Rebirth of an Empire "O Renascimento de um Império" v2.0

[Lusitania]

It's amazing that all of this is happening before Napoleon, or even the birth of Democracy in America.

iOTL While it may seem strange, Pombal had instituted tons of reforms including many in Brazil, it was shame that when Maria I came to power many of these were abolished including many referenced in this last post. We will get talk lots about Brazil within the empire and what it means plus talk about abomination of the birth of America and that snake Napoleon later on when we get to their respective time.

Good update, Lusitania!
I think that in that time, the more correct spelling would be Mello, but you may want to keep the modern spelling for easiness.

There's a small typo, it should be António.

The first we will keep it as "Melo" for simplicity purposes, the second was updated thank you.

Additional capital in the colonies might left more for local investments in infrastructure and later industry.

iOTL Pombal was the first to allow Brazil to break from the colonial mold that European countries practiced at time. Here King Joseph nudges Pombal further and provides the foundation for new enriched relationship that provides economic benefit to all parties.

In order to soften the blow, maybe these Captains might be made members of a local peerage, thereby creating a local and loyal elite; if the Jesuits are still expelled, they might receive their properties.

There was resentment by the Captains, (even iOTL) but they still retained much influence and power as well as great wealth in their respective areas. We have to remember that companies were not there to confiscate the landowners land / plantations but to direct and increase productions for Brazilian goods. As for peerage that only appeared later in the 19th century iOTL, we see delve into that in the future here. We need to remember that this is only the first of many changes witnessed in Brazil in the 18th century. As for the Jesuits where do I begin, more on those rascals and all the trouble they caused in the next chapter.

 

[Unknown]

Looking forward to the next chapter...

 

[Lusitania]

Rebirth of the Empire (Part 1 of 2) (cont.)

Pombal’s Government (1750-1762) (cont.)​

Social Upheaval & Backlash
​

Even though this first, solitary phase of Pombal’s government was not only short, but filled with tragedies like the Earthquake and the Fantastic War that would keep any normal government more than fully occupied, enough changes were made in the country’s urban, economic and organizational structure that, even though Portugal did not look much different from the outside, it was already a much transformed nation from within.

Between 1750 and 1762, Pombal had rebuilt Lisbon from the ashes into a ushering new capital, addressed and countered the country’s steep financial imbalance while preserving Brazilian gold profits, allowed Portugal to profit from a most unlikely victory against Spain in the Fantastic War and established new commercial and colonial companies which revitalized Portugal’s control and authority over its own treasury, products and oversea territories. Not only that, but new, daring projects such as the Royal Roads were being initiated while the Portuguese coin steadily grew in valor.

The Prime Minister’s actions all played along with what was a fluctuating series of popularity levels, both among the people, the church, the businesses and the nobles from region to region. All in all, Pombal’s popularity overseas was low, as he was seen as little more than an interfering tyrant taking over Brazil’s main production means for his own benefit. The mixed situation of the Douro Wine Company, that of a monopolizing enterprise of untrustworthy practices but medium successes, reflected on a mixed opinion of the Marquis in Oporto’s region and most other provinces north of the Tagus had little reason to think well of the demanding Minister, leading then to inevitable dislike. The Alentejo lands, on the other hand, either consisted of farmers dispossessed by the war, which they then either blamed the Spanish, the British or the Government, and institutions attacked by Pombal’s mercantilist policies.

By far, Pombal was most popular in Lisbon and Algarve, both sites where the people had seen with their own eyes the Minister’s capacity to rebuild the nation. The reconstruction of Lisbon was a complex matter with many faults and relieves to consider and it was easy for the church to blame the earthquake on the King’s heresies. The rebuilt capital, however, was too strong a sight for anyone trying to find fault in Pombal or Joseph I, as the new modern streets contrasted too steeply with the recent memory of burned Lisbon. The new fisheries and shipyards in Algarve, on the other hand, funded, organized, modernized and overseen by the Algarve Fishing Company, proved too powerful an argument for anyone trying to antagonize the monarchy south of the Cauldron Hill.

Indeed, there seemed to be a direct correlation between Pombal’s popularity and the regions most damaged by the religiously controversial Earthquake. His policies, however, were just as controversial and would step on many feet before reaching the desired results.

The Jesuit Order
​

At the start of Pombal’s administration, government expenditure was exceedingly high while educational unbalance was steep even for the times he lived in. This led to a weak and underdeveloped manufactory sector which was far from living up to the kingdom’s potential. Unfortunately, while the money for new mints, companies and government institutions was available, there was not enough social-economical flexibility in the state to allow a full promotion of new secular reforms on both industry and education.

This was in large part due to the strong presence of religious institutions, especially the Jesuit Order. Almost two hundred thousand citizens lived in the over five hundred monasteries across both the European and colonial domains; most lessons on reading and writing were handed out by priests and nuns with the sole intent of educating others to become priests and nuns.

Once an important colonial fuel, religious orders had become a hindrance to economic restructuration. The cultural effects alone were toxic enough, but the sheer social-political effects resulted in the creation of enemies in every step of the way of someone trying to bring about heretical new paths of commerce.

As an enlightened ‘estrangeirado’, Prime Minister Melo was never fond of the Jesuits, especially at a time such as his, when conspiracy theories seemed to target religious orders more and more. It was only natural a man of his position to see that dislike intensified as he saw his political options limited and barred by the potential ‘religious scandal’ each and every choice he made inevitably carried. Even his architectural efforts in Lisbon were subject of criticism from religious and noble castes; the new street styles and building designs were radically different from the typical medieval-style streets and houses filled with depictions of zeal and saints while his orders to send the army to the capital to instill order in the chaos formed a frightening precedent to his later reforms.

Unfortunately for the Count of Oeiras and future Marquis of Pombal, the opportunity to rid himself of Jesuit interference had not arisen. Instead, he focused on improving the state’s internal finances.

Political Clashes, Allies & Tensions​

Shortly after the Earthquake of 1755, however, as Lisbon still recovered and most of the population lived in tents, the Italian-born Jesuit father Gabriel Malagrida wrote a treatise named ‘Judgement of the true cause of the earthquake’ with the intent of offering a religious explanation to the disaster and counter the new philosophical problems it had created for the church. Going as far as offering a copy to the King and his Prime Minister, the Jesuit father spearheaded a calm counter-reformist movement amongst those seeking to preserve the innocence of the church amongst both the people and the enlightened politics.

Father Gabriel Malagrina
1689-1761​

Though the holy man’s true intent in showing it to the new Prime Minister is debatable, the future Marquis of Pombal, not willing to compromise his vision with political doubts, assumed the very worst and interpreted the moralist tone of the treatise as accusatory. As a result, father Malagrida, admired figure amongst both the clergy and the aristocracy, was expelled from the capital and sent to Setubal. Though this act further solidified the diabolical reputation the Prime Minister was building up amongst his enemies, it also gave him the necessary platform to develop other accusations against the Order for conspiring against the Commercial Companies. Eventually, Pombal gained enough leverage to extinguish the Order’s missions to Brazil in 1757.

Tensions continued and increased as the Order was later on in that same year also expelled from the ‘Cortes’, crippling their political intervention in the Kingdom. The Prime Minister then went on to start several anti-Jesuit campaigns both in Portugal and Rome, accumulating accusations and proofs of Jesuit meddling in Brazilian affairs, ranging from illegal commercial activities and inciting popular revolts against the King. Pombal later on gained an unlikely ally in Cardinal Saldanha, who proved instrumental in supplying him with intel on Jesuit movements both in Lisbon and in Rome.

Francisco de Saldanha da Gama
1723-1796[1]
Cardinal, Second Patriarch of the Portuguese Catholic Church​

Born in Lisbon in 1723 to a former Viceroy of India, Cardinal Saldanha, also known as Cardinal Gama and even as his latter title of Patriarch D. Francis I (por. Francisco I), distinguished himself in the Portuguese religious-political stage of the late 18th Century through his anti-Jesuit actions and stands and his role in reforming the Portuguese church in conjunction with Luis Verney. Having studied ‘Canonical Law’ at the University of Coimbra, Francis was entitled as cardinal in 1756 by Pope Benedict XIV. As such, he was one of the very last Portuguese named Cardinal before Verney’s publication of the politically-splitting ‘Theological Doctrine’ almost two decades later.

His understanding of religious law and reality had ironically granted him an historical and legal viewpoint which made him aware of the political struggle going on in his country as a result of the clash of Jesuit inertia and enlightened floods. He observed the increased hostilities between the Prime Minister and the Jesuit order and feared that the church as a whole would be ultimately targeted by the dictator should a friendly alternative never be presented to Melo. It thus became his main objective after being appointed cardinal not to oppose Pombal but, instead, approach him and support his enlightened methods so as to prove to the new government that the church was not necessarily a tool of degradation in the new world of science and political revolution Portugal was trying to enter.

Between 1756 and 1762, the religious man, unbeknownst to the enemies he obtained in the church thanks to his treacherous actions, would actually prove instrumental in laser-guiding the Prime Minister’s hostility and preserving a place for religion in Portugal through reformation. In the meantime, however, up until 1758, he acted as an informer to Pombal on several accusations, both true and false, made by the Prime Minister against the Jesuit Order, something which led to Pombal finally gaining the case he needed to pressure the Jesuits into being barred from preaching in Lisbon.

