Rebirth of an Empire "O Renascimento de um Império" v2.0
- Thread starter Lusitania
- Start date
yah about chaning porutgal fate in 20th centrurty making stable state and all that jazz
Lusitania
Donor
Hi I have two TL, this one in the pre-1900 and second in the post-1900.
So let’s do a quick summary and discussion.
Rebirth of Empire - starts in 1750 when king Joseph I comes to power. The principle person during the first 25 years though was Marques Pombal who was appointed Prime Minister and started the process of change and modernization.
We are currently at the tail end of Pombal’s life dealing with Portuguese empire in the 1780s. As for future themes and topics we will need to address will be Napoleon Wars, 19th century social and political transformation and how the imperialistic countries interact with one another and the world.
As for the 20th century and what we think of Great War and WW2, I understand your concern and your questioning. When I started this journey over 10 years ago I envisioned Portugal fighting in such wars but as time has passed the world of the TL has taken shape and evolved its unique characteristics I realized by the 20th century we will have a completely different world and have no idea when and where such events (world wars) take place (if they do). The pressures and circumstances that led to those conflicts may not exist or may be present in other forms. The countries we know of may be different or not exist. Portugal/ Portuguese empire will be drastically different and the dynamics of the country be completely foreign to our thinking when compared to iotl.
Lusophone World - My post 1900 TL starts in 1920 and the world events for the first 20-30 years happen almost identical till the end of the 1950s although butterflies start changing small parts of world. By 1960s we have a world that is much different than iotl.
The premise for that TL is a progressive Estado Novo established in 1920 and limited influence by Salazar who dies in 1936. Portugal develops its economy, builds industry and industrializes eventually forming a federation with its colonies.
During WW2 The Portuguese are friendly with the Axis and trade with both Axis and Allies due to its location and need to keep Axis out of Iberian Peninsula. Eventually they join the Allies but there are issues. (Read for more info)
We currently posting the 1960s at moment.
—————————————-——————————————
Therefore at this moment we either far from 20th century and what may or may not happen will need to be discussed in due time. The second TL we are past WW2 and now into Cold War.
So let’s do a quick summary and discussion.
Rebirth of Empire - starts in 1750 when king Joseph I comes to power. The principle person during the first 25 years though was Marques Pombal who was appointed Prime Minister and started the process of change and modernization.
We are currently at the tail end of Pombal’s life dealing with Portuguese empire in the 1780s. As for future themes and topics we will need to address will be Napoleon Wars, 19th century social and political transformation and how the imperialistic countries interact with one another and the world.
As for the 20th century and what we think of Great War and WW2, I understand your concern and your questioning. When I started this journey over 10 years ago I envisioned Portugal fighting in such wars but as time has passed the world of the TL has taken shape and evolved its unique characteristics I realized by the 20th century we will have a completely different world and have no idea when and where such events (world wars) take place (if they do). The pressures and circumstances that led to those conflicts may not exist or may be present in other forms. The countries we know of may be different or not exist. Portugal/ Portuguese empire will be drastically different and the dynamics of the country be completely foreign to our thinking when compared to iotl.
Lusophone World - My post 1900 TL starts in 1920 and the world events for the first 20-30 years happen almost identical till the end of the 1950s although butterflies start changing small parts of world. By 1960s we have a world that is much different than iotl.
The premise for that TL is a progressive Estado Novo established in 1920 and limited influence by Salazar who dies in 1936. Portugal develops its economy, builds industry and industrializes eventually forming a federation with its colonies.
During WW2 The Portuguese are friendly with the Axis and trade with both Axis and Allies due to its location and need to keep Axis out of Iberian Peninsula. Eventually they join the Allies but there are issues. (Read for more info)
We currently posting the 1960s at moment.
—————————————-——————————————
Therefore at this moment we either far from 20th century and what may or may not happen will need to be discussed in due time. The second TL we are past WW2 and now into Cold War.
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Paris Treaty – Aftermath: War Impact – Countries and People
Lusitania
Donor
Paris Treaty – Aftermath (cont.)
War Impact – Countries and People
War Impact – Countries and People
The treaty of Paris 1783 was a double edge sword for the Portuguese. In some ways it exemplified the continued growth in Portugal economically and militarily but in other ways it reinforced the attitude that many countries had that Portugal was only able to achieve the military conquests due to its relationship with Britain and even had only been able to defeat both the Dutch and French due to those countries being distracted by the British. It also exacerbated lingering tensions between Portugal and its rivals despite the last-minute twist that was the Luso-Dutch Alliance.
American Independence & Impact on Britain
During negotiations in Paris, (Paris Treaty of 1783) the American delegation discovered that France would support independence, but no territorial gains. The new nation would be confined to the area east of the Appalachian Mountains, with the Northwest Territories staying in British-Canadian hands. The American delegation opened direct secret negotiations with London, cutting the French out, but Lord Shelburne had already agreed to these terms due to the possibility of ending Spanish aggressions on it in both Gibraltar and North America.[1]
Despite the settlement being made at the Ohio border proposal, Shelburne still now saw a chance make the United States a valuable economic partner. At the end of the war the US was practically bankrupt and in dire economic peril. As part of the agreement the US obtained all the land east of the Mississippi River, south of Canada, and north of Florida, forming a very sizeable land filled with white Anglo-Saxon Protestants that could make valuable allies. In addition, it gained fishing rights off Canadian and Mexican coasts. Shelburne was able to negotiate a favorable trade agreement with US allowing for British investment and trade with the US, to ease the burden on the young nation and to foster better relations Britain agreed to pay full compensation and costs to British merchants and Loyalists wishing to relocate to British territory. It was a highly favorable treaty for the United States even without the Northwest Territories, and deliberately so from the British point of view.
However, many American state builders, some of them among the Founding Fathers, had lingering concerns regarding the lost lands to the west, perceiving them as a relinquished right to their chartered states. Since the blockade was lifted and the old imperial restrictions were gone, American merchants were free to trade with any nation anywhere in the world and their businesses flourished, but this growth would only propel feelings amongst the newest citizens of the world that their potential was in curfew to the east of the Ohio River.
