PM Salmond and the Era of “The Group”
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The Radical Attack
Since the creation of the SDP-Liberal Alliance, there had always been members of the Liberals who had felt that David Steel was giving up too much to the SDP and was abandoning liberalism. Michael Meadowcroft, who held low positions on the Liberal frontbench and ran for the leadership in 1988, was one of the leading figures on this front; writing an article in the Liberator called Social Democracy Barrier or Bridge? expressing skepticism with any alliance. Cyril Smith, a controversial long-time Liberal MP, took a far more aggressive tone, saying that the SDP should be “strangled at birth” Once the Alliance was elected, these disputes went down until the coalition with Labour in 1995. Kilroy-Silk’s left-wing nationalism did not go well with the Liberal’s radical wing. Meeting in the house of former Liberal MP Lord Avebury, Meadowcroft and his fellow MPs Steve Radford, Nick Harvey, and David Ward announced the formation of the Radical Action - 21st Century Movement.
The name Radical Action originated from the 1941 group formed by Liberals opposed to the war-time electoral pact between the major parties, which had some members break off to form the Common Wealth Party (which had been one of the founding parties of The Group). Members of the modern group decided not to take positions in the SDP-Lib-Lab coalition and took over the party machinery for by-election wins. The new organization also tried to bring in members of the Labour Party who were opposed to the infighting between Kilroy-Silk and Militant, but resisted efforts to form an independent party. While Richard Wainwright got along relatively well with the group, the party was left at a crossroads when he stepped down in 1997.
The name Radical Action originated from the 1941 group formed by Liberals opposed to the war-time electoral pact between the major parties, which had some members break off to form the Common Wealth Party (which had been one of the founding parties of The Group). Members of the modern group decided not to take positions in the SDP-Lib-Lab coalition and took over the party machinery for by-election wins. The new organization also tried to bring in members of the Labour Party who were opposed to the infighting between Kilroy-Silk and Militant, but resisted efforts to form an independent party. While Richard Wainwright got along relatively well with the group, the party was left at a crossroads when he stepped down in 1997.
The Che
With a second term secured for French President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing of the UDF, the center-right in France had secured another term in office. With his Prime Minister Raymond Barre, he was able to continue his plans for a centrist both economically and socially. Giscard’s and Barre’s economic recovery program was similar to that of American President John Connally, which advocated for restructuring and modernization. As the 1988 election approached, Giscard appeared a happy man and retired. While Raymond Barre was typically seen as the heir apparent for the UDF, it would block any attempts for a joint candidate with RPR (who were worried of a PS-PCF run-off). Instead, Nicole Pasquier was picked, the first woman to be nominated by a major French party. Pasquier’s bill of women’s reforms was able to take away support from the center-left in the 1981 election and was popular with the European People’s Party.
On the left, the divisions between the PS and the PCF still remained. François Mitterand’s death left the Socialists without a clear leader, but with Mitterand’s ally Pierre Mauroy defeated in 1981, Michel Rocard finally was the Socialist candidate. The PCF did hope to attract those opposed to the rocardiens, but Georges Marchais stepped aside in favor of Jack Ralite, who had been involved with the party since 1947 and was a familiar figure to the party regulars.
With the right united, the first round was largely to figure out who would go against Pasquier. Mauory’s more social democratic agenda and greater familiarity with French voters let him take the lead over Ralite in a humiliating blow to the PCF. Like in 1974, the race was expected to be very close. Mauory enlisted a crack campaign team, but their dramatic attempts often backfired. Attempts to link Pasquier to British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher were laughable, but the worst failure was an ad that attacked Pasquier’s perceived lack of experience. This ad was seen by many as have sexist themes and helped to secure the UDF seven more years in the Élysée Palace.
Pasquier took office among a period of greater European integration along with the early 1990s recession. While the French economic situation had been one of the strongest in Europe, it had gone down along with the rest of Europe. At the same time, some French were upset about the ratification of the MAASTRICHT TREATY, which was narrowly approved in a referendum. This allowed Georges Marchais to take over as Prime Minister of France in the 1993 elections for the Eurosceptic Communist Party of FRANCE. Coming into the election, Pasquier, Marchais, and Rocard were predictably selected as the respected candidates for their parties. With the Communists having the more noteworthy candidate in this election, Marchais was able to enter the second round. Rallying against the recession and the EU, Marchais won the election in the biggest victory since when Giscard defeated Marchais in 1981. Le Pen also did a bit better than in the last election but was nowhere near entering the runoff.
