The 2011 federal election
To say that the 2011 Canadian federal election was historic would be an understatement; after decades of Liberal and Conservative dominance, and having won less than 40 seats and less than 20% of the vote in the election just two and a half years prior, the NDP found itself thrust into office, riding the so-called “Orange Crush” to victory and winning 127 seats – four more than the governing Conservatives – and subsequently forming a minority government.

To say the least, this was not the outcome anyone had expected when, on March 26, Governor General David Johnston, acting on the advice of Conservative Prime Minister, called the election for May 9, 2011. The Conservatives had had a stable lead in the polls over the opposition Liberals, benefitting from a successful ad campaign branding Liberal leader Michael Ignatieff as opportunistic and, while most polls still showed them heading to their third consecutive minority government, a possible majority, under the right circumstances, wasn’t entirely ruled out. The NDP, meanwhile, while led by the popular Jack Layton would, the thinking went, remain in fourth, behind the Conservatives, Liberals, and the Bloc Quebecois, which had dominated Quebec since being created 21 years earlier. However, the Bloc base was fragile; support for Quebec separatism was near its lowest point since the 1995 referendum, and the party had mostly retained its support by positioning itself as the one party who would fight for and defend Quebec’s interests in Parliament. Less separatist and more nationalistic, the Bloc had survived by quieting down on separatism and portraying themselves as the defenders of Quebec.

By running their most unabashedly separatist campaign in quite some time, the Bloc would soon realize how thin its support actually was and, thanks to a charismatic leader performing well in the debates and on the campaign trail (and the efforts of Quebec lieutenant Thomas Mulcair), the NDP would soon find itself surging forward in the province. Attempts by the three other parties to discredit the NDP and ridicule the “paper candidates” the party had put forward in the province failed, and week after week the NDP lead in the province grew.

When it came to the Liberals, meanwhile, in some ways the Conservative attacks on Ignatieff had succeeded a bit too well. While many of these unenthusiastic (former) Liberals had initially drifted to the Conservatives, as, at the time, seemingly the only other party capable of forming government, many soon found themselves intrigued by Layton and the NDP. In contrast to Layton, Harper was never personally popular, and the Conservatives, it appeared, had made the crucial mistake of convincing Canadians to not vote for the Liberals while failing to give them a reason to vote Conservative beyond “Michael Ignatieff sucks”. Attempts by Ignatieff and the Liberal campaign to stop the bleeding were largely unsuccessful, particularly after a poor debate performance from Ignatieff, and the “natural governing party” soon found itself polling in third place. One week out, while the Conservatives still had a decent lead, it seemed clear that they would find themselves faced with an NDP opposition.

Then, however, came the final week. Not having anticipated Layton and the NDP being even remotely a threat to them, the Conservatives went after Layton, and went after him hard. Hysterical reminders from Conservative candidates that the NDP was socialist blasted the airwaves and multiple Conservative candidates found themselves in hot water over insensitive comments variously directed towards individual NDP candidates, the LGBTQ community, and others that would benefit from an NDP government. While these various controversies hurt the Conservative standing, what’s generally accepted as the beginning of the end for the Conservative campaign is their decision to run an ad in the final week of the campaign directly going after Layton personally. The ad claimed that, in 1996, Layton had been at a Toronto massage parlour when police raided the establishment looking for underage sex workers, and explicitly asked Canadians if this was the man they wanted running their country. Immediately, however, this ad backfired. Canadians, liking Layton to begin with, immediately saw it as crossing a line, and overwhelming accepted Layton’s explanation that there was no wrongdoing in the matter, saying that he simply “went for a massage at a community clinic” and did not return after the police advised him not to.