Initially, the more pacifist politicians sought to counter this frustration in a number of ways:
- Stressing the vagueness of the Paris Treaty regarding settling rights in these ‘lost territories’, thus encouraging migrants in America to move west regardless of it;
- Pursuing westward expansion south of the Ohio River or, in other words, right through Spanish Louisiana and Texas;
- Encouraging eastward commercial expansion by reattaching ties with European nations;
The British recognition of United States and the Peace treaty freed Portugal from its British obligations to not recognize United States and embargo the country. Portugal recognized the independence of United States and to the delight of many merchants and politicians its embargo was lifted.
Losing the war and the Thirteen Colonies was a shock to Britain and to Europe. The war revealed the limitations of Britain's fiscal-military state when it discovered it suddenly faced powerful enemies, with few allies, and dependent on extended and vulnerable transatlantic lines of communication. The defeat heightened dissension and escalated political antagonism to the King's ministers. Inside parliament, the primary concern changed from fears of an over-mighty monarch to the issues of representation, parliamentary reform, and government retrenchment. Reformers sought to destroy what they saw as widespread institutional corruption.
The result was a powerful crisis, lasting between 1776 and 1783. The peace in 1783 left France financially prostrate, while the British economy boomed thanks to the return of American business. The crisis ended after 1784 thanks to the King's shrewdness in outwitting Charles James Fox (the leader of the Fox-North Coalition), and renewed confidence in the system engendered by the leadership of the new Prime Minister, William Pitt. Historians conclude that loss of the American colonies enabled Britain to deal with the French Revolution with more unity and better organization than would otherwise have been the case. Britain turned towards Asia, the Pacific and later Africa with subsequent exploration leading to the rise of the Second British Empire, which would become much stronger and larger than the First.
Britain's war against the Americans, French and Spanish cost about £100 million. The Treasury borrowed 40% of the money it needed. Heavy spending brought France to the verge of bankruptcy and revolution, while the British had relatively little difficulty financing their war, keeping their suppliers and soldiers paid, and hiring tens of thousands of German soldiers. Britain had a sophisticated financial system based on the wealth of thousands of landowners, who supported the government, together with banks and financiers in London. The efficient British tax system collected about 12 percent of the GDP in taxes during the 1770s.
In sharp contrast, Congress and the American states had no end of financing the war. In 1775 there was at most 12 million dollars in gold in the colonies; not nearly enough to cover current transactions, let alone finance a major war. The British made the situation much worse by imposing a tight blockade on every American port, which cut off almost all imports and exports. One partial solution was to rely on volunteer support from militiamen, and donations from patriotic citizens.
Another was to delay actual payments, pay soldiers and suppliers in depreciated currency, and promise it would be made good after the war. Indeed, in 1783 the soldiers and officers were given land grants to cover the wages they had earned but had not been paid during the war. Not until 1781, when Robert Morris was named Superintendent of Finance of the United States, did the national government have a strong leader in financial matter.
Morris used a French loan in 1782 to set up the private Bank of North America to finance the war. Seeking greater efficiency, Morris reduced the civil list, saved money by using competitive bidding for contracts, tightened accounting procedures, and demanded the national government's full share of money and supplies from the confederated states.
Congress used four main methods to cover the cost of the war, which cost about 66 million dollars in specie (gold and silver). Congress made two issues of paper money, in 1775–1780, and in 1780–81. The first issue amounted to 242 million dollars. This paper money would supposedly be redeemed for state taxes, but the holders were eventually paid off in 1791 at the rate of one cent on the dollar. By 1780, the paper money was "not worth a Continental", as people said.
The skyrocketing inflation was a hardship on the few people who had fixed incomes, but 90% of the people were farmers, and were not directly affected by that inflation. Debtors benefited by paying off their debts with depreciated paper. The greatest burden was borne by the soldiers of the Continental Army, whose wages, usually in arrears, declined in value every month, weakening their morale and adding to the hardships of their families.
Beginning in 1777, Congress repeatedly asked the states to provide money, but the states had no system of taxation either, and were little help. By 1780 Congress was making requisitions for specific supplies of corn, beef, pork and other necessities; an inefficient system that kept the army barely alive.
Starting in 1776, the Congress sought to raise money by loans from wealthy individuals, promising to redeem the bonds after the war. The bonds were in fact redeemed in 1791 at face value, but the scheme raised little money because Americans had little specie, and many of the rich merchants were supporters of the Crown. Starting in 1776, the French secretly supplied the Americans with money, gunpowder, and munitions in order to weaken its arch enemy, Great Britain. When France officially entered the war in 1778, the subsidies continued, and the French government, as well as bankers in Paris and Amsterdam loaned large sums to the American war effort. These loans were repaid in full in the 1790s.
The 1790s, however, would see economical trouble return in the form of Barbary Pirates, which would hold the entire American economy hostage for years on end with ransoms, until the Americans fought back and even obtained help from an unexpected ally in Europe…[2]
Revolutionary Influence in Portugal & Rise of Liberals
“I finally see in your eyes a spark of the same fear I believe may have perhaps also spurred my family to leave for the Colonies; your Majesty, that is the fear of tyranny and you’d do well not be remembered for it.”
-Aaron Lopez, to Joseph II, July 1780
“I finally see in your eyes a spark of the same fear I believe may have perhaps also spurred my family to leave for the Colonies; your Majesty, that is the fear of tyranny and you’d do well not be remembered for it.”
-Aaron Lopez, to Joseph II, July 1780
The topic of the American Revolution, its Declaration of Independence and the ideology over which the United States were founded was, in Portugal, heavily influenced by a number of factors, from which the following stood out:
- Anglo-Luso Alliance;
- Hispanic-Luso Rivalry;
- Lusitanian presence in American commerce and population;
- Portuguese sovereignty over Brazil;
- Tagus Declaration & Pombaline Revolution;
- Portuguese losses and gains in the 1778 Luso-Mysore War;
In the cabinet at the time the opinion varied greatly, with Aaron Lopez finding himself at the end of many estranged stares due to his previous habitation in the northeastern United States.
