pursuit of his political enemies, coupled with his focus on commercial and business matter while head of the state, had led to an educational catastrophe throughout the empire that would result in an entire generation of citizens growing up even more ignorant than their peasant fathers. Though the political landscape was now open for reform that would correct and overcome said widespread lack of knowledge, it still did not change the fact that the Prime Minister had doomed tens of thousands to intellectual backwardness by not having a proper replacement plan in store before expelling the Jesuits.

The first member of the Pombaline Cabinet, the new Minister of Education, would arrive in January 1763 to face a country in an educational crisis.


The Duke of Lafões
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Duke John Charles of Braganza Sousa and Ligne
(por. João Carlos de Bragança Sousa e Ligne)
1719-1801
Duke of ‘Lafões’, Marquis of ‘Arronches’, Count of ‘Miranda do Corvo’
Minister of Science and Education (1763 – 1789)

Son of Michael of Braganza and grandson of the late King Peter II, Duke John was born in Lisbon as a direct descendent of the Royal Line, ensuring his aristocratic caste, a personal connection to Joseph I, a not-to-close right to the throne and a not-to-tight sympathy among the remaining aristocratic families in the kingdom, marking his political position as a rather flexible one.
A wise writer and second heir to his line’s main title, he took part in the Seven Years War as an expeditionary officer under the Army of Austria and was born to a house eight hundred years older than Portugal itself. The death of his older brother made him the heir to the full patrimony of his parents and sibling, causing his aristocratic power to peak. He studied humanities and philosophy as a youth together with his late older brother and later on engrossed in the University of Coimbra and the College of Saint Peter where he would learn the Canonical Law. His uncle, the late king John V, intended for him an ecclesiastic career and groomed the Duke since young for that path, but the succession problem that would arise with the death of his older brother barred the church for him.
The religious life the Magnanimous had intended for him was not consensual; the Duke highly resented the monastic education and fate he was subjected through and did his best to break ties with the church, spending much of his adult life trying to convince the King to allow him to pursue the noble arts rather than the clerical ones.
The rise of his cousin Joseph to the throne brought him little avail as it also meant the dictatorship of the Marquis of Pombal, of which intentions the Duke was highly suspicious of. Even so, while in London, he had been elected a member of the Royal Society and had been a keen observer of the educational and knowledge disparities between England and Portugal.

In 1761, following his older brother’s death, John would see his inheritance denied by his cousin who, under the influence of Pombal, suspended the title of Duke of Lafões indefinitely. The Count of Oeiras was wary of John becoming too powerful a court figure to control and had convinced the King to curtail his social advances. This, however, prompted John to leave for England, where he would stay for the entirety of the Fantastic War.

In December 1762, the Duke received a letter from his cousin, King Joseph I of Portugal, inviting him back to Lisbon for Christmas, where the Duke would arrive on the 23rd. Once there, he was offered a spot on the new cabinet King Joseph I was attempting to form, where he could work together with the King for the betterment of the country.

Surprisingly, the Duke refused. Stating his deep-seated animosities with Prime Minister Melo, Duke John turned the offer down on the grounds that he distrusted the Count of Oeiras for having conspired to prevent his ascension to Dukedom. The precedent set by the Távora Affair did not boost his mood to be under Pombal’s watch and the Duke even made preparations to leave for London once again.
Fate would turn the tide on the Duke’s opinion the very last day before his departure, however, when King Joseph I offered him the full title and inheritance as the rightful Duke of Lafões should John devote his talent to the office. On January 5th, 1763, Duke John was announced as the new Minister of Science and Education.
[1]
John Sousa was a remarkable figure in the cabinet, being both the highest ranking one in terms of aristocratic title and the most academically recognized. His attitude was fiercely independent, something aided by the needlessness to work with the other sectors of the state to see his objectives through. Unlike the Count of Lippe, who frequently had to balance his affairs with the future Navy and Overseas Minister, Castro, Duke John had few people to answer to other than Pombal and the King.
This made him a major thorn on Pombal’s side, who often felt he did not fully control his own Secretary of Education. Duke John was even known to frequently ridicule Pombal’s obsessions along with the Count of Lippe, with which he often had contests of wit regarding who could better mock the flaws in the PM’s reforms. Moreover, the Duke outclassed the Count of Oeiras both in nobility and finesse, capable of handling the problems in his reforms in far more pacific and smooth manners and enjoying much more popularity with the lords of Portugal.
He did, however, enjoy a favorable comradeship with the remainder of the new cabinet. Not only did he share a personal taste for belittling the Prime Minister with Count William, but the Duke was also known to engage Louis Verney in philosophical conversations regarding issues of state, church and knowledge. Jacome Ratton, the Finance Minister, would often go out his own way to help finance the Duke’s enterprises and state projects, feeling the contribution he made to the skilled workforces of the nation had more to do with his own work than most believed. Navy Minister Castro, on the other hand, was rather indifferent to the eldest member of the cabinet, not having had shared much work with him before the reforms on sailor training he passed. Even so, the Duke of Lafões would score enough points with most major figures of Pombal’s cabinet to become perhaps the second most important figure in government, holding enough sway with the entire cabinet to contradict Pombal’s points whenever he felt the Prime Minister was overlooking an important factor.
Said popularity with the cabinet surely was, indeed, matched only with the one he had with the court.