With voters overwhelmingly disliking the ad and their poll numbers dropping, the Conservatives would eventually pull it from the air, but the damage to them had already been done. While moderates would shift back to the Liberals, pulling them out of the depths they had been facing just a week prior, by and large voters would drift over to Layton and the NDP, and polls showed the party tied with (if not narrowly leading) the Conservatives. On May 9, 2011, the NDP had achieved history; Layton won a majority government of 127 seats to the Conservatives’ 123 and the Liberals’ 56. Leading a shaky minority government, Jack Layton would soon find himself sworn in as Canada’s first New Democratic Prime Minister. Harper, Ignatieff, and Bloc Quebecois leader Gilles Duceppe would all resign shortly after the election, and it appeared that Canadian politics had entered a new age. Layton’s death of cancer just three months later would put that all into question.

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So basically the idea is that the 2011 election takes place a week later and, with the NDP still trending upwards in the polls, the Conservatives get super frightened and go hard after the NDP and Layton personally. These attacks backfire, and we wind up with an NDP minority.
 
29th Canadian Ministry
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29th Canadian Ministry (May 24, 2011 - August 22, 2011)

Prime Minister: Jack Layton
Leader of the Government in the House of Commons: Thomas Mulcair
Minister of Health: Libby Davies
Minister of Finance: Peggy Nash
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Paul Dewar
Minister of Transport: Olivia Chow
Minister of National Defence: Jack Harris
Minister of Industry: Peter Julian
Minister of Justice and Attorney General: Joe Comartin
Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness: David Christopherson
Minister of the Environment and Minister of State for Sport and Youth: Megan Leslie
Minister of International Trade: Robert Chisholm
Minister of Public Works and Government Services: Nycole Turmel
Minister of Human Resources and Skills Development: Jean Crowder
Minister of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development: Linda Duncan
Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs: Françoise Boivin
Minister of Natural Resources: Romeo Saganash
Minister of Agriculture and Agri-Food: Nettie Wiebe
Minister of Veterans Affairs and Minister of State for Small Business and Tourism: Ray Martin
Minister of Fisheries and Oceans: Yvon Godin
Minister of Citizenship and Immigration: Jinny Sims
Minister of Labour: Alexandre Boulerice
Minister of Canadian Heritage and Official Languages: Tyrone Benskin
Minister of National Revenue: Guy Caron
Minister for International Cooperation and La Francophonie: Hélène Laverdière
President of the Treasury Board: Pat Martin

Minister of State and Chief Government Whip: Chris Charlton
Minister of State for Democratic Reform: Charlie Angus
Minister of State for Housing, Infrastructure, and Communities: Jagmeet Singh
Minister of State for Science and Technology: Hélène LeBlanc
Minister of State for Seniors and Status of Women: Irene Mathyssen
 
Sad to see Layton go as OTL, but nice that he becomes PM at least. Really interested to see where you take this and if Mulcair succeeds Layton or if its someone else.

Interesting to see Iggy hold on - by how much here?

Just out of curiosity how much did the sole Bloc MP hold on by?
 
Sad to see Layton go as OTL, but nice that he becomes PM at least. Really interested to see where you take this and if Mulcair succeeds Layton or if its someone else.

Interesting to see Iggy hold on - by how much here?

Just out of curiosity how much did the sole Bloc MP hold on by?
Iggy won with about 40% of the vote, about 6 points ahead of the Conservatives. The Bloc MP (Jean-François Fortin) won with around 30%, with the NDP less than a point behind and the Liberals not far behind them.
 
Well Thomas Mulcair is going to end up Prime Minister, and likely by a larger margin than OTL. Peggy Nash or one of the more high profile left-wingers will go for it, but like OTL Mulcair has the money, the support, and the appearance of competency.

Liberals, Tories, and the Bloc Québécois will need new leaders, which will likely extend the lifespan of this Parliament. Trudeau is the likeliest contender as per OTL, although since we're in minority territory there might be pressure to pick a safe pair of hands, a.k.a. Bob Rae. For the Bloc, again I don't see much change from OTL. They'll pick some sovereigntist extremist.

The Conservatives, the race is a little more open. Bernier is still tainted by his dismissal a few years back. Prentice just stepped out of politics. Kenney might be too young and uninterested. MacKay is a real possibility. As is Rob Nicholson, believe it or not. Rona Ambrose could go for it, if only to raise her profile. Who knows, someone like PKP might even go for it.