King Joseph II, on the other hand, far younger, humbler and modern-in-mind, was greatly upset by the events in the Thirteen Colonies, seeing them as a mirror to an imaginary dark future in his own reign. Most of Joseph’s liberal stances on colonialism were heavily influenced by both his attachment to Brazil and the impact of the Founding Fathers’ actions and arguments.
There was not much flexibility allowed to Portugal’s response, however; its fragile size and vulnerable positions demanded British protection, anti-Hispanic caution, overbearing vigilance and commitment to historical agreements. Portugal was obligated to defend Great Britain’s stance on the Thirteen Colonies, good or bad, and defend an example of obedience rather than rebellion to Brazil. The future of the Portuguese Empire could very well depend on its authoritarianism, counterproductive as it may have been.
Was there, however, a desire from Portugal’s part to embrace or defend the American ideology?
The new capitalist, mercantile and bureaucratic communities, backed by the Chambers of Commerce, would say ‘yes’. Commerce and immigration were increasingly pressing issues for Portugal, especially after the revival of its economy. The North American theater was rich in a number of low-cash, but vital, goods, such as timber for ships and food from the Grand Bank Fisheries. Its southern plantations were useless to Portugal’s Brazilian-fed tobacco, sugar and cocoa sectors, but the country’s new manufactories sorely needed the products of the northern states, which is why a number of merchants had wormed their way in Boston, Massachusetts and New York between 1760 and 1773, the hot years of unrest in these territories. Portuguese manufactories had also made significant profits and friendships during the early years of the American Revolution by smuggling manufactured goods to these cities when Britain would not.
The libertarian arguments were also attractive to the merchants; meritocracy was always welcomed by capitalists oppressed by monarchies.
As for the rest of society there was a widespread attitude that ranged from ignorance to dismissal to outright hostility. The new statesmen and lawmakers mused over the significance of the United States for nation-building and civilization, not sure what to tell their patronal entities. There were also border matters to consider; antagonizing the British meant emboldening the French and Spanish, the greatest threats to Portuguese independence.
Even disregarding British influence and Brazilian preoccupations, the population was unsure whether or not to identify themselves with the American movement, due to the simple reason of having already recently accepted a movement of their own; the Pombaline one. The repudiation of clerical power and renunciation of aristocratic influence over law and taxes had created a freer society that felt little reason for more radical steps so soon.
Radicals begged to differ; allied to capitalists, merchants and other sectors predisposed to defend the American ideology, they began to defend and propagate basic ideals of liberalism, starting with word of mouth and underground publications. This fringe movement was easily noticed but highly underestimated, believed by the common man as lacking in proper fuel for any actual significance. They based themselves on the Tagus Declaration but sought more thorough change, wishing for further tax reform, social reworking and even republicanism.
In 1778, with the resolution of the Luso-Mysore War, issues of representation and citizen rights similar to those faced in Britain further spiked liberalist talk in Lisbon, with young college students fearing for their lives in a potential overseas war despite the state’s pretenses of democracy. At the same time Goan stocks rose to new heights, commercial hearings about the protection of merchant assets and investments in education mushroomed, intensifying the miasma of left-wing politics in major cities.
The Josephine period was marked by the gradual rise of liberals in Portugal, especially in tune with the rise of literacy, wealth and urbanization. The Pombaline Revolution, of course, set the initial course of its ideas in Portugal’s particular political theater, but more and more it would assimilate American constitutionalism and French republicanism until in the early 1800s it would evolve into a full pro-Constitution movement that captivated nearly a quarter of the population.[3]
The emergence of a republican independent country in the Americas had a great impact on many European countries and their colonies, Portugal being no exception. The major impact was the declaration that Americans could become citizens of country and not just subjects. The major difference was the status of Brazil and the Brazilians in the Portuguese Empire.
At the time of the American Revolution the British population was between 8 – 9 million while the American colonies population was about 2.5 million of which 30-50% were slaves. In the Portuguese Empire the population of Portugal was 3.5 million while Brazil population was 2.5 million of which about 30% were slaves. Since the British population outnumbered the colonists’ European population 4:1 there was not a huge concern or empathy with the colonist and their concerns.
Meanwhile the Portuguese and Brazilian population was almost the same size. The population disparity had not been lost on the Portuguese government who had put in place severe population controls starting in the 1750s. The most critical and important change during King Joseph I reign had been the elevation of Brazil to kingdom and the promotion of (free) Brazilians as equal states to those of the kingdom.
Secondly, the elevation to kingdom had also been followed by complete abolition of all restrictions on Brazilian economic and industrial development.[4] Moreover, the major contention of the British colonist in America “taxation” had been changed where Portuguese taxes had been reduced or completely eliminated and the Brazilians collected their own taxes and shared in the Empire’s expenses and defense. Brazilian’s investment in Portuguese colonies in Africa and Asia was growing at an ever-increasing rate. Also there started to be a belief by many Brazilian elites that they were becoming equal partners.
Productivity and power had therefore become Brazil’s contribution to the Portuguese Empire, rather than overreaching taxes, but for all of the kingdom’s attempt change its relationship with Brazil and advancements, discontent with Lisbon and Portuguese government increased in the later part of the 18th century.
The first substantial revolt against Portuguese rule came in the late 1780s when Joseph Joaquim da Silva Xavier, known as Tiradentes, joined and soon became the leader of the Inconfidência Mineira, a movement against Portuguese rule and for revolutionary democracy in Brazil that was inspired by the American Revolution and was based in Vila Rica, Minas Gerais.
‘Tiradentes’ sentencing and hanging in 1792
Due to the new MAD doctrine, Portugal was not allowed to interfere directly in Brazilian state legislation, only help enforce it on request with the Atlantic Army, so Brazilian authorities handled the incident themselves. In 1789 the movement was betrayed, and its leaders were imprisoned. In 1792 they were freed and exiled with the exception of Tiradentes (eng. Teeth-puller), who was re-trialed by the state of Rio de Janeiro and executed, causing the matter to fall down into relative obscurity.[5]
In 1781, after studying the result of the Portuguese-French War of India of the prior year, the Swiss-born French Minister of Finance Jacques Necker published his most influential document ever, the Compte rendu au roi (Fr. Report to the King), detailing the terrible state of the French economy resulting of famine, war debts and mismanagement. It also suggested a series of Enlightenment measures that would help reverse the situation. To cite his case, Jacques Necker exemplified Pombaline Portugal, mainly how it succeeded against the French Navy and French India.