In fact, such popularity he had that the addition of Duke John to the cabinet lived on to be one of the first steps of reconciliation between the King and his lesser nobles. Known for his friendship with several members of the court and disdain for the handling of the Távora Affair, many believed Duke John would prove an important figure in limiting Pombal’s social rampage and reform lunacy. In actuality, Duke John’s gravitas proved vital in attracting aristocratic allies for the Prime Minister, instead of singling him out. The new Dukes of Aveiro, for example, were appointed from within the old, executed Duke’s family tree by Pombal on John’s recommendation, which secured important votes of trust with the aristocrats without jeopardizing the Prime Minister’s interests.
His power to convince dukes and counts to form alliances with plutocrats and the state also played an important role. Many nobles influenced by him who previously had detested and worked against the reforms began investing in many of the business ventures and industries. In many cases these nobles were able to secure business ventures, industries and fortunes that were otherwise in danger and even surpass the profit their previous estates had been able to provide.
In the end, Duke John’s interests laid primarily in legitimizing the dukedom he felt to be his birthright. He saw in the post an opportunity to prove he earned his deceased brother’s title and was never a strong ally of Pombal in personal matters. The efforts he made to improve the Government’s reputation and Pombal’s power in court were motivated mostly by his own interests and pursuits, both scientific and social ones.

This did not mean the Duke was unwilling to work together with the recently appointed Count of Oeiras. Despite his personal goals, his desire to modernize Portuguese institutions was honest, lest they fall even more behind. Over the next forty years would use his position and the support of the government to spearhead the country's educational and scientific progress. With his help and support many nobles who personally continued to oppose Pombal came to support his reforms and work.

The new educational reforms instituted for the most part by Duke of Lafões were enormous to say the least. Faced with a nation crippled by centuries of traditional mismanagement, the Duke found a daunting task in his hands to turn things around for a people that were considered at the tail of Western Europe in literacy and technology. He could count on little help in his quest, as the Prime Minister had proven himself only capable of disaster in these matters (not to mention particularly unfriendly with him), but the desire to fully earn and bolster the prestige of his dukedom motivated him to face the beast he was ordered to slay.

Coming to his aid was a certain stretch of economic and administrative liberty; continental Portugal was in much better financial condition than a few years before, with the costs of the Fantastic War being paid by Spain and a much healthier economy and commercial competitiveness to rely on. The ability of the state to implement its orders and reforms had also increased significantly. The only thing that really stood in the way of the duke was the sheer dimension of the problems the country faced, with such enormous percentages of empty schools and people who couldn’t so much write an ‘A’, but nothing that the correct decisions aided by time would not eventually overcome.

Thus, with cash in hand and a social ladder to climb, the Duke of Lafões began his work.

[1] In iOTL, the Duque de Lafões stayed away from Portugal till Pombal was removed from government by Maria I.

Note:
This is the intro to one of the defining sections of the Portuguese Empire, Ministry of Education and Science. So profound were the reforms in Portuguese society that every school, college and university had plaque or bust of Lafoes following the death of the Duke. Comments / questions???.

Please return Sunday March 26 as we discuss University and Education reforms as well as Portuguese language..
 

Lusitania

Donor
I love that education becomes a thing in a pre-industrial period, to the point that there is a Minister of Education.:)

IOTL educational Reforms were a cornerstone of Pombal's legacy and one that was not completely undone following his removal from power. But with so many things on his plate and without additional support and background he simply could not solely dedicate his time to its endeavors.

As for Ministry of Education, the Duke of Lafōes was a person who cared deeply about Portugal's progress from dark ages and in his own way was instrumental in advancing education and sciences in Portugal.

What happened to the Jesuit-run University of Évora?
https://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Universidade_de_Évora

Yes, the University of Évora did not suffer the same fate as iOTL. Heck all of higher Education will undergo major changes in changes under Duke John so while I can state it will not be abandoned till 1973 I cannot at this time state its fate.

Good update; like that you're focusing on all aspects of Portuguese society...

Education became a cornerstone in Empire's progress and one of the reasons it was able to make remarkable changes and progress especially in the 19th century and beyond as the benefit's of modern education started influencing progress and development of the empire.

The Rebirth of Empire historical textbooks are generally broken into two sections: i) major historical events and reforms ii) changes to Portuguese empire & people which for easy of presentation are seperat d by government departments that they fall under. The changes to the Portuguese Empire & people do affect every aspect of Portuguese society.
 
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