With the left majority in the Assembly, the PCF’s agenda was able to be put in place for the two years that Giscard was in office. Unfortunately, as with many other figures from the era, he was gone too soon. Prime Minister Charles Fiterman, a member of the moderate faction of the Communists became Acting President, but with the Socialists having a lack of agreeable figures to run for the presidency, he sensed an opening. Despite opposition from many in the party, the young François Hollande (BECAUSE WE NEED CAMEOS) managed to get Fiterman to defect. This led the radical left-wing Gaullist Jean-Pierre Chevènement to announce his run, forming the Parti souverainiste français - Coupon radical (voted J.D. Power & Associates’ Catchiest Name of the Year) to represent his views. This caused a minor diplomatic crisis when Deputy Prime Minister Robert Kilroy-Silk came to France to campaign for Chevènement. The PS was in shock when one of their most prevalent politicians defected, but the PCF also had issues. Their nominee, Jean-Claude Gayssot, was seen as being too left-wing culturally. While Jean Marie Le Pen was facing ridicule for his 1995 statements that a Marchais presidency would lead to France becoming the next Afghanistan, he was able to pave a path in the time of French protest. The right fusion picked François Leotard, a libertarian who was called the “Virginia Bottomley of France” for his support of modernizing and bringing new blood. Finally, Green candidate Daniel Cohn-Bendit took away much of the radical support from the PCF and PS but also had centrist economic policies popular with the UDF. As the other candidates fought with each other, Chevènement and his gang of misfits got support from the traditional left parties, the RPR, and miscellaneous protest voters (the comedian Coluche returned to politics to campaign for Chevènement). This allowed him to squeeze into the second round, where he united Communists, Socialists, Gaullists, and Greens to defeat Leotard. The first Gaullist president since the death of Georges Pompidou, France had a new political force.
props to @jolou (who has a pretty good tl in chat)
On the left, the divisions between the PS and the PCF still remained. François Mitterand’s death left the Socialists without a clear leader, but with Mitterand’s ally Pierre Mauroy defeated in 1981, Michel Rocard finally was the Socialist candidate. The PCF did hope to attract those opposed to the rocardiens, but Georges Marchais stepped aside in favor of Jack Ralite, who had been involved with the party since 1947 and was a familiar figure to the party regulars.
With the right united, the first round was largely to figure out who would go against Pasquier. Mauory’s more social democratic agenda and greater familiarity with French voters let him take the lead over Ralite in a humiliating blow to the PCF. Like in 1974, the race was expected to be very close. Mauory enlisted a crack campaign team, but their dramatic attempts often backfired. Attempts to link Pasquier to British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher were laughable, but the worst failure was an ad that attacked Pasquier’s perceived lack of experience. This ad was seen by many as have sexist themes and helped to secure the UDF seven more years in the Élysée Palace.
Pasquier took office among a period of greater European integration along with the early 1990s recession. While the French economic situation had been one of the strongest in Europe, it had gone down along with the rest of Europe. At the same time, some French were upset about the ratification of the MAASTRICHT TREATY, which was narrowly approved in a referendum. This allowed Georges Marchais to take over as Prime Minister of France in the 1993 elections for the Eurosceptic Communist Party of FRANCE. Coming into the election, Pasquier, Marchais, and Rocard were predictably selected as the respected candidates for their parties. With the Communists having the more noteworthy candidate in this election, Marchais was able to enter the second round. Rallying against the recession and the EU, Marchais won the election in the biggest victory since when Giscard defeated Marchais in 1981. Le Pen also did a bit better than in the last election but was nowhere near entering the runoff.