In one of the clearest signs of unwanted revolutionary influence on others, the Pombaline Revolution was used as a pretext to justify Necker’s policies. The document spoke of the industrial spread in Portugal that cut it off from dependence on Brazilian gold and stabilized the economy. It also spoke of how the more balanced social taxes there and the booming capitalism created a surge of jobs and revenue that kept the Third Estate happy at the same time it’s deeply cemented Jesuit brainwashing was attacked by the Portuguese Crown.
The document was successful in convincing King Louis XVI to raise new loans to finance the American Revolutionary War. For a while it seemed that the normally hesitant King was comfortable in relying on the Portuguese example to support Necker’s measures.
However, the king’s mentality changed when news of the Order of Christ Conspiracy, the Portuguese Catholic Church persecution and the ensuing execution of countless nobles and priests in Portugal reached Paris. French envoys, diplomats and travelers spoke to the people of France about how Portugal was rounding about aristocrats who had betrayed the King and his reforms and how now they hanged, had their heads cut off or even burned them inside their own houses. The violence in Portugal, though microscopic compared to what would later on occur in France, was enough to convince many conservative members of French society that the small Iberian country had gone mad and was heading down the wrong path.
Louis XVI, whose poor leadership strength was easily influenced by others, suddenly felt that of his aristocratic brothers and vassals demanding that he disregarded Portugal as an example of proper economic management. Portugal was argued to be undergoing a delusional path, that it was economically stronger now mostly thanks to its colonial revenues and Indian expansion, rather than wise rule, and that France following its example would lead to a barbarian revolution in which the proper church values would be destroyed and make France subject to Austrian or Spanish attack. As a result, King Louis XVI supported no more reforms based on the Pombaline model for the remainder of his rule.
The echoes of the Pombaline revolution then, as unwanted as they were by both senders and receivers, fell on deaf ears, though the renouncement of them could be argued to be a minor catalyst to the French Revolution. Revolutionaries’ cartoons and posters would later on include Portugal now and then, the most iconic one portraying the First and Second Estates shouting over young Joseph II’s enlightened words at King Louis XVI’s ears.
Impact on the Netherlands
The Three-Years War nearly bankrupt the Dutch state which, in conjunction with the assistance it provided to Britain’s enemies, it faced a major global assault as retaliation, lost almost a third of its territorial claims, relinquished full authority over Kapstaad to British overseers and finally saw its dominion over the South East Asia frontier to the Pacific stolen by Lisbon or lost to native islands. The VOC shrunk significantly, losing all factories on mainland India and concentrating its capital around Batavia and Colombo core lands. Ceylon and Java became then more than ever the jewels of the Amsterdam Empire.
Its navy didn’t fare much better; the war had already started with ill omens as, despite ambitious ship building programs, the privately-administered VOC was forced for the first time to ask assistance from the government, something that didn’t even come to fruition as most reinforcements sent were lost in battle either along the way to Java or in the Battle of Timor Sea. The commercial power of the company dropped as a result, as well as its ability to defend itself, and the balance of power had been permanently tilted to be maintained in conjunction with their new forceful allies, the Portuguese.
This led to the rise in political power of the Patriot Party back home, plunging the Netherlands into steep political instability for the rest of the decade. The war in itself became recorded as a black turning point in Dutch history, eventually seen in the late 19th century as where the Netherlands lost de facto its great power claim. New commercial lanes and shipping tech brought by steam power, as well as weaponry, would eventually allow it to make a return and expand in Indonesia, Suriname and Africa, but with the onset of the Second Colonial Accord, Dutch hopes of colonizing its discoveries in Australia Incognita were lost forever and its settlers more often became migrants to other colonial empires than to its own.
Impact on Spain
Although the treaty was concluded with no shots having ever been exchanged between the two Iberian countries, as a result of King Joseph II’s actions and the Lusitanian stance regarding British Gibraltar the animosity from Madrid continued to grow. In some circles of the Spanish society, hatred and resentment towards Lisbon’s backstabbing started surpassing that towards Britain. Moreover, the continued gains of Portugal in India, South America, East Indies and Africa angered the Spanish but the changes occurring in Brazil really alarmed the government of Spanish La Plata. The Count of Floridablanca, José Redondo, became more worried about the economic and political changes in Brazil than with an independent United States, arguing that Brazil, as a huge colony still owned by its motherland, had more leverage to pursue territorial gains at Spanish expense than the fledgling republic in North America. The fact that the north bank of the La Plata estuary now belonged to Portugal since 1770 only accentuated this.
But not everything between Madrid and Lisbon was rivalry and resentment; Floridablanca, as a man of Enlightenment, was also an avid studier of recent events across the border, where secular institutions had succeeded in fighting for a newfound balance in political power with the church. He was also in a position of good relations with the Italian branch of the Bourbons and the Portuguese Royal Family, allowing him diplomatic privileges with Lisbon that proved crucial to maintaining Luso-Hispanic relations active between 1780 and 1800.
José Moñino y Redondo
Count of Floridablanca
(1728 - 1808)
He maintained Luso-Hispanic relations alive despite the growing tensions between the Iberian countries throughout the last stage of the 18th century
In 1785 he embarked on a thorough reform of the Spanish bureaucracy, establishing a true cabinet in 1787 (the Supreme Council of State). He founded the National Bank of San Carlos in 1782 and spearheaded the reform in Spanish universities, which had become increasingly lax since the 16th century and the expulsion of the Jesuits. Spain's higher education system was left woefully understaffed; Floridablanca worked to hire new teachers and administrators and to modernize pedagogical methods. Seeking to reduce the cost of reforms at the same time he familiarized the people in power with his ideals, he also established new schools throughout Spain similar to the Portuguese Noble Colleges.