The Prime Minister’s actions, however, went not without an answer. Despite his increasing political pressure, the Holy See still refused to acknowledge any true hostility from the Jesuit part and some of Melo’s accusations and persecutions became increasingly regarded as paranoid and tyrannical, seeking only a scapegoat for his own failures in modernizing Portugal. Meanwhile, resentment and antagonism against the King and the Prime Minister increased with each anti-Jesuit word and action and many regarded the secret, but visible alliance between Melo and Saldanha as highly suspicious. Said suspicion increased to the point of Melo deciding not to secure the patriarchal promotion for Saldanha just yet for fear of increased corruption accusations[2].

Mercantile Tyranny & Rural Rebellion​

The first direct opposition to Pombal was as a result of the creation of the new companies. Several of the original entrepreneurs and businessmen saw them as a mercantilist attack against themselves and their interests. The Douro Wine Company was not only the first to be established, but also the prime example of criticism from the people, rather than the nobles and the church.

Although the Company’s practices were effective in securing wine quality and singularity, they were seen as limiting to the farmers and untrustworthy. Suspicion arose deeply when rumors began circulating that the Prime Minister aimed to benefit his own plantations in Leiria by including them on the Company’s charters, even though Leiria was nowhere near the Douro Valley region and failed to meet most prerequisites the Company so forcefully imposed.

On February 23 1757, people in Porto revolted against the new restrictions and monopoly on the wine industry. They besieged the house of Bernardo Duarte de Figueiredo, Judge Conservator of the Douro Company, forcing him to rescind the restrictions and monopoly. They then proceeded to attack the company’s offices and warehouses, destroying the company’s archives and edifices. Pombal reacted to the revolt with ferocity – treating the act as an act of Lèse-majesté. He sent five regiments to regain control of the city of Porto. Several leading businessmen as well as government officials along with over 450 people were arrested. Over 400 were found guilty and the leaders were executed while the majority of those convicted were imprisoned.

Over time, similar revolts happened throughout the country, mostly related to the resource charting methods. The Aveiro Salt Company, for example, was criticized for demanding too much from what was a troubled salt region. Even though salt had been collected in the ‘Ria’ of Aveiro almost since before Portugal was even formed in the first place, it saw severe geographical turmoil during the 17th and 18th centuries as a result of the lagoon growing stagnated. The varying nature of the topography of the region, over which Portugal at the time had not the technology and wealth to control at will, had caused the lagoon to almost go dry and the region had not the means during the Company’s early stages to create artificial water enclaves. This meant that, even though the maximum potential area was successfully chartered, the company produced far below the intended results both in quality and quantity.

The Metropolitan Mining & Quarry Company, on the other hand, faced rivalry problems; it had antagonized a large number of high-tier miners by occupying large segments of the limited operations in the European mainland, greatly monopolizing the mineral market without increasing its potential in a compensatory manner. Although the extraction was becoming more efficient, pure and profitable, it had still created a lot of resentment and in 1758 almost 300 workers were arrested and trialed following a violent takeover of the important Alentejo marble quarries of ‘Estremoz’. In this case, however, it was found that the workers had been heavily instigated by their employers and were thus eventually released so as to resume extraction.

Several other minor incidents occurred, involving farmers in the north who had been forced to switch from viniculture to less lucrative but still vital crops, such as corn and wheat. Many argued that their northwestern regions lacked proper conditions for sustainable growing of anything but grape and granite and small farmer alliances popped up here and there with the objective of forcing the local governments to allow them to return to the vineyards.

Other smaller scuffles involved the merchants who couldn’t or wouldn’t adapt to the Commercial Companies’ methods. Up to the 1750s the mercantile communities in Portugal had been significantly anglicized, with many major warehouse and business owners being English. The Commercial Companies, with their strict hand in productivity methodology and favoring of native traders, obviously stung the British merchants greatly but the growing Portuguese mercantile presence also felt hindered at times; you didn’t have to be very perceptive to see through the Companies’ mafia-like practices of disguised protectionism and many felt intimidated by their new activity gravitas, which seemed to force their way with words and ‘friendly’ legislation, if no longer with muscle.

Thus, while some merchants felt protected and bolstered by the companies, others felt strangely coerced by them, creating atmospheres of mercantile tyranny. As the ‘Letter Road’ project unfolded and tax separation was instituted, local powers took more active roles in enforcing said atmosphere as they personally made sure Pombal’s methods were enforced, which only contributed further to the vigilance the merchants and producers felt over their shoulders. While trade still flowed, it became increasingly clear not everyone was happy with the Companies that now regulated the market.

The institution known as the Lisbon Mint went on to intensify the holes in the new system. While the new inflation control contributed to a healthier economy, its centralized position failed to take in account important regional market factors (travel costs, local demand factors and varying tariffs were some of the most serious offenses). While the Mint was effective and popular south of the Minho River line, in the north it became increasingly clear that its maximums and minimums on prices were disaffected and inconsiderate. The slightly accelerated communication provided by the ‘Letter Road’ project helped lessen the gap and stimulate regulation, but it was a small step in a large road to fix national demand synchronization.

Fortunately, most of these lacked the intensity of the one occurred in Porto, which was the major commercial and industrial hub of the country asides from Lisbon and thus held the greatest concentration of the Companies' victims outside the capital city. During the same year, revolts in Setúbal, Leiria and Évora also occurred, but were much less aggressive and much quicker to put down. By January of 1758, the new mercantile situation had for the most part been stabilized with most of the bourgeois class benefiting from and defending the new reforms.

[1] iOTL Cardinal Francisco de Saldanha da Gama died in 1776 but in this TL the passion and zeal he felt for the Portuguese Catholic Church (many saw it as God’s blessing) allowed him to live an additional 20 years. In that time he was a powerful force in the Portuguese Catholic Church and following Saint Verney’s death in 1789 became the Second Prelate of the Portuguese Catholic Church.

[2] iOTL Sandanha was promoted to Cardinal and 3rd Patriarch of Lisbon in 1758 for his informant work for Pombal’s accusations.


Note:
This is the 6th chapter in the 3rd part of Rebirth of Empire (part 1 of 2) Pombal Government (1750 - 1762). We have made a few changes such as Saldanda promotion, but all the other revolting, opposition happened in iOTL also. Comments / questions???.
Please return Saturday March 4 for 7th chapter The Tavora Affair the defining event during Pombal's 1st government.

 

[Archangel]

IMHO, the hostility towards the Jesuits was one of the things in which Pombal was wrong.

Keep it up, Lusitania!

 

[Lusitania]

Looking forward to the next chapter...

Hope it met your expectations. More to follow.

IMHO, the hostility towards the Jesuits was one of the things in which Pombal was wrong.

Keep it up, Lusitania!

Pombal's suspicious nature and anti religious attitude went a long way in making him hostile to not only the Jesuits but all religious orders. The Jesuits were by far the most influential religious group in the Portuguese court and society so they were his biggest adversaries. The Jesuit's attitudes and actions like their support for natives in southern Brazil clashed with the Portuguese government's interests.

Their continued presence in Portugal would of made many of Pombal's reforms impossible or much more difficult to implement. Their absence while in some ways hurt Portugal it also provided a vacumm that Pombal was able to fill such as in education.

Religion in Portugal during the second 1/2 of the 18th century witnessed huge changes so much so that we have decided to write about it as its own section.
Note: those familiar with French Revolution take heart that it will not follow that route. Luckily the Portuguese Catholic Church had the correct leaders in place at the crucial time, were instrumental in reforming it instead of it being extinguished like in France or continue being a hindrance to development and growth of the country like other catholic countries.

 

[Lusitania]

Rebirth of the Empire (Part 1 of 2) (cont.)​

Pombal’s Government (1750-1762) (cont.)​

​

The 'Távora Affair'

​

At the final stages of the 1750s, the majority of the Portuguese court, including the King, still lived in the tent complex raised to house the major dispossessed figures of Lisbon during the Earthquake’s destruction. Although the setting was far from spectacular, the tent complex housed a court and intrigue worthy of Versailles. Even the King’ administrative cabinet lived close by and most of the decisions that brought so much change during the first phase of the new Prime Minister’s tenure had their origin in the luxurious encampment.

It is only to be expected then that, despite the destruction of their homes, the nobles of Portugal still played their part in the usual feudal theater of power weaving and conspiracy. King Joseph I was not particularly unpopular; he was viewed as a devout person who loved his wife Mariana Bourbon, a princess of Spain, and his four daughters. Unfortunately, Joseph I’s lack of a direct male heir and constant tolerance of his much more unpopular Prime Minister attracted resentment from some of the most powerful families in Portugal, who only wished for stability and comfort after the terror of the Earthquake.
​

The Setting​

To further complicate the situation, the King, despite the happy marriage, had a mistress; none other than ‘Teresa Leonor’, wife of ‘Luís de Távora’, the male heir of what was one of the most powerful aristocratic households in the kingdom, the ‘Távoras’, for he was the son of the then-famous ‘Francisco de Assis de Távora’.
​

Francis of Távora
1703-1759
Marquis of Távora, Count of Alvor and Viceroy of India
​

Born to the Counts of Alvor, Francis was elevated into Marquis statute following a marriage with his own cousin, which belonged to a politically stronger branch of the family. After serving as governor in the city of Chaves, he was appointed by the late King John V as Viceroy of India, where he would reach the apex of his career. He entered the office in Goa in 1750 and proceeded to take a remarkable military action in the area, seizing several Indian forts and commercial placements so as to strengthen the Portuguese subcontinental possession. Among his accomplishments was the scuffle with the pirate ‘Canunja’ and warring with the king of Sunda, both of which he defeated in battle and took both fortress and treasure from. Coupled with his movements into the Karwan river, Francis obtained quite the reputation which went a long way in solidifying the ‘Távoras’ as worthy members of Portuguese nobility.