But for the next election, I'm thinking we're looking at Mulcair versus MacKay, versus Trudeau. Could be anyone's game. Depending on how the NDP handles the economy, Tories could have the edge. Trudeau might prove too inexperienced in 2012.
 
Well Thomas Mulcair is going to end up Prime Minister, and likely by a larger margin than OTL. Peggy Nash or one of the more high profile left-wingers will go for it, but like OTL Mulcair has the money, the support, and the appearance of competency.

Liberals, Tories, and the Bloc Québécois will need new leaders, which will likely extend the lifespan of this Parliament. Trudeau is the likeliest contender as per OTL, although since we're in minority territory there might be pressure to pick a safe pair of hands, a.k.a. Bob Rae. For the Bloc, again I don't see much change from OTL. They'll pick some sovereigntist extremist.

The Conservatives, the race is a little more open. Bernier is still tainted by his dismissal a few years back. Prentice just stepped out of politics. Kenney might be too young and uninterested. MacKay is a real possibility. As is Rob Nicholson, believe it or not. Rona Ambrose could go for it, if only to raise her profile. Who knows, someone like PKP might even go for it.

But for the next election, I'm thinking we're looking at Mulcair versus MacKay, versus Trudeau. Could be anyone's game. Depending on how the NDP handles the economy, Tories could have the edge. Trudeau might prove too inexperienced in 2012.
Unless Olivia Chow does what she did in Le Bon Jack, I agree with you on Mulcair.

Hasn’t Justin lost re-election ITTL? Even if he hasn’t, with how long it took him to make up his mind he might not be able to announce a run.

For the Tories, I would also say MacKay is the frontrunner, although Flaherty is a possiblity. Prentice’s lack of a seat is a difficulty in a minority situation.
 
The fact Prentice doesn't have a seat might not be an issue with the next election in 2012. There's also the possibility of provincial politicians.
 
Depressed to see Layton go as per OTL (and I’m more than a bit worried about the Crushed part of the title), but I’m always glad to see the NDP in government.

Well Thomas Mulcair is going to end up Prime Minister, and likely by a larger margin than OTL. Peggy Nash or one of the more high profile left-wingers will go for it, but like OTL Mulcair has the money, the support, and the appearance of competency.

Liberals, Tories, and the Bloc Québécois will need new leaders, which will likely extend the lifespan of this Parliament. Trudeau is the likeliest contender as per OTL, although since we're in minority territory there might be pressure to pick a safe pair of hands, a.k.a. Bob Rae. For the Bloc, again I don't see much change from OTL. They'll pick some sovereigntist extremist.

The Conservatives, the race is a little more open. Bernier is still tainted by his dismissal a few years back. Prentice just stepped out of politics. Kenney might be too young and uninterested. MacKay is a real possibility. As is Rob Nicholson, believe it or not. Rona Ambrose could go for it, if only to raise her profile. Who knows, someone like PKP might even go for it.

But for the next election, I'm thinking we're looking at Mulcair versus MacKay, versus Trudeau. Could be anyone's game. Depending on how the NDP handles the economy, Tories could have the edge. Trudeau might prove too inexperienced in 2012.
I wouldn’t count Bernier out; he did resign and accept responsibility, and after a Tory meltdown where they made less than honest remarks about the NDP, he could go a long way to help rehabilitate the party image.
 
30th Canadian Ministry and the 2011 NDP leadership race
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30th Canadian Ministry (August 22, 2011 - December 15, 2011)