During his tenure, Madrid was rebuilt; Floridablanca regulated the Madrid police and encouraged public works in the city. He established commercial freedom in the American colonies in 1782 and improved press liberties in Spain. The Spanish Empire indeed seemed poised to take on a new age of reforming and many in Portugal believed in 1783 that the Three-Years War had benefited Spanish mentality more than the Portuguese one, as the thorn of Gibraltar seemed to be pressing it to succeed.
The Hispanic-British rivalry, nonetheless, seemed to be approaching another tension peak; with the Gibraltar question getting more and more intolerable and the Bourbon houses slowly harnessing Hispanic-French ties in the middle of a revolutionary climate, many seemed to agree that the end of the current war was just a prelude to a much bigger conflict in the near future that might drag Portugal unto itself.
Spain therefore left the war as a stable, albeit tense state fervently seeking to catch up with its rivals and prevent the American Revolution from infecting its possessions. The counter-culture rise of many less-than-reputable politicians like Manuel de Godoy, however, would signal an incoming storm that would affect Iberian history forever.
Impact on Southern India
In India, the Kingdom of Mysore resented Portuguese presence along its western coast, but their former war treaties were used as justification for Portuguese control of the former Dutch possessions and all economic rights. The recently-signed Luso-Hyderabad alliance, however, put a thorn on Tipu Sultan’s grievances, allowing peace to stay momentarily.
To the south of Mysore was the Kingdom of Travancore, which the Portuguese had very little contact with since their losses to the Dutch in the 17th century. The Portuguese argued that the Dutch Burghers now living in Coulão and Cochim as Portuguese citizens detained their rights as merchants to Travancore, but Travancore’s ruler, Karthika Thirunal Rama Varma, weary of Vice-Roy Frederick and its reputation to the north, refused to meet with Portuguese emissary and closed all contact with the Portuguese, with which the Vice-Roy responded by ordering a blockade of Travancore. This brought a wave of civil revolt in the territory which feared the difficulties caused by the blockade would allow the Mysoreans to swoop in and annex them.
In 1785, Karthika Thirunal Rama Varma finally agreed to meet with Portuguese emissary Count of Cunha. Portugal and Travancore agreed to establish trade relationship and granting Portugal all rights and privileges owed to the Dutch, on the condition that said trade’s middleman be the previously mentioned Dutch Burghers already in contract with Travancore producers. In turn Portugal would lift its blockade, provide military training and arms to Travancore army and guarantee its sovereignty against Tipu Sultan, their common enemy.
Further to the center of the coast, following the peace with Kingdom of Maratha and the return of Cananore and Calecute to Portuguese India, the new administrations were received perceived differently by the various people residing in those enclaves. The local Christians for most part welcomed Portugal’s return since news of the closing of the Goa Inquisition had reached them and meant increased privileges and freedoms. The Muslims as well Hindus for most part opposed Portuguese administration, fearing new waves of Inquisition. A number of revolts encouraged by disgruntled French and Dutch burghers sparked, forcing Goa to put down the uprising, trial the instigators as traitors and execute all the local leaders including all the Muslim and Hindu religious leaders who they perceived had incited the people. This unfortunately would not solve the issue, as the non-Christians saw the crackdown as a validation of their fears.
With the addition of the French enclave of Mahé and Dutch Malabar, the Portuguese found themselves controlling several enclaves scattered over a vast distance with limited military and administrative resources to govern and control them. Portuguese enclaves also had to contend to both Kingdom of Mysore and Kingdom of Travancore, so Viceroy Holstein ordered that a more conciliatory tone be taken with the former French and Dutch enclaves. Under the ‘Old Port’ policy, these territories were not allowed to be organized into a province and remained enclaves of Goa in the meantime.
Portuguese Malabar 1785
[1] iOTL the siege of Gibraltar continued without Joseph II’s diplomatic interference, causing the British to defeat Spain on their own and Lord Shelburne feeling like Spain had no leverage on them, thus accepting America’s offer to negotiate unilaterally and take the Northwest
[2] See Section: Rebirth of Empire 1799-1820 - Barbary Wars.
[3] See Rebirth of Empire 1799-1820, Birth of Constitutional Monarchy
[4] The traditional European – colonial dependency; where colonies provided raw material and home country provided the manufactured goods in existence at the time in British, Spanish and Dutch colonies had been abandoned by Pombal. Industry was developed in the region where resources and labor was most available. The growth of a steel, gunpowder, textile and ship building industries in Brazil marked a great departure from colony to equal kingdom for Brazil and a blue print for future industrialization and development in other parts of Empire in the 19th century.
[5] iOTL the Inconfidência Mineira was viewed in Brazil as the first revolt against Portuguese colonial rule and following independence viewed as a patriotic struggle with Tiradentes considered a national hero. Many stories, movies and television programs were made to portray the failed revolt as a nationalistic revolt. Here with the progressive reforms already in place in Brazil, Tiradentes’ radicalism became unfounded and counterproductive, tragically reducing him to a common criminal.
Note:
This post provides us with our final review of the impact of the war and its far reaching implications. On one side it exposed to the British the need for allies as it fought several powerful countries at once with only the Portuguese as its ally. This I think more than anything allowed for the British to have a more generous view of Portuguese claims and demands both during the peace treaty negotiations as well as subsequent sphere of influence talks and agreements. To the French and Spanish it showed their military and more importantly economic problems which the French were unable to resolve and would eventually plunge the country into revolt while Spain was able to continue some of the same reforms instituted in Portugal the forces arrayed against Count of Floridablanca would eventually prove to much and unfortunately for Spain his reforms would not continue. For the Dutch it signaled their loss of prestige and power (about 25 years ahead of IOTL and to the Portuguese instead of British). To the Americans it showed them that the Europeans were not about to deal with them as equals but a country that would need to earn its place in the world.