He returned to Lisbon in glory, carrying with him a background of administrative and military success, during the beginning of the new King’s realm and just in time to witness the first few moments of Pombal’s takeover of the government.

It was between 1754 and 1758 that Francis and his family would grow as enemies of Prime Minister Melo. Francis’ wife, Leonor, for one, distrusted the new aide of the King, considering him little more than an upstart nouveau-riche with inadequate business thoughts. King Joseph’s growing adultery with Francis’ daughter-in-law would further cast an abyss of distrust between the Távora’s and the King’s closest Minister, who did much to cover for the monarch’s escapees.

To add further fuel to the fire, the Távoras were in friendly terms with the Duke of Aveiro, another adversary of Pombal. Formerly disgraced by an adulterous affair that had even dispossessed him, the Duke of Aveiro had in the late stages of John V’s realm accumulated a number of careful political maneuvers and marriages that not only earned him back a strong place in Portuguese aristocracy, but also shrewd his manners and directly allied him to the Távoras. Wary of the growing power in the new Prime Minister’s hands, the Duke was not shy about opposing his every move.

Other families like the Alorna’s and the Atouguia’s were also thought to be in joined hands with the Távoras. As a result, as public turmoil heated up along the unfolding of the post-earthquake 1750s, the stage was set for a truly dangerous environment for the King and his Prime Minister in the Portuguese court.

While Pombal’s commercial, financial and social measures had been controversial and risky; it was not until his less than secretive steps against the Jesuit Order that the Prime Minister’s enemies truly felt riled. Up until then only bothered by the minister’s architectural and friendship choices, the Portuguese court and clergy felt truly under attack when holy men like Father Malagrina and his followers came under public attack and exile, some directly sent to far off Brazil. Called a true scandal, the attack on the Jesuits by the future Marquis of Pombal was unforgiveable, even considering the critical role the Prime Minister was at the time having in Lisbon’s reconstruction.

The Prime Minister, however, was not naïve, but excessively paranoid, even. Realizing the radical nature of many of his measures, the rebuilder of Lisbon was fully aware his actions attracted dangerous eyes and he was most distrustful, and spiteful, of the powerful ‘Távoras’, whose patriarch’s feats in India had gained them so much admiration and whose wrath had been spiced by King Joseph I’s debauchery.

Hurdled by their criticisms, opposed by their conservatism, angered by what they represented and worried by the danger they posed, the future Marquis of Pombal came to realized that, in some ways, the ‘Távoras’ embodied everything he sought to destroy and build over in Portugal; the oligarchic tree of antiquated ideals which still justified themselves with their small triumphs in what was, at least for Portugal, a quickly crumbling imperial world. It was clear to the Prime Minister the ‘Távoras’ were meant to be defeated if his vision was to be unbridled, lest something tragic happen and all his efforts be undone.

His opportunity to do so would come in 1758, when the political tensions spiked following a private confirmation of the King’s affair and Joseph I saw his life put at risk while returning to Lisbon.
​

The Attack on the King​

On the night of September 3, 1758, as King Joseph I returned on his carriage from an encounter with his mistress, Teresa Leonor, the daughter-in-law of the Marquis, a group of three men on horseback intercepted the royal vehicle as it travelled through a secondary, ill-frequented route in the capital to the tent complex the monarch was housed at. The three men, upon stopping the carriage, pulled out muskets and hand guns and proceeded to open fire on both the driver and the vehicle with the intention of killing its occupants.

King Joseph I was shot in the arm and the driver was badly wounded, but both survived the initial onslaught. Noise from the shots attracted the populace out of their homes and scared off the assailants, who failed to take out their targets and feared capture from the police or the outraged peasants. While still bleeding from their wounds, the king and the driver managed to make their way back to the Ajuda tent complex with their lives and sought immediate help from the Guard and the Prime Minister.​

The attempt on Dom Joseph I life in 1758 became known as the Távora Affair​

The attempt on Dom Joseph I life in 1758 became known as the Távora Affair

Upon discovering what happened, however, Prime Minister Melo took control of the situation, assured the King he would obtain retribution and ordered the alerted Guard to stand by. Despite the number of street witnesses who heard the shots and saw the fleeing attackers, the Prime Minister was able to conceal both the wounds of the King and the attack itself before proceeding to a swift inquiry. The Prime Minister did not have much to go by other than the testimony of the victims and street folk, but based on the little information he gathered he still conducted a merciless hounding for the would-be killers.

Not but a few days had passed and a number of suspects had been arrested by the Prime Minister. The arrests were made on rather suspicious circumstances; details of the search were never made public and most outside the King’s inner circle did not even know what the men were being charged with. It is known, though, that the Guard was ordered to torture the two captured men, who after a night of interrogations ended up confessing not only their involvement, but also the patronage of the Távora family in their actions and a plot to put the Duke of Aveiro on the Portuguese Throne.

Both men were hanged the following day upon the regicide being made public.

It was in the midst of the execution that the Prime Minister made his move against the Távoras; predicting that the family, whether or not they were truly involved, were already aware of what was going on through their informants or the failure of the regicide itself and were preparing to either flee the capital or take refuge with local allies, issued a public declaration that exposed the signed confession of the assassins as men hired or allied to the Marquis of Távora. This announcement incriminated the family in a rather vulgar and unproved fashion, but was enough to set the mood for the shift of public opinion the Prime Minister needed.[1]

By 1758, it was no secret for the public that the King and the Marquis had enemies. Many amongst the townsfolk were included in them. The economic restoration and optimization obtained by the Prime Minister thanks to some of his more innovative and less vicious measures, however, had turned him into a figure of controversy rather than full-blown tyranny. This had created a percentage of indecision and uncertainty amongst the lower classes over whether or not their rulers were truly monstrous. Moreover, this all happened while most members of the upper classes were regarded as passive or outright obstructive to the state. The reconstruction of Lisbon was the most powerful catalyst of the public shift that occurred, with the inhabitants of the capital thanking the Prime Minister for his efforts while disregarding the remaining authorities as uncaring or incompetent.

The Marquis of Távora was a heroic figure in India, but this did not save him from the effect the attempted assassination had on the mob. Outrage filled the main plazas as the inflammatory words of the Prime Minister passed from ear to ear and, all of a sudden, the lack of evidence did not seem like much of a problem. The people called for justice to the King who rebuilt their homes and city and only the fame of the Marquis of Távora seemed to stop them from a full blown quest for blood.

Capture & Execution​

Upon being informed of the Prime Minister’s accusations, the Marquis’ family, fearing for their lives, packed their belongings and prepared to depart to seek help from the Duke of Aveiro. Unfortunately, this all fell in the Prime Minister’s plans, who preemptively ordered the guard to capture them even before the assassins were executed. The whole spectacle of the fleeing aristocrats being seized by the guard and brought into custody was purposely witnessed by half the capital, which now followed the procedure with curiosity, scandal and intent.

Several other platoons were dispatched to capture all the other members of the family as well as anyone else even remotely involved in the affair. Asides from every witness to the assault itself, the following suspects were arrested: the Duke of Aveiro, the Count of Atougia, the Marquis of Alorna and the Counts of Vila Nova, Óbidos and Ribeira Grande. Many other nobles as well as people from all classes were also held in containment. Father Gabriel Malagrida, the confessor of the Távora family, was also arrested.

At the time of the trial over one thousand people were in custody and all were accused of high treason and attempted regicide. The evidence presented in their common trial was composed of four parts:
the confessions of the executed assassins;

• the murder weapon belonging to the Duke of Aveiro;
• the assumption that only the Távoras would have known the whereabouts of the king on that evening, since he was returning from a liaison with Teresa of Távora (who was also arrested).
• the assumption of motive for murder, which included the King’s ‘friendship’ with the Marquis’ daughter-in-law, the family’s continued opposition to the government’s measures and the sponsor of and alliance with Father Malagrida, whom the King had ordered exiled to Setúbal.[2]

The Távora family denied all accusations but they were found guilty along with other accomplices and sentenced to death. Their estates were confiscated to the state, their name erased from the peerage and their coat-of-arms outlawed.

Left: Stone Memorial of Aveiro’s shaming
Center: Execution of the Távoras
Right: Father Malagrida led to the pyre​

To accentuate the sharpness of the scandal there was the violence of the execution itself. Most of the families trialed were condemned to rather gruesome deaths, including dismemberment and burning, all in plain view of the people. Father Malagrida would become the last person ever brought to the pyre in Portugal, signifying a coming decline of the power of religious inquisition. It was only through the intervention of Queen Mariana and Maria Francisca, the heiress to the throne, that most of women and children of those executed were saved from joining their loved ones, instead taken to the prisons in Angola and Mazagan.

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[1] iOTL the Prime Minister never issued any proclamation prior to the Tavora’s arrest. Here a more astute Prime Minister attempted to cast suspicion on his adversaries even before the trial.