Prime Minister: Nycole Turmel
Leader of the Government in the House of Commons: Thomas Mulcair (res. Sep 22, 2011); Charlie Angus
Minister of Health: Libby Davies
Minister of Finance: Peggy Nash (res. Sep 21, 2011); David Christopherson
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Paul Dewar (res. Sep 19, 2011); Peter Stoffer
Minister of Transport: Olivia Chow
Minister of National Defence: Jack Harris
Minister of Industry: Peter Julian (res. Sep 28, 2011); Don Davies
Minister of Justice and Attorney General: Joe Comartin
Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness: David Christopherson
Minister of the Environment and Minister of State for Sport and Youth: Megan Leslie (res. Sep 26, 2011); Rebecca Blaikie
Minister of International Trade: Robert Chisholm (res. Oct 5, 2011); Guy Caron
Minister of Public Works and Government Services: Nycole Turmel
Minister of Human Resources and Skills Development: Jean Crowder
Minister of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development: Linda Duncan
Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs: Françoise Boivin
Minister of Natural Resources: Romeo Saganash (res. Sep 16, 2011); Yvon Godin
Minister of Agriculture and Agri-Food: Nettie Wiebe
Minister of Veterans Affairs and Minister of State for Small Business and Tourism: Ray Martin
Minister of Fisheries and Oceans: Yvon Godin
Minister of Citizenship and Immigration: Jinny Sims
Minister of Labour: Alexandre Boulerice
Minister of Canadian Heritage and Official Languages: Tyrone Benskin
Minister of National Revenue: Guy Caron
Minister for International Cooperation and La Francophonie: Hélène Laverdière
President of the Treasury Board: Pat Martin (res. Oct 10, 2011); Alexandre Boulerice

Minister of State and Chief Government Whip: Chris Charlton
Minister of State for Democratic Reform: Charlie Angus
Minister of State for Housing, Infrastructure, and Communities: Jagmeet Singh
Minister of State for Science and Technology: Hélène LeBlanc
Minister of State for Seniors and Status of Women: Irene Mathyssen


While the public had known that Layton had been battling cancer – indeed, his bravery in the face of the illness had been part of his appeal – and though some eagle-eyed politicos had noticed that he had made few public appearances during the summer of 2011, his death on August 22 nevertheless shook the nation to its core. For the first time since John A. Macdonald over a hundred years earlier, a Prime Minister had died in office; the country was suddenly without a leader. Feeling his loss more acutely than the average Canadian, the cabinet and the NDP caucus found itself facing a series of difficult decisions, and at the top of that list was choosing an interim successor to Layton as Prime Minister and leader of the party. A few hours after Layton’s death, as she arrived at Rideau Hall to meet with the Governor General, Canadians would learn that the cabinet had selected Nycole Turmel, Minister of Public Works and Government Services, to replace Layton as Prime Minister until his successor could be chosen.

What Canadians would soon learn was that Layton himself had planned for this; accepting the fact that his illness was worsening and wanting to avoid a messy inter-cabinet fight to replace him, he had privately made it known to the cabinet that Turmel was his designated successor. One of the party’s new voices in Quebec and one of the few members of the Layton cabinet unlikely to mount a leadership campaign to succeed him, it was thought that Turmel would provide steady leadership during the search for Layton’s successor.

While Canadians dealt with the sudden death of their Prime Minister, a man whose popularity alone was responsible for the NDP forming its first national government, the NDP leadership found itself tasked with organizing a speedy leadership race to limit the uncertainty inherently involved in being led by an interim Prime Minister in a minority government. Top of the list of problems was the timeline. Under normal circumstances the race would likely be held in January, but these were not normal circumstances; in power with a minority government, the party couldn’t afford to spend five months under interim leadership. The country needed stability and definitive leadership, so it was thought that a permanent leader should be installed as soon as possible. The problem with this, though, was Quebec. Over half of the party’s caucus now hailed from la belle province, but the province represented far less of the NDP membership, to the point where, under current membership numbers, the province wouldn’t even be able to play kingmaker at a leadership convention, and a shortened leadership race would make it unlikely that the party would be able to improve these numbers. Among others, Government House Leader Thomas Mulcair, himself a likely leadership candidate and the de-facto leader of the party in Quebec, publically called for a lengthened leadership race concluding in early 2012 to give the party time to increase its membership in Quebec and more accurately reflect its new base of support. After much deliberation, the NDP federal council decided that, of these concerns, stability was more important: the leadership race was set for December 4, 2011 in Toronto, a week after the Conservatives would choose Stephen Harper’s replacement and a month before the Liberals would choose Michael Ignatieff’s.