The outcome of the war and the treaty would change many countries views of Portugal and not always for the best. Some like France and Spain looked at the Portuguese as lucky and only able to win due to them being supported by Britain. The Portuguese image did improve somewhat in other parts of Europe depending on the religious and political alignment of the country. As for internally the impact of the USA was not viewed in the same way and did not provide inspiration to majority of people in Brazil. The elevation of Brazil as kingdom and equal rights to the people of Brazil similar to those in Metropolitan Portugal resulted in many people of Brazil feeling as though they were partners and co-owners of the empire. Something that scared the Spanish more than the existence of USA. Questions/ Comments???
Join us on November 15 we start the next section called "Death of Pombal"
I enjoyed the update, showing all the consequences in the major belligerent countries of the American Revolution.
But one thing worries me...and it's the autonomy that Brazil seems to have...now I know it's a delicate issue for a Portuguese wank as anything can make the Brazilians wish for independence in a time where keeping it is the intent of Portugal but the amount of autonomy granted to Brazil as I perceived until now, such as the government not being able to directly mess in the affairs of Brazil seems off the chart...It might be a misinterpretation on my part and I would love to be corrected...
But one thing worries me...and it's the autonomy that Brazil seems to have...now I know it's a delicate issue for a Portuguese wank as anything can make the Brazilians wish for independence in a time where keeping it is the intent of Portugal but the amount of autonomy granted to Brazil as I perceived until now, such as the government not being able to directly mess in the affairs of Brazil seems off the chart...It might be a misinterpretation on my part and I would love to be corrected...
So, to clarify:
- The United States will have issues with getting developping horizontally (living space in the West) or vertically (more industries); in the former, will we see a repeat of the OTL Republic of Texas, causing frictions with Spain or the United Kingdom? And, in the latter, will Hamilton's industrialist views have more influence than Jefferson's more agrairian ones? I might cause changes in political behaviour such as a national bank being definitively established way sooner and less controversies about public works.
- TTL like OTL, Louis XVI keeps being too weak to force the needed reforms, causing his dynasty's downfall. OTOH, given an already autonomous Catholic national church exists, will the Gallican Church splitting from Rome be less problematic, thus removing a part of the dissent against the Revolution (TTL, Vendeans might be less likely to revolt)
- In Great Britain, if reformism is on the rise, will stuff such as Catholic emancipation, the liberalisation of the franchise and the end of rotten borough be pursued earlier? speaking of which,what about Ireland?
- In the Netherlands, will the Patriots be more luckier than OTL, where they were able to return only with French help? Where will the Dutch migrate (Southern Africa, India, Indonesia, Northern America), since Australia is off limits?
The civil troubles in India make me think that the Empire needs to Establish something similar to the para-military police force in Lisbon but blended with ANZAC light horse and Dragoon philosophy and training.
Lusitania
Donor
We need to understand that while Brazil region exists which encompasses all of Portuguese America there is no Brazil country context. IOTL Brazil as single country only came into being in 1807 Brazil is actually compromised of nearly a dozen provinces which have autonomy from Lisbon and from each other. The Vice Rei in Rio de Janeiro represented Lisbon and also administered the interior territories.
The provinces were able to manage their own affairs, but the governors of each province was still appointed by the government in Lisbon. Each governor was given objectives for their respective province in terms of development, infrastructure and growth.
The vice Rei in Rio duties were dealing with naval and military as well as administrative of the various provinces. Make sure they get along with each other.
The part about the Atlantic Army stationed in Brazil and navy stationed in south Atlantic was that it was there to protect the Portuguese living in various provinces. It could not be used out side the area it belonged to with consent of majority of the provinces. One or two maverick pro ices could not hold the country hostage.
The model used in Brazil will serve as template for other regions and Vice Rei. At moment the Rio Vice Rei does not have any military actions he can take (the Atlantic Army did conquer Cisplana (iOTL Uruguay ) from Spain in the early part of Pombal’s government but since then has had little opportunity to expand Portugal’s territory in the Americas and been limited to providing support in Portugal’s conquest of Congo and supporting Portuguese against Dutch and French. That not mean that Atlantic Army under the leadership of Vice Rei not be used like the army in India.
This arrangement will continue until the establishment of constitutional government with representatives from entire empire but that much later.
I do know the identity of Brazil only truly emerged during the Napoleonic Wars once the court moved there but to me, it looked in this Update the central government could not directly intervene as if there was some sort of check. After reading your explanation, I understood it better.
Lusitania
Donor
Another aspect was the opening of both markets and elimination of restrictions. Brazilian provinces were the first who could sell their products directly to any country. This meant Portuguese had to compete with British and others for Brazilian products. This had been done in conjunction with opening of manufacturing to all Brazilian provinces.
These two policies had the affect of treating Brazilians same as Portuguese in metropolitan Portugal. Industry was able to located where it made sense and capital was. This was very important as it broke the traditional mother country - colony trade model that existed till then. Industry in mother country of other colonial countries had a captive market where in Portugal case Portuguese industry had to compete against foreign companies.
Another major issue was the Portuguese- British accord which granted British equal access to Portuguese market. This gave them access to the Brazilian market which when it was signed was the primary market they were interested in but subsequently allowed them into Portuguese India and rest of empire. The 1783 accord also had some provisions that stipulated and guaranteed Portuguese access to British market.
Lusitania
Donor
While how we present the USA/BNA has not been worked out I am leaning towards having a parallel TL dealing with BNA and USA set in this universe. We would have stories starting in a thread and continue in another thread.
As for (US) future development what I can say is that there will be a mix. The southern states agricultural policies will the largest since most of the available land over the Appalachian will be south of the Ohio River. Meanwhile the northern states deprived of ability to expand westward will instead try concentrate on internal development.
As for future expansion Spain still controls everything to the west and Florida. If things follow same pattern as iotl there would be a transfer of Louisiana to France.
Even if France offers the same terms to USA to settle the debt the weaker US will find it harder to repay. Plus don’t know if things work out same as iotl but if France tries to sell Louisiana don’t know if US able to buy it, would a British government with a larger BNA take more interest in Louisiana during the 1st coalition wars?
The wrinkles introduced will affect all countries but the US will still be a beacon and destination for many and it will grow. The same political and structural issues will exist for both Spain and France. Therefore be hard or impossible to wave some of the outcomes away.