[2] iOTL this point was omitted by Prime Minister, where he attempted to maintain the trials as a matter of fact affair without grandstanding. But here his previous proclamation had driven the public into a raging mob and the public trial was as much of a trial against those plotting to stop the Prime Minister’s reforms. It also signaled a direct threat against many other nobles that they too would suffer similar fate if they continued their opposition to his reforms.


Note:
Due to scheduling conflict tomorrow (wont be able to take time to post this) I decided to post this one day earlier. Hope you all enjoy.
This is the 7th chapter in the 3rd part of Rebirth of Empire (part 1 of 2) Pombal Government (1750 - 1762). Comments / questions???.
Please return Wednesday March 7 for last chapter overview of Pombal 1st government.

​

 

[Unknown]

Man, the conspiracy theories here are going to be interesting...

 

[Sceonn]

Ouch...

 

[Lusitania]

Man, the conspiracy theories here are going to be interesting...

Ouch...

The interesting thing was we could not of made it up ourselves this is how history in iOTL records the events. It could not of been more gruesome or cruel.

Pombal decapitated his biggest Noble critics in one fell swoop and greatly reduced the influence of the Jesuits Just like iOTL. Now the trick is to make his reforms more comprehensive and long lasting.

 

[Lusitania]

Rebirth of the Empire (Part 1 of 2) (cont.)

Pombal’s Government (1750-1762) (conclusion)

Overview
​

The year of 1762 saw not only the outbreak of the Fantastic War and the dawning of the realization that the Old Portuguese Empire was gone, but also the end of what became known as the first era of Pombal’s government. Then still only known as the Prime Minister and new Count of Oeiras, Sebastião de Carvalho e Melo saw the country traumatized by its own inability to wage war at the same time its economy was just recovering. Even so, the country was significantly different from the nation King Joseph first took power over.

The main difference between 1750 and 1762 was the overall state of the country’s finances and administration. Economy was still plagued by serious fundamental problems in resources and manpower, but the flow of wealth was certainly much healthier. The depletion of Brazilian gold was still as severe as ever, but then again it was not as much of an issue because the country was becoming decreasingly reliant on it.

Meanwhile, the exchange of information in the nation had been optimized to the point of eliminating entire days of travel in some of the longer routes while installing several important nodes of communication in major cities and strategic spots. This reflected itself not only in massively important reforms on state regulation and taxation but also in the reality of the country itself, which now found it easier to find out what was going on in the kingdom.

Production had suffered the most intense overhaul of all with agricultural, mining, plantation and construction methodologies significantly improved upon both at the level of direct labor and labor supervision. The variety of jobs had increased, quality was more easily achieved in wares, the Portuguese market was making its first steps towards taking itself back from English hands and becoming more competitive with the British, administrative tasks became more effective and terrain development practices were better than ever. Companies now followed a new philosophy of business evolution which favored adequate chartering and tooling techniques based on terrain and market distinction, seeking to maximize quality without bringing about new problems.

In just a few years, colonial administration had also ushered into a strange, new age. The Colonial Profit Doctrine reluctantly devised by the King and his Prime Minister had deeply altered Luso-Brazilian relations, detaching Portuguese interference while securing the few ties that remained. The new model of authority handling and treasure reaping promoted consensual interaction between the two main territories of the Empire by putting Brazilian production and power positions in its own hands without compromising the central state’s interests. While much work was yet to be done, the door to a new road of colonial improvement was now open.

All was not rosy, though, and the country still faced many problems. The crippling racial reality in Brazil made easy solutions for its social problems nigh impossible. Its dependency on slave trade went on to make the process of eliminating slavery in the African colonies much harder. Guinea, Angola and Cape Verde had severe resource issues which prevented the creation of diversified production while Mozambique, Goa, Dili and Macau found their roles in trade steering increasingly harder to fulfill. The Portuguese Indian and Pacific possessions struggled every year to assert themselves in their respective theaters, with East Timor in particular almost completely overshadowed by Dutch Indonesia and the Spanish Philippines.

Meanwhile, the Portuguese Armed Forces faced a crisis of reputation and status. The Fantastic War did not paint them impressive as it was necessary such a steep aid from the British that the Portuguese historians hesitated to add the conflict to the country’s chronicles of conquests despite the massiveness of its success. The Portuguese Navy was undersized and overstretched, remaining but a shadow of its former self, and military innovation in the country was at a standstill.

To complicate things further, Portugal’s diplomatic status was in jeopardy. The Fantastic War exposed the national vulnerability and many feared the last remaining Portuguese port in Morocco, Mazagan, would soon come under attack by its original owners. The country’s say in international matters was more irrelevant than ever and its ability to impose itself in peace treaties was in question.

Even so, the Távora Affair and the fantastic war served to put an end to a chapter in Pombal’s rule, as they served to expose the weaknesses of the Prime Minister after twelve years of iron-fisted rule.

Pombal’s Solitude

“’Tis no wonder your kingdom is in such sorry mess; you have an authentic Oliver Cromwell running its affairs, but at least the ‘English’ Oliver Cromwell had friends.”
-Count of Lippe to King Joseph I at the end of the Fantastic War, criticizing Pombal’s suspicious nature and vulnerable political status​

Perhaps the biggest distinctive characteristic of said twelve years of enlightened rule was the political situation of Pombal’s cabinet. To all effects and purposes, the recently crowned Count of Oeiras had been an isolated statesman with few allies other than the King, Bishop Saldanha and a few other informants and aides. Few men in government worked close to him and shared such familiarity with the King and this, while it liberated Pombal’s initiatives by posing little direct conflict to his reforms, also isolated him as a single man seeking to put order in the nation, further contributing to his visage of dictator.

This had been a major hindrance to Pombal since the early days of his administration. The lack of allies at both the court and the office limited the minister’s vision, made his national renovations projects vulnerable to criticism and loopholes, emboldened his enemies and discredited his opinions, all while leaving the important areas of statehood he lacked talent in, such as the army, unattended. The way he seized authority from the King and refused to trust anyone other than himself to do the right thing also painted a poor reputation amongst other authority figures, who quickly learned to regard the ‘estrangeirado’ as a power-hungry radical who had to be stopped at all costs.

No bigger example of this existed other than the Fantastic War itself and no one mocked him and exposed his weak spots than none other than the victor of said war, German-born William Buckeburg, otherwise known as the Count of Lippe. The conflict exposed the ineptitude of both the Portuguese Army to fight it and of Pombal to do anything about the situation other than secure a few reparations from the Spanish. The Count of Lippe, in deep contrast, showed it to be possible to transform the Armed Forces into a formidable adversary to any invader, ridiculing Pombal’s belief that the Portuguese Army’s correct course of action was merely to put down rebellions, and never to engage Portugal in actual wars.

Truly no one could put Pombal in perspective to the man himself and others around him other than the foreign count who saved the nation from certain defeat before a foe four times its size. It was obvious now that Pombal was not all knowing despite his many massive successes and that even his fantasies of transforming Portugal into a modern nation lacked the capacity to truly grasp what the empire was actually capable of.

Unfortunately, the Count of Lippe’s impact in the cabinet would not be felt until after twelve years of government filled with conspiracy, rebellion, political frustrations and uncertainty. The Count of Oeiras was thus a hardened ruler who hesitated to accept he was wrong and increasingly violent in his quest to shed his enemies’ blood. The circumstances of the Távora Affair were perhaps the ultimate example of the Prime Minister’s intolerant nature, having been executed so cruelly and mercilessly without ever being truly honest with its own facts and evidences. The lack of willingness from Minister Melo to further the truth of the assassination attempt before exterminating an entire family demonstrated his cold blood and refusal to compromise.

His colonial and mercantilist policies were also deeply in question, this time by the king himself. The radicalization of Brazilian independence movements as a result of Pombal’s early reforms showed the Prime Minister’s ineptitude for overseas social issues despite his intense preoccupation with maintaining Portuguese Brazil as a possession of the Crown. The gradual transformation of many trade institutions he promoted with the intent of making use of protectionist policies into increasingly liberal depots of commerce also proved that the slip into Free Trade the Minister so feared was not entirely a bad thing, requiring merely mercantilist production methods to protect Portuguese interests. The experience was valuable for Melo to show him how to truly evolve the Portuguese market in a favorable manner, but it was one more blunder that stained his record due to the lack of close advisors more insightful of regional matters.

The events of the war, however, forced the Prime Minister to abide to British councils and allow William to head the fighting efforts. Minister Melo was powerless to strengthen the army, which had to be put into the German Count’s guidance so as to be organized and led to victory. The Prime Minister had recognized his own inability in war matters, but had believed it was possible to keep Portugal out of trouble indefinitely through careful diplomacy and economic build up. The Seven Years War, however, showed that the break out of war was not entirely in Portuguese hands and the country was deeply vulnerable for as long as Pombal controlled all affairs.

Thus, King Joseph I found himself at the end of 1762 a deeply worried man. Melo had proved himself a priceless minister of unquestionable loyalty, but the man’s weaknesses grew more visible by the year and the aging monarch was concerned disaster would be brought to the country by Melo’s own hands should nothing be done. It was not until the Távora Affair and Fantastic War were solved, however, that the solution would present itself.