With the details of the leadership race set, speculation now turned to the potential candidates. At the top of the list of perceived frontrunners, in addition to Mulcair, there was: Olivia Chow, the Minister of Transport and Layton’s widow, though an unlikely candidate to run; Gary Doer, the former Premier of Manitoba and current Ambassador to the United States; Peggy Nash, the Minister of Finance; and Brian Topp, the President of the NDP and a key Layton ally, having been the architect of the 2011 campaign and one of the few individuals with Layton before he passed away. Also on the list though seen as less likely to win were fellow cabinet ministers Paul Dewar, Romeo Saganash, Robert Chisholm, Peter Julian, Megan Leslie, Pat Martin, and Joe Comartin, among others.

Complicating the race to a degree was Turmel’s decision to require cabinet members to resign their post should they decide to seek the leadership. While the logic made sense, allowing all candidates to start on a somewhat even playing field and ensuring that cabinet ministers would not be distracted from their day job by seeking the leadership, the large number of cabinet ministers who opted to run put Turmel’s government in a difficult position. With most of the government’s heavy hitters, including Mulcair, Nash, Dewar, and Julian, among others, launching campaigns, Turmel’s cabinet soon found itself stretched somewhat thin and relying on some of the party’s less-experienced members. While this would hardly be an ideal situation for any government, the fact that the NDP was already struggling to combat accusations of inexperience – having spent the summer and early fall dealing with frequent instances of rookie mistakes from first-term MPs and newly appointed cabinet ministers – the fact that the Turmel cabinet was increasingly drawing on some of the weaker and less experienced parts of the NDP caucus made these attacks all the more potent and struck a blow to the government.

Not helping matters was Turmel herself. Inexperienced in the House of Commons and an ineffective communicator, Turmel would find herself routinely floundering in Question Period against the attacks routinely lobbed towards her and her government by the Conservatives and Liberals, the former under the interim leadership of Jim Flaherty and the latter under the continued leadership of Ignatieff pending the selection of his replacement. Particularly damaging for her was the revelation that she had previously been a member of the Bloc Québécois; while she defended her membership, noting she had only done it to support a friend running for the party, and had always been a committed federalist, the scandal nevertheless proved embarrassing. With cracks already beginning to emerge in the party between its more ideological members and its more pragmatic ones, Turmel’s weak leadership failed to help matters.

Ultimately, twelve would enter the NDP leadership race. While heavy-hitters Chow and Doer would both opt to sit the race out, eight cabinet members (Robert Chisholm, Paul Dewar, Peter Julian, Megan Leslie, Pat Martin, Thomas Mulcair, Peggy Nash, and Romeo Saganash), in addition to Topp and a trio of backbench MPs (Niki Ashton, Ryan Cleary, and Nathan Cullen) would announce their bids over the course of September and early October. With the campaign officially begun, Mulcair, Nash, and Topp were seen as the frontrunners, with the real question being Quebec: with Mulcair all but assured of dominating the province (in part helped by the support of the vast majority of the party’s Quebec MPs), the question on everyone’s mind was whether or not the party would expand its membership enough to put Mulcair on top. While Leslie and Cullen would both experience strong gains in support over the course of the campaign (primarily at the expense of Nash), each by portraying themselves as fresh-faces within the party and their personal popularity evoking comparisons with Layton, as the convention approached the race was still between Topp and Mulcair. With Ashton and Julian both departing the race before the convention amid poor poll numbers (and both, incidentally, endorsing Topp), New Democrats would vote in December, both in person and online, to choose their new leader and Prime Minister.