The history of Galician Church and the tug of war between France and Roman papal authority had preceded Portuguese Catholic Church by a good century if not more. When the religious and political revolt occurred in Portugal the French government and French Catholic Church looked upon the Portuguese with disdain and revolt for the French idea was never to break with Rome but to “improve” the communication and administrative process.
Now while in time the Portuguese model could of been used as inspiration, the financial situation and structural problems in France were such that but neither the nobility nor church were prepared to make the change. Therefore you are right that under the right circumstances this could of helped alleviate one of the major problems but there lacked the appetite and I think more importantly there lacked someone who could drive the reforms through.
The Portuguese had witnessed a major catalytic event in 1755 with the Earthquake that allowed the likes of Pombal to take control of country and drive his reforms through. This was facilitated by king Joseph I who not only gave Pombal the ability to govern but his undying support even under continued requests/demands from nobles, church and other royal members to dismiss Pombal. The events that led to the Tagus Accord were the culmination of over 20 years of massive change and a last ditch attempt to overthrow Pombal.
The defeat of nobles, church and royal members by Pombal and king allowed for the “final” defeat of noble and church power in country.
These circumstances were absent in France and the economic and political circumstances France found itself after the ARW which would eventually lead to the French own revolution but lacked a calamity great enough to force the two major powers nobles and church to accept the required reforms to satisfy the people demands for reforms and freedoms. I think more importantly the French lacked someone who had the combination of conviction, ambition and more importantly power to drive the reforms through. The French king was not one who you could count on for support. As history has shown his support lasted only till someone else was able sway the kings mind (which was very frequent).
Therefore by 1790s the French were doomed to witness a revolution that would make the Portuguese one look tame in comparison and many a country such as Catholic Spain would open up to Portugal and seek its help to combat the horrors coming out of France.
[/LIST]Few items here:
Britain - you have touched upon two main issues that will be featured in upcoming post (future) that will feature prominently in the development of BNA which are Catholic emancipation and Ireland. These two factors as you have indicated will start being worked on gradually during the 18th century. While the other which includes rotten borough and liberalization of franchise will receive greater push and if there were no Napoleonic wars could of been implemented at the start of the 19th century but the wars will delay them but pressure will only grow for reforms.
Netherlands - this country too will be featured in a future post. As for migrants like iotl the Dutch will lack a settler colony with loss of South Africa (which was only place they had till Napoleon wars, then none after). Here they lost it 20 years earlier and some Dutch could still migrate there it will be under British control.
The Dutch still have their Caribbean islands, their colony in South America, some factories snd outposts in Gold Coast, Ceylon and access to southern India along with remaining Dutch East Indies which includes (Sumatra, Java and Celebs). Neither of these are “empty” and available for settlements. Therefore majority of Dutch settlers will migrate to America, British and even Portuguese empires.
We could see the Dutch try to establish a Dutch speaking enclaves in its empire but that would require a substantial change in manner in which the Dutch colonial empire in India, Ceylon and East Indies are conducted which till then was limited to Dutch merchant and administration control while not upsetting locals with religious missionaries and settlers.
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Lusitania
Donor
The GNR (Royal national guard) will slowly expand throughout the empire providing a domestic police but like all things it will take time. I think the first location will be in Brazilian provinces. But as you have indicated Portuguese India will be next and in time rest of empire.
We have to think that GNR is less than 20 years old and still growing and expanding. Continued support and confidence in its integrity and role is vital for its success.
We will have posts about the expansion of the GNR through various parts of empire in the future.
Lusitania
Donor
The TL is updated every 2 weeks. Usually on Sunday. We always finish our posts with date of next update.
For example the last update stated we will post the next section death of pombal on November 15.
Death of Pombal
Lusitania
Donor
Death of Pombal
Death of Pombal
Funeral of Marques Pombal
On 10 October 1779 Pombal collapsed on way to a Cabinet meeting and was bedridden for two months. When he returned to work, he was weaker and had to take several rests during the day. On 15 October 1781 the Marquis of Pombal health suffered further setbacks and under direct orders from the king, the Prime Minister retired to his estate in Pombal to rest. On 8 May 1782, the Marquis of Pombal died at the age of 82 at his home.
The new King, who grew up during the apex of his regime, as well as the whole country observed one month of mourning.[1] This was due to more than a personal feeling of attachment, as the despotic Marquis had become a sort of national anchor in the world of politics and reform, even if a very cruel one. Even the factions against Pombal, like the more conservative elements of the church and plutocrats, understood that his disappearance meant uncertainty for the future.
The funeral procession occurred in Lisbon itself, though similar honorary ceremonies occurred in other major cities both at home and in the overseas. Joseph II and Pombal were popular amongst the new age magistrates and Vice-Roys, meaning that a lot of the people in power were in a position to push a positive message about his legacy on the country.
Eventually his passing spurred the conversation of building the national Pantheon itself, as the memory of losing the tomb of Nuno Álvares Pereira was relatively fresh and Pombal had been the one to correct the catastrophic earthquake damage that triggered the loss to begin with. It also cemented the years of the late 1770s and early 1780s as truly the start of the Josephine Era, as in this time period the leader in people’s minds increasingly ceased to be the Marquis and instead turned towards the figures of the Cabinet headed by young Joseph II.
The contributions of the Marquis to this era in Portuguese history were central; indeed the very age he came to live in was written down as the Pombalist Age and even the Cabinet that took away most of his responsibilities (and in the point of view of many histories, surpassed him in them) was nicknamed the Pombaline Cabinet. Eventually his ideals had inspired the Tagus Declaration, an aristocratic document that rebalanced society in itself in their quest to curb the excesses of both their own class and the clergy, and patronized the theological treatises that allowed the church to detach itself from Rome and establish its own Patriarchy.
All of these events would shape the changes in mentality that became associated with the Pombaline Revolution, the period that saw the coming of the debate against capital punishment, slavery and absolutism in Portuguese society and allowed it to be on par with the French Revolution in ideology. The early years after his death, however, still characterized the Marquis as controversial both at home and abroad; he was far less popular in Brazil than in Portugal itself, for example, and British PMs often ridiculed how he attempted to cheat against the market in the commerce between Oporto and London.