With the left majority in the Assembly, the PCF’s agenda was able to be put in place for the two years that Giscard was in office. Unfortunately, as with many other figures from the era, he was gone too soon. Prime Minister Charles Fiterman, a member of the moderate faction of the Communists became Acting President, but with the Socialists having a lack of agreeable figures to run for the presidency, he sensed an opening. Despite opposition from many in the party, the young François Hollande (BECAUSE WE NEED CAMEOS) managed to get Fiterman to defect. This led the radical left-wing Gaullist Jean-Pierre Chevènement to announce his run, forming the Parti souverainiste français - Coupon radical (voted J.D. Power & Associates’ Catchiest Name of the Year) to represent his views. This caused a minor diplomatic crisis when Deputy Prime Minister Robert Kilroy-Silk came to France to campaign for Chevènement. The PS was in shock when one of their most prevalent politicians defected, but the PCF also had issues. Their nominee, Jean-Claude Gayssot, was seen as being too left-wing culturally. While Jean Marie Le Pen was facing ridicule for his 1995 statements that a Marchais presidency would lead to France becoming the next Afghanistan, he was able to pave a path in the time of French protest. The right fusion picked François Leotard, a libertarian who was called the “Virginia Bottomley of France” for his support of modernizing and bringing new blood. Finally, Green candidate Daniel Cohn-Bendit took away much of the radical support from the PCF and PS but also had centrist economic policies popular with the UDF. As the other candidates fought with each other, Chevènement and his gang of misfits got support from the traditional left parties, the RPR, and miscellaneous protest voters (the comedian Coluche returned to politics to campaign for Chevènement). This allowed him to squeeze into the second round, where he united Communists, Socialists, Gaullists, and Greens to defeat Leotard. The first Gaullist president since the death of Georges Pompidou, France had a new political force.
props to @jolou (who has a pretty good tl in chat)
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Would have voted Léotard 
That not a phrase you are used to
Thanks for the promo by the way
That not a phrase you are used to
Thanks for the promo by the way
Okay, this has gone into full absurdist territory and could probably be counted as abstract art at this point. Keep going.
Or maybe I'm just starting to realize how weird this is because you talked about France and I can follow the weirdness better there? Yeah, probably.
Anyway, Chevènement is going to have a weird time governing, being elected by such a wide range of people.
Or maybe I'm just starting to realize how weird this is because you talked about France and I can follow the weirdness better there? Yeah, probably.
Anyway, Chevènement is going to have a weird time governing, being elected by such a wide range of people.
The Simple Strategy
Jerry Brown's last term in office brought a continuation of the "Moonbeam Society" that helped to bring America into the 21st century. With the first space mission to Mars, campaign finance reform, and a carbon tax put in place, Brown continued the legacy of Connally and Johnson with a "New Age" twist. Even Dead Kennedys lead singer Jello Biafra admitted that he thought of Brown as a good president. His main issue was a scandal late in his term where documents were released about Brown's use of marijuana. As the right in Congress attacked the President, there was still some doubt about the timing of the drug use and if the documents were accurate at all. Brown's successor was Vice President Elizabeth Holtzman (despite speculation that Secretary of State Joe Biden, Peace Secretary George McGovern, Governor Skip Humphrey, or Senator Mikey Leland would run), who defeated a few no-names in the primaries. Holtzman picked the well-respected Democratic stalwart John Sarbanes of Maryland. The right-wing alliance would pick popular Kansas Governor Mike Hayden of the Westward Party as their nominee with West Virginia Governor Arch A. Moore as his running mate. The Libertarian Party felt that 1996 was their chance for a breakthrough, with Senator Eugene McCarthy (who had often been the deciding vote in the Senate) and Congressman Dick Randolph running the first independent Libertarian ticket since Gene Burns in 1984.
Despite the campaign remaining very calm between the three popular candidates, the endorsement of the National Unity Party to Hayden helped to swing the vote significantly. Polls were close, with Hayden adopting a strategy of focusing on the South along with rural areas to flip back their electoral votes to the right-wing coalition (or as Hayden called it, the Simple Strategy). As the polls closed, it was unclear if the result would be known or if there would be a hung Electoral College. Michigan would turn out to be the deciding state, but early in the morning, it was called for Hayden.
Despite the campaign remaining very calm between the three popular candidates, the endorsement of the National Unity Party to Hayden helped to swing the vote significantly. Polls were close, with Hayden adopting a strategy of focusing on the South along with rural areas to flip back their electoral votes to the right-wing coalition (or as Hayden called it, the Simple Strategy). As the polls closed, it was unclear if the result would be known or if there would be a hung Electoral College. Michigan would turn out to be the deciding state, but early in the morning, it was called for Hayden.
I concur, you are consistent in your posting of quality material. You made rapping Micheal Gove god damn it.