Cultural Shifting – Phase 1
​

At the start of Pombal’s administration, the people of Portugal followed a culture of backwardness, ignorance and superstition. Widely uneducated, reliant on agriculture and lacking in mercantile finesse, the population of the westernmost nation of Europe was widely and justly viewed as roughish, unintelligent, warm-blooded, deluded dirt not unlike their Spanish cousins but lacking the impetuous and imperial charm that naturally exuded from the Spaniards. The lack of interest in scientific, political and commercial pursuit screeched progress in the people to a halt and the ridiculing of modern ideas by the locals caused them to be regarded as uncurious trash that would rather tend to their pigs than seek out better ways to do so.

The deep-seated religious roots created atmospheres of authentic conformism and aversion to new ideas. With most being unable to read or write, the people distrusted magistrates and tax collectors while holding priests, nuns and preachers to high standards of morality, never doubting the sanctity of their words. This was not at all surprising, since most people in the countryside spent most of their lives without ever leaving the parish or knowing any way other than that of the plow. ‘Padres’ had very strong roles in the lives of the villagers, more often than not being the ones who administered them, and the pursuits and dreams of oversea conquests and national development was something for the sons of nobles and merchants in Lisbon to fantasize about, not the children of farmers and shepherds who barely had enough to eat.

The 1750s were no exemption, at least until the arrival of the Commercial Companies and the Letter Road Project.

The first years of Pombal’s government brought little new to most of the countryside. The news of a new Prime Minister were regarded nonchalantly, another chapter in the far-off life of the Kingdom’s capital. People still struggled to harvest enough food, pay taxes and live their impoverished, closed lives. The installation of the Douro Wine Company in the north, followed by a number of other authoritarian, bureaucratic centers of monitoring along the country, however, changed things significantly. All of a sudden the state was closing in on their possessions more viciously than ever before, shutting down the businesses they ruled inadequate, dislocating farmers and telling them where, what and how to produce.

This phase of state interference in their lives was followed by several renovations in said companies and the institution of new postal practices which aimed to shorten the time and cost letters took to reach their destinies. Not only was the kingdom growing more intrusive, it was perfecting the intrusion itself, demanding reports on the magistracies in closer cycles of confirmations and requests and wanting to know more of what was going on in the countryside more and more frequently.

This could only spell bad news, as so many inquisitions were often followed by the able men being hunted down and drafted into war. As more injustices were committed towards the farmers and miners, who found themselves under attack by the companies, rural uprisings started occurring nearly every month at some location in the country and many started demanding the shutdown of the new institutions, which abused the rural folk and imposed their methodologies with no concern for their habits and balances.

The state responded brutally, putting down the petitions for justice in the same manner it handled the muggers and rapists of the destroyed Lisbon; through merciless force of arms.

Baffled by the new cruelty in the kingdom, fingers started being pointed at the only thing that had changed from before and thus the only thing that could be at cause of such sudden disdain; the appointment of Melo as the new Prime Minister. By 1756, Pombal was established as the face of dictatorship in the country and many appealed to their local parishes for help protesting against this man. Surely, the men of god, with the help of the bishops and perhaps even Rome, could sway the King to leash his bloodthirsty PM, right?

Alas, the worst happened, and not only the clerics proved powerless before the new demon in charge, but state persecutions began after the more vocal critics of Pombal amongst the clergy. News of Father Malagrida’s expulsion from Lisbon swept the country and the people of Portugal suddenly felt their church was under attack. How could it be that such pious a King would allow a kind man like Father Malagrida to be treated so poorly? How could such roguish attacks on the poor and austere men of cloth, who spent their lives praying for the salvation of others, continue unpunished? What was going on in Lisbon? Although talks between counties were now faster than ever, it seemed as if the only news that reached the villages were either new orders from Lisbon or new rules of production from the local Commercial Companies.

More or less at the same time, another kind of news started popping up, news regarding the buying out of a French warehouse by a Portuguese merchant in Oporto. Later on, a cloth factory was opened in Lisbon and a mine in Beira was reopened for extraction. Declarations coming all the way from Algarve reached Braganza speaking of fishermen ruined by the Earthquake now having new boats and houses thanks to the Algarve Fishing Company. Farms began to unite into larger agricultural centers in Alentejo, the Ribatejo basin announced new terrain development projects and the wine cellars in Oporto registered record profits. Salt coming from Setúbal started reaching the local market and new products from Brazil, of all places, started showing up in coastal docks rather than colonial ships with gold for the King.

What was going on, many asked. What was this new activity in the markets? While the flow of wealth was still invisible, it was clear to many that something was going on in the country as more and more cargo ships went up the Douro River with more diversified quality wares. Some of said wares, particularly clothes, began showing off the stamp of the respective companies so as to show off the responsibility over the product quality and demark themselves over the British goods. At first this backfired, as the people held products from England in higher distinction, but all of a sudden there was a new distinguished entrance in the market by native merchants and goods.

And then the discussions began. Beginning with the first noble who decided to explain to the butler how the coffers were finally in the green, to the priests who showed off the new candles and handmade objects for the messes, talks began popping up in the villages over where the new flows of goods were coming from. Many wondered if the English had finally bought the country out while others conjectured that a lot of estates and properties were being confiscated and spread by the new PM. It would certainly explain the new flurry of wares to be sold while the food market remained as stilt as ever.

It was in 1760, as the people seemed to get used to the sudden new supply of goods, that a third, new correspondence started arriving in the new post offices reformed by King Joseph. Many gathered around the new centers of information, lured by rumors of new commercial restrictions, to find out that, apparently, not only had a new Mint been built in Lisbon but it was also handing out every month full reports on market prices on all kinds of goods, from wine to spices to carrots to squid, to every corner of the country. The rural folk and market dwellers who tried to earn their hard living in the hills of Beira and plains of Alentejo suddenly discovered that the mint was handing out ‘educated suggestions’ on the prices they should practice and, worst of all, they were being ordered to read them out loud so the illiterate would not be deceived.

What an outrage, now the state wanted to tell them how to make their profits?! The sheer ridiculousness of the affair was staggering in of itself, but the lack of concern for northern tariffs and transportation costs completely passed the marks. How did they even expect to enforce such ridiculous measure?

As it turned out, said prices were not obligatory, and were even merely a report on how much the merchants in the local major distribution spots paid for each ware. What a relief. It seemed as if the state had not gone entirely mad, after all.

The following days, however, proved the unconcerned wrong as soon as the farmers and buyers who came up to the stores, docks and warehouses to pay the usual prices, now informed of how much they originally cost, started wondering if the seller was really making a fair deal. What had been until then an incognita, the calculation of the added price of goods became more evident as even those who knew not how to count felt the prices were unfair based on distances and profits said differences gave the suppliers. Why did the merchant charge so much when the distance to the warehouse was not that great? What kind of other factors they had not considered until then were in play? Should they be more concerned with the deals being offered to them?

And then further talk began, this time amidst the poor which consisted in the ‘demand’ side of the market, talks that encouraged the seeking of those more knowledgeable than themselves on commerce, politics and what was going on outside their small worlds and stimulated the exchange of shrewd ideas. Some, upon discovering they were being robbed blind, sought help from the nobles or even the state. Others decided to report to the Commercial Companies, which were always eager to arrest merchants that didn’t abide to their rules (even though said companies supposedly oversaw production and not commerce).

But most importantly, people who had until then lacked the tools to start their own businesses found themselves with the knowledge and know-how to not only follow through said projects but actually compete with established merchants. Local entrepreneurs, who usually had the trust of the locals, were able to set up shop more easily and get in touch with fairer deals for supply than before. Although illiteracy was as high as ever, the number of people per village with their own business increased.

Soon it became normal to have at least a few more local businesses in the region than people were used to and the demand for assemblies regarding prices and commercial legislation began increasing. The surge of financial thought, far more intense in the areas of high education levels, began emanating into the countryside, planting a seed of change in people’s mindsets that promised to increase their involvement and curiosity on plutocrat issues.

Before the people could even think straight about what was going on and how new roads of thinking were being opened, news spread across the countryside of an attempted regicide. Soon, the few who could read did so to authentic gatherings of villagers about how King Joseph, while innocently driving through Lisbon, was attacked by a cowardly gang of scoundrels who confessed patronage of the Marquis of Távora. Being the first piece of fascinating news in some parts of the countryside, tens of thousands of people followed the developments closely, often with days of delay of the publications due to letter travel times.

More pieces of what was going on in Lisbon arrived, completing the scandalous puzzle little by little. The people soon learned that the Prime Minister had taken control of the situation and captured the conspirators, even enrapturing a plot to put the Duke of Aveiro on the throne. The whole case seemed like it was coming out of a fairytale, speaking of treacherous dukes lusting to be kings, jealous marquises seeking retribution and snakelike rogues who wished to harm Portugal and bring it back into the dark ages for personal profit.

Many did not know what to think. Some believed the entire thing to be fabricated propaganda. All knew the King and the Prime Minister had enemies, having been in close contact with some of the aristocrats, farmers, priests and merchants who opposed and protested the many reforms passed by Pombal, but it all seemed too fantastic to be true. When the guards started sweeping the country in authentic manhunts for entire families of suspects, however, reality struck home very deeply.

Treason, many asked in confusion? Treason, a few shouted in outrage! The king who had rebuilt Lisbon was attacked and apparently a number of powerful families and members of the Jesuit Order were implicated in the ignoble offense. How could it be? How could such righteous souls, sworn fealty to both King and God, act in such despicable manner? Could it be a farce, a political move set by the Prime Minister to eliminate his rivals? The situation certainly seemed convenient to it. Were the Távoras perhaps then innocent?