As the 1790s rolled in and the first few machine age innovations arrived, however, it became increasingly undeniable that he left a net positive in Portugal; the universities, workshops, factories and businesses were competitive and renowned, something that was thought impossible to achieve after the massive setback of the Earthquake. Moreover, the political stage in Portugal was also undeniably more sophisticated, as government and the ever-evolving cabinets were now an element of reformation instead of corruption. In fact, his reconstruction of Lisbon in itself became more and more viewed with nostalgic worship, especially as the Napoleonic Age arrived.
The growth of nationalism in the early 19th century caused the citizens to begin to look back at history and pick out their heroes. The construction of a large statue dedicated to the PM initiated itself in the reign of Queen Beatriz, whose Ministers hired a team of celebrated sculptors and engineers to immortalize the monument to the man they saw as the embodiment of the new Lisbon. With his hand on a lion of power and standing on a large pillar, lower sculptures of workers symbolizing his reforms and the winged woman representing the re-erected capital, the largest memorial in the nation was inaugurated in 1858 and became a symbol of uptown central Lisbon.
Statue of Pombal
Decline of ‘Pombalism’
Decline of ‘Pombalism’
“Are you mad? The man’s a Pombalist! Make him Prime Minister and it will be another thirty years of hangings, cabinet infighting and poor taste for paintings.”
-Duke John, criticizing the appointment of Marquis of Lavradio to the new Prime Minister
-Duke John, criticizing the appointment of Marquis of Lavradio to the new Prime Minister
With the passing of the Prime Minister, the idea of ‘Pombalismo’ began to be categorized openly for the first time with this name, used to refer to the policies, stances and ideas associated with the 1750s government. It purposely had a negative connotation of being outdated. From 1783 onward, it became a derogatory term for heavy-handed enlightened despotism used by liberal and conservative members alike to criticize their foes. This was done despite the recognition that Pombal had many undeniably positive contributions, like the reconstruction of Lisbon and many acts of law that helped steer the country economically through some serious challenges.
King Joseph II himself sought to distance himself from this description even though he was an advocate of pushing the gears to progress and had mourned Pombal publicly. If anything this helped cement the end of the Pombaline age even further, as the new center of gravity for the country gradually moved away from the Prime Ministers, who despite their competence or popularity, high or low, lacked iconic status, and instead move leadership attention to the king, the generals of the Napoleonic Age and some particular cabinet members.
The proliferation of newspapers and pamphlets thanks to gradual growth of civil right protections contributed to spread around accusations between citizens and politicians of mimicking the worst behaviors of Pombal. Around the 1790s, it would become common for burghers to attack their more successful rivals by painting them as oligarchs akin to the despot seeking to monopolize industries and set partial market laws.
The ridiculousness of the extent of this reached diplomacy itself in the early 1800s. In attempts to appease Spanish and French powers, Portuguese diplomats would offer guarantees that they would not practice mercantilist ideas of the previous century and would treat their representatives with none of the scrutiny Pombal would offer.
[1] The king was so affected by the death of the Marquis of Pombal whom he idolized that for the rest of his life he wore a black armband on both arms to signify his mourning.
Note:
We sadly come to the end of Pombal’s government and the figure in Portuguese history with his death. He was forever associated as a forceful and powerful figure both iOTL and ITTL.
iOTL he had been dismissed by Queen Maria 1 shortly after she became queen in 1777 and placed under arrest in his estate where he died in 1783 while the many reforms he had initiated were dismantled. Not all were dismantled, for the Port Wine company and his education reforms continued on but majority of education and administration reforms were. In later years as the country suffered under government leaders who were more concerned with pomp and ceremony while going out of their way to destroy any remaining Pombalism the Portuguese people would be quoted as saying "We were so much better under Pombal". The country limped into the 19th century woefully unprepared and continually economically weak and a corrupt and weak military.
iTTL the reforms of Pombal have not only survived but have grown deeper and more wide spread than Pombal by himself could of achieved. The country would continue to be led by a King who supported the reforms and betterment of the people and country. The cabinet style started under Pombal continued and the country was led by some of the country best leaders. The cabinet government style had the affect of providing support, guidance and additional review of major government and political policies and initiatives.
As we have indicated many people both domestically and outside the country were happy to hear of Pombal's death. Some expected major changes or weakening of the government resolve and ability (this was very true iOTL) but with young king Joseph II and continuation of cabinet populated by both supporters and adversaries of Pombalism the country continued to prosper and grow. Questions/ Comments???
Join us on November 29 we start the next section called "King and Country 1783". This section will strive to analyze and summarize the state of the country in 1783 and try to showcase the accomplishment of the Pombal Administration in rebuilding the country.
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Well, Pombal couldn't live forever.
What a shame his memory is being tarnished both by the liberals and the conservatives; at least, the latter have the excuse to be philosophically opposed to Pombalism. However, the future generations seems more grateful about him.
What a shame his memory is being tarnished both by the liberals and the conservatives; at least, the latter have the excuse to be philosophically opposed to Pombalism. However, the future generations seems more grateful about him.
Lusitania
Donor
That is to be expected he was a very forceful man and had dominated Portuguese government and his reforms had reached almost every facet of the Portuguese society.
iOTL his place in our history is positive while iTTL he be considered one of the empire’s greatest statesman. While his autocratic manner would always be known and acknowledged but during the 19th century he would become appreciated for his drive and ability to transform a country well past its prime and considered one of the poorest and backwards country in Europe into one of the worlds strongest empires.
Yes iotl there was both sadness while within a decade or two nostalgia and regret would start being felt. iTTL there was sadness and in some corners relief he was gone but there was also optimism as the country and people just out of war against two of its rivals were starting to believe that this time just maybe things were different. The country was on solid ground and on the right path.
These advances and progress was only possible because a king with lofty goals and dreams but no knowledge or skill in accomplishing his goals had placed a virtual unknown minor noble in charge of the country. The rest is history.
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