As pundits had predicted, the first ballot showed a race largely between Topp and Mulcair, with Topp narrowly ahead (Mulcair having evidently failed to expand the party’s Quebec membership as much as he wanted). With Cleary dropped from the ballot and Chisholm, Dewar, and Saganash having withdrawn, the second ballot would see Mulcair close the gap between him and Topp though still narrowly come up short. When, after the third ballot, Megan Leslie, having been eliminated, endorsed Topp, and Peggy Nash opted to withdraw, the fourth ballot would determine whether Brian Topp or Thomas Mulcair would become the next Prime Minister of Canada. Giving him the victory by only a 3.6% margin, New Democrats had decided: Brian Topp would soon be sworn in as Prime Minister.

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2011 Conservative leadership race and 2012 Liberal leadership race
As election results came in on May 9, 2011, it quickly became apparent that Stephen Harper and Michael Ignatieff would be out the door as Conservative and Liberal leader, respectively. For Ignatieff, this fact had been apparent for months; never popular with Canadians, his poor performance in the election had sealed the deal. Making it immediately clear post-election that he would resign, he formally submitted his resignation in early June, with the party scheduling a leadership convention to replace him for January 13-15, 2012.

For the Conservatives, on the other hand, their new situation had come as a surprise. After all, Harper had been expected to easily be re-elected, with another minority if not an outright majority, and while some had speculated that he would resign had he again failed to win a majority government, the party was still struggling to come to terms that not only would they be electing a new leader but that they would be electing a Leader of the Opposition instead of a Prime Minister. With Harper announcing his resignation three days after election, it having become obvious that the margin between the NDP and the Conservatives would not be narrowed (if not flipped) as a result of recounts, the party would set their leadership election for November 26, 2011, and install former Minister of Finance Jim Flaherty as their interim leader.

With the date set, and after former Minister of Industry Tony Clement became the first candidate to enter the race in late May, the field would gradually expand over the summer of 2011. While rumoured candidates Bernard Lord, Stockwell Day, John Baird, Rob Ford, and Flaherty himself, among others, would all confirm their intention to sit out the race, the field of candidates soon expanded to include Clement, former cabinet ministers Peter MacKay, Jim Prentice, Jason Kenney, Rob Nicholson, Maxime Bernier, and James Moore, and backbench MPs Shelly Glover and Dean Del Mastro. Racking up endorsements and having the highest favourability among both Canadians and Conservative members, Prentice and MacKay were quickly deemed the frontrunners. Not far behind them in the eyes of the media were Clement, Nicholson, and Kenney, with Bernier, Moore, Glover, and Del Mastro seen as also-rans trying to increase their profile or, in the case of Bernier, rehabilitate their image. Complicating things, however, was the party’s system; the winner would be the first candidate to win a majority of the 30,800 points up for grabs, with votes in each riding being weighted equally – regardless of the actual number of voters in the riding – so that each riding would be worth 100 points. What this meant was that in regions where the party had low membership numbers, a candidate could be significantly over-represented compared to their actual share of the votes.

Over the course of the campaign, as the field was whittled down to seven (following the withdrawals of Clement and Moore amid poor polling numbers), the race remained a contest between Prentice and MacKay. Both seen as relative moderates within the party, the two had each served in high-profile roles in the Harper government before its 2011 defeat. Having retired in 2010, attempts to criticize Prentice for supposedly bailing on the government fell mostly on deaf ears, as did attacks from the Kenney and Glover camps to remind voters that both MacKay and Prentice (and Nicholson, for that matter) had been members of the Progressive Conservative Party instead of Reform prior to the two merging in 2003. With Layton’s death and the subsequent Turmel government throwing a wrench into the race, Turmel’s weakness suddenly inspiring Conservatives that a quick return to government was in reach (while also leaving the party uncertain as to who their primary opponent would be), the race entered its final stages as Conservatives met in Ottawa on November 26 after two weeks of voting to formally announce Harper’s successor. A close race throughout between MacKay and Prentice, with the two exchanging leads repeatedly, after six rounds the results were official: Prentice, beating MacKay by a 51.5 to 48.5 margin, would become the next Conservative leader and, after entering parliament through a by-election in Harper's former seat, the next Leader of the Opposition.