Still, the sheer shock of the development was clear to everyone and many wondered what shadows truly lied behind the fancy curtails of Lisbon’s ballrooms. After what had been the most convoluted decade in memory, with a country literally shaken to its core by a massive tremor of the earth, a destroyed and revived capital, more reforms than most administrations had signed, more changes to the status quo and more controversial developments than most thought possible in their simple lifetimes, the people of Portugal were truly unsure and split in their opinions on the matter. The truth could literally be anything; all they knew was that the changes were far from over and they were stuck with Prime Minister that was now out for blood.

And then war came…

The outbreak of the Seven Years War had flown by the heads of most of the people; another far off conflict in Europe which inevitably came down to the rivalry between France and some other kingdom, in this case the British. What started as a scuffle between Prussia and Austria had spread very rapidly into an intercontinental fight that the Portuguese could ill afford, and preferred, to ignore as something in the background of the social upheaval that was assaulting both the continental territory and Portugal due to Pombal’s reforms.

Spain’s involvement in the fight, however, snapped the people out of their dream and many started fearing Portugal’s alliance with England would prove to be their undoing. Said fears were confirmed when Spain declared war, staring what would be known as the Fantastic War.

Thus, it was in the midst of the political and financial shift of mentality that the people of Portugal had to endure three painstaking incursions from their much larger and stronger neighbor. It was also in said midst that the powerlessness of Portuguese military leaders was shown in its full glory. Finally, it was also in this midst that none other than the Count of Lippe showed up and drafted thousands of men into a fully-fledged military fighting force which proceeded to absolutely destroy the Spanish invaders at the cost of burning Alentejo to the ground.

The end of 1762 saw the people return to broken homes and blackened grounds with barely any compensation for a war no one wanted in the first place. Reports from Lisbon ensured the Prime Minister would secure reparations from Spain, but this meant little to those who lost their farms, their beasts and their families.


This all happened around the same time the members of the Jesuit Order came under full attack by the state, whose military forces seemed to be turning the country upside down in search of the men responsible for whatever little education was handed out to the people. Entire institutions were being uprooted and replaced at the same time the Portuguese struggled to fight, win and recover from a war.

The sense of uncertainty was nigh omnipresent.

The other side of the coin, however, would prove far more important, for the people were not just angry, confused and split; they were also curious. Pombal, despite the controversies, had proven himself a capable statesman, perhaps the most capable in decades. The country had changed more in the latest twelve years than they had in the previous forty and the first fruits seemed to be bearing just as the war unfolded, war that was won rather spectacularly in spite of its price. The national setting had proven to be raising the stakes at cultural, social and political levels.

Indeed, the interest of the people was piqued, and the fifteen years that would follow would put the level of change brought by the earlier twelve to shame.

Note:
This is the 8th and final chapter in the 3rd part of Rebirth of Empire (part 1 of 2) Pombal Government (1750 - 1762). It was important to reflect on the position of Pombal during his 1st government and how much was accomplished and how much still remained to be done. On Sunday March 12 we introduce our major POD and next part of Rebirth of Empire (part 1 of 2) titled "Pombaline Cabinet 1762 -1777". Comments / questions???.

 

[Unknown]

Good update.

Like how the changes are starting to ripple out, IMO. Waiting for more, of course...

 

[ruisramos]

Keep it coming!

 

[Archangel]

Although illiteracy was as high as ever, the number of people per village with their own business increased.

This means more people will demand education for their children.

 

[Johannes Parisiensis]

Interesting.

More mean wealth might means more disposable income, leading to more investments by private persons and more income for health and education.

Moreover, it might change the socio-economic relations in the countryside.

Finally, how a wealthier population might affect the recruitment of colons?

 

[Lusitania]

Good update.

Like how the changes are starting to ripple out, IMO. Waiting for more, of course...

Keep it coming!

The cumulative effect of the reforms is very large. iOTL the level of changes in Portugal was very impressive and I think Portugal would of been a completely different country had there been someone else who would of continued the reforms following Pombal's death. But hold on to your hat cause you not seen anything yet. So now we come to the next chapter in Pombal's government, one that will promise to provide us with even more changes and advances.

This means more people will demand education for their children.

Yes, educational advancement will be one the cornerstones of Pombal government. Even iOTL the growth in the level of education gmduring Pombal's government was very impressive with number of people who could read and write increasing substantially. The people will be demanding real education for their children not just to teach them to become religious brothers and sisters which was the primary focus of educational system before Pombal.

Interesting.

More mean wealth might means more disposable income, leading to more investments by private persons and more income for health and education.

Moreover, it might change the socio-economic relations in the countryside.

Finally, how a wealthier population might affect the recruitment of colons?

Yes an increase in disposable income will mean $$$ available for investing which means continued growth in industry and commerce. For the folks of higher standing and means a very important place in which deals can be made and $ pooled for new ventures will be a chamber of commerce. The new captitalist class will create the demand for one much sooner than iOTL.

The social economic changes both in the cities and countryside will be staggering to say the least. Imigration, and even composition of population will change as will of course of the the emergence of expanded economic comercial class but many changes are being held back by such things as religious control of villages and rural countryside that preached commerce and moneylending as paths to evil (unless you of course lined the priest's pockets). Also transportation or lack of it was a huge deterrent and obstacle to development of rural Portugal.

As for the recruitment issue that will be accomplished two ways; those looking for adventure and to escape the drudgery of everyday life will still look towards path of adventure plus there is also the ability to recruit from those not from Iberian Peninsula.

 

[Lusitania]

Note:
Tomorrow we start posting the 4rd part of Rebirth of Empire (part 1 of 2) Pombaline Cabinet (1762 - 1777). This part of the TL will cover the 2nd phase of the Pombaline government as the country continued on its road reforms and modernization which encompassed not only the Portuguese government but the country, people, institution and empire as a whole. On the 1st post when we introduced the TL this part was not expanded but in reality it is comprised of several sections or Ministries since each section will deal with information, changes and reforms under the jurisdiction of each of the Pombaline Ministers. So before we start posting Pombaline Cabinet (1762 - 1777) it is important to provide a list of its sections:

• Rebirth of the Empire (Part 1 of 2)
  • Pombaline Cabinet (1762 - 1777)
    • Cabinet Expansion
    • Prime Minister
    • Minister of Science & Education
    • Minister of Finance & Commerce
    • Minister of Army & Foreign Affairs
    • Minister of Navy & Colonial Affairs
    • Minister of Agriculture & Health

PS: Due to length of each section they have been broken down into several chapters. For ease of reading we will be publishing each section in several posts (grouped by chapters). Return tomorrow for the intro to Pombaline Cabinet (1762 - 1777) & Cabinet Expansion.

Also as each section is added the they will be updated with links to actual section.

 

[Lusitania]

Rebirth of the Empire (Part 1 of 2) (cont)
Pombaline Cabinet (1762 - 1777)

​

The 1750s and early 1760s were years that followed a physical, metaphysical and psychological shakeup of the Portuguese status quo at cultural, social and economic levels. Attitudes had been changed, reputations had been destroyed, perspectives had been shocked and capitals had been rebuilt. The radical uprooting of religious optimism and outdated mentalities had left sore wounds in the country that now rapidly healed into renewed blood flows of ideas and coin. Though many chains still bound the country’s progression, many had also been broken and there was now movement towards the future in a nation that had been thought to be frozen in time.

The changes of these twelve years, however, would pale in importance next to the ones between 1762 and 1777, which would prove to be not only some of the most dramatic years in recent history, but also perhaps the most important phase of the country’s return to power and modernity. During this time, some of the most significant figures of Portuguese modern history would take their role in shaping the destiny of the kingdom and the most critical tests to this age of ideological expansion would be faced. As the fires of the Távora Affair’s pyres extinguished themselves and as the churches, monasteries and abbeys of the Jesuits were emptied and dispossessed of their treasures, new faces of powerful thoughts and will to change the country would appear and join Pombal in his war against the ghosts of the Old Empire.

Cabinet Expansion
​

Despite having King Joseph's support, Pombal's position in the court and in the country's administration was a solitary one. He enjoyed little sympathy from the nobility and the late king John V administrators distrusted him. The years between 1750 and 1762, however, had allowed the Count of Oeiras to accomplish a great deal of his goals on his own as the country stayed mostly out of war and the earthquake granted the Prime Minister the necessary opportunities to pull out the reforms he wanted.

By the turn of the new decade, however, circumstances had changed and Portugal found itself in conflict with Spain. The social delicacy was, moreover, at an all-time high as the persecution of Jesuits continued and as Pombal gained more and more enemies at court. King Joseph I became increasingly concerned that his Prime Minister was starting to thread way out of his league and that the next assassination attempt would not take long to happen.

In December 1762, at a meeting behind closed doors with Prime Minister Melo and a number of other trusted associates and contacts, including the foreigner Count of Lippe, King Joseph I expressed his concerns regarding the instability of the Portuguese upper class power balance. Mentioning his four daughters as his direct heirs, Joseph went on to stress their dislike of the Prime Minister and sympathy with the Jesuit Order, which had become the declared enemy of the Portuguese Crown.

He recalled the reforms he passed on cabinet law at the beginning of his reign, reforms that had accelerated Melo’s rise to power, and cited their open regulation as part of his desire to expand the current cabinet. The new laws passed by Joseph I in the early 1750s had liberated restrictions in appointment and enclosed ties with the monarch for close collaboration, so much that even a non-Portuguese with great distinction could be chosen for Minister of an important sector.

As a result of the Távora Affair, a number of active ministers resigned, in some cases as a form of protest against the suspicious nature of the affair, in others for fear of their lives should they continue serving under Pombal.[1] This had left the Portuguese cabinet of ministers with plenty of roles to fill.

It was the King’s intention to take this opportunity to bring in a new generation of ministers who could work together with Pombal while making their own strides in areas the Prime Minister lacked insight in, consolidating the strength of the government while expanding the length of their efforts to bring enlightenment to the kingdom.

Moreover, it was the King’s opinion that Portugal faced a decade of extraordinary political importance and challenges. With time and resources racing against him, Pombal agreed with the King to pursue one of the few avenues Joseph I was known to have contributed by himself to the realm during his reign; his cabinet reforms. Taking advantage of the loosened and reworked structure of the ministries which had once allowed him to reach his first office in Government, the Prime Minister set out in search of allies for a new, idealized council that could take on in a united front the problems besetting the country.

It did not take long for Pombal to realize this idea was far more difficult to pursue than initially imagined. Even in the middle stages of his term he had neither the power nor the pulling to form his own cabinet from the pool of gentry and masters Portugal provided. Moreover, the court mentality was very rigid to change and suspicious of Pombal's attitude.

The King’s first born daughter, for example, hated the Marquis with a passion rivaled by few for his arrogant attitude towards the court and the Catholic Church. This bode very badly for Pombal as Princess Maria was the most likely to either become the next Monarch of the country or provide the male heir that would. Pombal quickly realized he needed to create his own cabinet and political group consisting of members of the court of similar thinking and solid loyalty that would help strengthen his political position.

In order to finalize the King’s reforms on cabinet roles, the Ministry sectors were reorganized and readapted so as to change the way their occupants worked, were chosen and were paid. Within just a few years, almost every top position in government was not only changed in its legislation, but given a new face to represent it. The men of enlightened ideas and incredible talent that were brought together to work with the Prime Minister became one of the most celebrated historical groups in Portugal since the ‘Illustrious Generation’, of which Henry the Navigator had been part of. Known as the ‘Pombaline Cabinet’, these men would change the very soul of the nation.


[1] Of ministers who resigned, Pombal‘s government lost two ministers who had been secretly providing his enemies with information for years. Both Filipe Correia da Silva, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Diogo de Mendoça Corte-Real, Minister of Navy and Overseas left not only the government but also the country out of fear.


Note:
This is the 1st Section in the 4th part of Rebirth of Empire (part 1 of 2) Pombaline Cabinet(1762 - 1777). This is a continuation of the major POD of KIng Joseph I intervention, iOTL King Joseph I, never interfered in Pombal's running of the Portuguese government and therefore Pombal was never told to form a Cabinet and also never received assistance in governing the country. The Joseph intervention has happened once before with the elevation of Brazil as equal partner in the Empire and now a second time with the creation of the Pombaline Cabinet. Pombal's suspicious nature and lack of support would of prevented him from sharing power and without the King's involvement never been able to form a cabinet. Comments / questions???.

Please return Thursday March 16 for first two chapters of The Prime Minister's section, as we discuss not only the Prime Minister but the Treaty of Paris 1763 - War Reparations & Slave Liberation & Brazilian State Legislation chapters.

 

[Lusitania]

Rebirth of the Empire (Part 1 of 2) (cont)
Pombaline Cabinet (1762 - 1777) (Cont)

Prime Ministry ​

The formation of the new cabinet and the liberation of Portuguese resources into more optimal means of reform implementation at the hand of his five skilled ministers took a lot of work out of Pombal’s hands, which had spent the first half of his time as Prime Minister juggling a disloyal cabinet with limited treasury and focusing mostly on improving production, commerce and administration. This did not mean, though, that he was inactive during the last years of Joseph I’s reign; the Távora Affair had set a tense mood between him and his remaining enemies and the final stages of the Seven Years War required from him intelligent action in the diplomatic stage.

There was also the vital matter of the recently born Prince Joseph, son of Princess Maria and grandson to the king. As the heir apparent to the princess, a steep enemy of Pombal, the young Joseph presented as much hope for the country’s future as dread; the possibility of him adopting either his grandfather’s desire for enlightenment or his mother’s religious mania would determine whether or not the hard work the Count and his Ministers were undergoing would be in vain, as the danger of his measures being rolled back by future administrations was ever more apparent.

There was also Maria herself, who was next in line for the throne and from whom the Count expected nothing less but an immediate dismissal of the hated Prime Minister upon her coronation. Sebastian Melo could only wonder if, perhaps by holding her son somehow hostage under his influence, he could somehow curb her influence. Conspiracy thoughts and paranoia grew rampant in the cabinet regarding the Portuguese Crown succession the more allies the Princess gathered amongst the cabinet’s enemies, setting the stage to the event that would be known as the Order of Christ Conspiracy.

In the meantime, many internal and external affairs called his attention; the rapid militarization of the Portuguese armed forces under Count Lippe’s efforts diminished Pombal’s fears that the British were gaining an opportunity to seize Brazil, as Portugal seemed more and more prepared to defend its possessions, while the rapid industrialization and capitalization of Portugal’s plutocrat class threatened to alienate the British presence in Portugal and, therefore, British friendliness altogether. Something had to be done by the Prime Minister to assure British approval without repeating the mistake of sacrificing to them Portuguese commercial privileges.

The rapid and effective industrialization of Portugal and subsequently of Brazil as well as the increase in commerce and the labor shortage in both areas were the catalysts for the Portuguese government policy of forced labor movement throughout the empire as a result of a boom in worker demand. The expansion of Portuguese territory in Africa, India and Asia provided the government with a steady supply of laborers to other provinces that were in need of laborers. New policies regarding the nature of labor and immigration were then needed to be passed if Portugal wished to accelerate its growth in the international industrial stage.

Therefore, while the first half of his tenure, specifically the Solitary Phase between 1750 and 1762, was marked by the laying out of important commercial and economic fundaments, the Count of Oeiras’ second half, the Cabinet Phase, was characterized by the passing of laws, treaties and macro-political chess moves that aimed to change the nation altogether, leaving Commerce and the like for Rattan to handle.

Before the Prime Minister could focus on his visionary agenda, however, there was a matter of the Fantastic War to bring closure to.

Treaty of Paris (1763) – War Reparations​

“You ask, dear Count, how we shall pay for such trial-filled triumph over an invasion force we did not provoke or deserve? Well, I answer, sir, ‘not a single cent!’ Our dear ‘hermanos’ can take the tab.”
-Marquis of Pombal, to the Count of Lippe​

Following the traumatic series of army self-destructions and the recapture of Castelo Branco by the Portuguese, the Spanish forces lost their foothold in their neighbor as well as any hope to conduct a respectable offensive. Under the command of the Count of Lippe, the Anglo-Portuguese army was successful in forcing Spain to sue for peace by the end of November of 1762.

It was the Count’s full intention to see his mission to protect the closest ally of Britain through and, to that end, he would see Portuguese neutrality and status quo ante bellum completely restored and safeguarded for at least a number of years after the Seven Years War was solved for good. However, while these conditions were indeed imposed by the count as soon as peace negotiations started this did not guarantee from the Count’s part any intention to go beyond the strictly necessary to protect Portugal, much less compensate it for the destruction caused in the countryside and the aggression as a whole.

The Marquis of Pombal, though friendly with the Count of Lippe, would have none of that. Realizing that a lack of serious intervention from his part would mean an unpunished Spain and an unavenged Portugal from what was a highly damaging war despite the overwhelming Anglo-Luso victory, he insisted in having the government agents on the field stall the peace until he could personally supervise the discussed terms.

Portugal, obviously, was not in a position to demand any territory from Spain, something which drew skepticism from many to Pombal’s riled intervention in the peace negotiations, but that was never Pombal’s intention in the first place. Instead, the Prime Minister, using his experience as a former ambassador and Foreign Minister, fought tooth and nail to have included in the peace terms an unquestioned clause demanding not only immediate war reparations, but a significant compensation payment for ‘diplomatic injuries’ from the Spanish over the course of the ten years that would follow.

Said reparations and compensations were, of course, important to uphold Portuguese prestige and sovereignty as it enforced a steeper price on invading the western country, but many questioned Pombal’s wisdom in the matter as the money paid by the Spanish was considered relatively small compared to the Portuguese annual intake from its colonies, drawing attention to the question if Pombal’s input was worth provoking or even humiliating the Spanish for. Harsher critics accused him of endangering said peace by demanding something Spanish would never be willing to pay and, thus, prolonging the conflict.

Even so, the Count of Lippe, sensitive to the destruction to the Portuguese countryside and the need to loosen the burden on Lisbon, agreed to Pombal’s intervention and signed the Treaty of Paris with the following terms for the Iberian Theater:

• All remaining land occupied by either side to be returned to its pre-war owner;
• The South American border dispute to be settled with Portugal keeping all lands north of the Uruguay River and East of the La Plata River in Western Brazil and the Southern Amazon while the Uruguay Brazil border would be restored Status quo ante bellum as agreed by the 1750 Treaty of Madrid;
• Spain to pay immediate reparations and a ten-year phased payment to Portugal for war damage in amounts agreed between French and British observers of the conflict;
• The cessation of all hostilities on Iberian Territory for a minimal period of twenty years;
• The respect of all terms under threat of renewed and diplomatically non-reprehended Anglo-Luso hostilities against Spain and its colonies;

Just as predicted by Pombal’s critics, the reparations agreed between Britain and France for Portugal were relatively small, with the biggest impact being the prestige blow it implied for Spain. The guaranteed payment over the course of the more delicate phases for the Portuguese economy during Pombal’s administration, however, would prove highly beneficial. This was because it meant that, not only was monetary confidence increased in the government, but the dependency on Brazilian gold for reparations in Lisbon and the Portuguese country side was lowered just enough that the government was able to invest in change.

Moreover, under advice from the Count of Lippe, Pombal pressured the involved parties to delineate a twenty-year truce in the Iberian Peninsula. This term, designed to appear to intend for the restoration of political and economic stability to the European territory, even going as far as reminding everyone of the Lisbon Earthquake of seven years earlier, left aside the possibility of a conflict with Spain in South America, especially along the La Plata River basin.

This was, however, completely intentional and even the entire point hidden behind Pombal and the Count’s words. The Count of Lippe understood, based on history and demographics, that Portugal had an advantage fighting Spain in southern Brazil; population, economic and military balance between the two nations was far more leveled in the south American territories, not to mention the war front, despite being potentially longer, was more concentrated in terms of direction relatively to the Portuguese and Spanish colonial positions. The British could also protect Portugal more easily in this theater since the Spanish colonies in the Caribbean and Central America were significantly vulnerable to the English ships, as demonstrated by the taking of Manila and Havana during the war, and assistance to the Portuguese could reach them as far as the La Plata River was navigable.

Moreover, Pombal feared that cutting off all the possible Spanish routes to retribution would remove the necessary national catharsis that would pave the path to peace in Iberia. The future Marquis of Pombal believed the Spanish Government would not feel so aggravated with Lisbon if it felt it could still war with Portugal, even if only at a far-off vulnerable front.

In conclusion, thanks to Pombal’s intervention in the treaty of Paris, money for his ambitious projects was secured despite the fragile state of the country while still allowing for future war ambitions, unbridling his ambitions for the state as a whole. Moreover, the critics aimed at Pombal for unnecessarily provoking Spain were silenced when the public realized the Spanish catastrophic defeat in the Fantastic War was strong enough of a humiliation already for them to feel bothered by trinket reparations.

Slave Liberation & Brazilian State Legislation​

As a man of enlightenment, the Count was deeply disturbed by the practice of slave trade which he regarded as nearly barbaric. Though his views on forced relocation of population were a bit different, both he and King Joseph I had made their personal goal to pioneer the abolishment of African slavery in Europe. Portuguese imperial reality, however, threw a wrench in the plans called Brazil.

The Brazilian population was the result of the settlement of Portuguese, Dutch, German, Italian and Jewish colonists on Southwestern American shores, preceded by an intense mingling with or enslavement of local natives such as the Tupinamba, the Potiguara and even the Charrua of the Banda Oriental, a powerful movement of Catholic Christian influences throughout the territory and finally the massive influx of Angolan slaves to work in plantations and mines. Of all the slave trade practiced by the Europeans in the Atlantic, a horrifying 50% of it was sent to Brazil, with only a comparatively microscopic 5% being sent to the American territories that would become known as the ‘Old South’.

Thus, though the core one third of the population consisted of the whites that owned the most land and had full rights as citizens, the remaining two thirds were overwhelmingly of African ancestry with a small percentage of Indian descendants. The ensuing racial tension combined with the power status quo created by northern plantation owners lead to an intense fear amongst Brazilians of instability, violence and wealth loss around the idea of freeing the slaves.

Joseph I himself worried about the consequences of freeing all slaves in Brazil, as it was equivalent at the time of dispossessing innocent white citizens of their rightful property, something he considered should not be done without a ‘Távora Affair’ of sorts to go with it (something hard to accomplish considering the distance between Lisbon and Brazil). The sheer amount of brute tyrannical force required to rob the plantation owners of their workers could be enough to trigger a colonial revolt like the one happening in the Thirteen Colonies or even a civil war in Portugal altogether.

Between 1763 and 1770, the metropolitan area of Portugal underwent under the guidance and investment of the new French-born Finance Minister a period of rapid industrialization in areas ranging from textiles to weapon manufactory. The rapid shift of occupation and labor nature in urban centers allowed for the observation of labor efficiency under the constant pressure of putting out products of quality and attractiveness greater than British ones. Minister Rattan collected observations from his factory overseers and private investors who had employed a good number of people who had come from Brazil to rebuild Lisbon, and thus included African and Indian descendants amongst them.

It was the Minister’s personal belief that the status of slave was unnecessary to ensure hard work from non-whites and that working to create conditions to bolster national production by manipulating motivation of an equally regarded worker class was easier and more efficient than separating them by race and allowing for further stagnation of the imperial racial situation. The reasoning held in court to promote the Liberation Decree was then to increase economic efficiency throughout Portugal’s industrialized territories, rather than a moral or even religious cause.

A full abolishment throughout the Empire was impossible, then, so instead Joseph I and his Prime Minister prepared a new document of slave liberation that set free all the slaves entering non-Brazilian ports.

King Joseph I’s Slave Liberation Decree in 1768
A 1772 revision would include Rio de Janeiro and Rio Grande do Sul​

The popular reception of the Liberation Decree outside Brazil was subject to the populace’s contemporary mentalities. The rising thought amongst the Portuguese in the late 18th Century was that of the tolerationist; he who believed slavery to be immoral, who advocated against its economic efficiency as a labor system, who pitied the lot of the black man but also who feared the grave consequences of uncontrolled liberation of the oppressed, uncivilized minority. On the other hand, the tolerationist also feared the possible negative consequences abolition would have in the economy, even while criticizing the current situation of slavery to begin with.

This last doubt was mostly due to the social and economic differences the Empire had throughout the globe, throughout different climates and demographics, with Brazil and West Africa being the biggest examples by far. Most hesitations seemed to revolve around whether or not a man was willing to work hard without a whip on his back.

The first few years of abolition rapidly shifted the nature of most Portuguese colonies in Africa, which had for the most part been reliant on the slave trade not only for profit but for continued good relations with nearby tribe lords and native empires, such as the Mutapa near Mozambique. A quick reassertion of each colony’s value had to be made and something had to be done about all the colonists and natives that had either been employed in or victimized by the slave system. The PRP would include in its first operations the relocation of many former slaves to new territories, preferably outside Africa and Brazil and into Europa, Goa, Timor and Macau, but this could only solve so much of the problem.

This would, however, open the way for industry and agriculture investment in African colonies, something that would in turn open the way for military expansion as colonial needs changed.

Moreover, the liberation applied itself to any slave entering non-Brazilian ports. This meant that slave trade itself was still informally active; it just was no longer allowed to sell the human commodity in Portuguese territories outside South America. It was hoped that in combination with ‘Free Womb’ laws this would gradually bring an end to the slave population over the course of a few generations.

In 1770, following the Mutual Assurance Declaration[1] by Navy Minister Castro that legitimized the individual Brazilian state’s right to its own set of laws through the military support of the Portuguese Army, the state of ‘Rio Grande do Sul’ approved the Liberation Decree in its jurisdiction, thus including the first Brazilian territory in the scope of lands that abolished slavery in the Portuguese empire. This was followed by Rio de Janeiro choosing the same path in 1771. The voluntary admittance of liberation by these two territories gave tremendous impetus to the cause of terminating the status of slave in Portugal, as there was now a firm foothold for it even in South America.

Northern Brazilian states, however, refused to pass the same law in their ports, something they expected Portugal to back with the force of arms as well (something the Mutual Assurance Declaration forced Lisbon to do despite the growing popularity of abolition in the metropolis). The entrance of slaves, now sometimes bought illegally in Guinea or in other European ports through Africa, as well as the growing of tensions between them and every other Portuguese and Brazilian territory, continued in Bahia and other northern states well into even after the Napoleonic Wars.
___________________________________________________________________________________
[1] (see Navy Minister Section)


Note:
These are the first two chapters of the 2nd Section in the Rebirth of Empire (part 1 of 2) Pombaline Cabinet(1762 - 1777). The Prime Minister has been alleviated of several major portfolios and now needs to deal with a cabinet that in 1762-1763 was assembled. The major players in the cabinet will be introduced later in their own sections. As for Pombal, he still has hands full. In the first chapter there was another POD, the insistence of Spain paying Portugal war reparations.. As for the second chapter they follow iOTL pretty close. The major difference is the start of non-slavery states in southern Brazil. The industrialization and immigration to the major urban centers leads Rio to move away from slavery. Its a start but one will take a long path till the country is free. Comments / questions???.

Please return Monday March 20 for last three chapters of The Prime Minister's section, as we discuss the "Provincial Resettlement Program & National Intelligence", "The 1764 Long Treaty a.k.a. the New Methuen Agreement" as well as "Production Company Reform" .

 

[Unknown]

Good update.

Wonder how the Order of Christ conspiracy goes here...

 

[Lusitania]

Good update.

Wonder how the Order of Christ conspiracy goes here...

For those familiar with v1.0 will not be disappointed. We have taken the best parts of the conspiracy and expanded it to be culmination of several important stories and the defining moment of Joseph I reign.