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A month and a half after the Conservatives and NDP had elected new leaders, the Liberals would meet in Ottawa to select their own on January 13-15, 2012. In contrast to the drama that had surrounded both the Conservative and NDP leadership races, the Liberal leadership race was a much less suspenseful affair. It wasn’t as if people weren’t interested – the party, after all, had found itself improving in the polls amidst Turmel’s difficulties – but the outcome was pretty much set in stone from the beginning. From the second Ignatieff had announced his resignation, it seemed clear that he would be succeeded by Bob Rae. Rae, the former NDP Premier of Ontario and the third-place candidate in the party’s 2006 leadership race, had won over party members skeptical of his past NDP affiliation through his loyal service under Ignatieff and Stéphane Dion, and had become well-regarded, particularly in the media, for his oratorical skills and talent in the House of Commons. With high name recognition and approval among the party membership, not to mention to support of the vast majority of the Liberal caucus, it was clear from the moment he announced his candidacy that he was the frontrunner. Candidates who could’ve given him a run for his money – most significantly Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty, headed for a provincial in the fall, and popular Quebec MP Justin Trudeau, in addition to past leadership candidates Scott Brison, Dominic LeBlanc, and Gerard Kennedy, among others – opted to stay out of the race and fall behind Rae, giving him little opposition.

He did, however, still have some, the most notable being Willowdale MP and fellow 2006 candidate Martha Hall Findlay. Ambitious and representing business Liberals unenthusiastic about the potential Rae leadership, and partly running to both increase her standing in the party and prevent another coronation like the party had experienced with Ignatieff, polls showed Hall Findlay as Rae’s closest competitor. Little-known initially, Vancouver Quadra MP Joyce Murray would also launch a leadership bid. Polling in the low single-digits at the start of her campaign, Murray would soon experience a surge in support, appealing to progressive Liberals uninspired by the old-school Rae candidacy and winning over traditional NDP and Green voters with her environmentalist and reformist policies. Seen as a breath of fresh air, Murray, though failing to significantly diminish Rae’s lead, would soon find herself tied with Hall Findlay in the polls. Among the other candidates running, the three were joined by David Bertschi, a first-term Ottawa MP running largely to increase his profile, past candidate and retired lieutenant colonel Karen McCrimmon, and Toronto lawyer Deborah Coyne. The three would largely stay in the low single digits throughout the campaign, though McCrimmon would experience a slight boost as the campaign wore on, charming Liberals with her campaign style and charisma.

Over the course of the weekend of January 13-15, despite electing former Deputy Prime Minister Sheila Copps as new Liberal Party President (defeating Mike Crawley, former president of the party’s Ontario wing), and voting on measures to reform future leadership races and open up the party, in addition to supporting a series of progressive policy planks (including committing to the legalization of marijuana, among others), the main thing on everyone’s mind was, understandably, who would replace Ignatieff as Liberal leader. To no one’s surprise: Bob Rae. Winning with 57% support on the first ballot, Rae accepted the Liberal leadership, and it fell on his shoulders to try and bring the party out of first place and return it to its spot in government.

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Very interesting.

Topp had very poor poll numbers in Quebec during the leadership contest IRL, the results of which put the Bloc back above 30 seats. Rae, of course, has a pretty poor approval rating in Ontario.

I notice we're due an election in 2012 according to the election infobox in the first update. Perhaps a strange Liberal/NDP or NDP/Liberal deal (maybe even a coalition if the Tories are far enough ahead?) to prevent Prentice leading the Tories back to power just a year after they left? Will watch with interest!
 
31st Canadian Ministry
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31st Canadian Ministry (December 15, 2011 - ????)

Prime Minister: Brian Topp
Deputy Prime Minister: Libby Davies
Leader of the Government in the House of Commons: Joe Comartin
Minister of Health: Libby Davies
Minister of Finance: Peggy Nash
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Paul Dewar
Minister of Transport: Olivia Chow
Minister of National Defence: Jack Harris
Minister of Industry: Chris Charlton
Minister of Justice and Attorney General: Thomas Mulcair
Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness: David Christopherson
Minister of the Environment: Megan Leslie
Minister of International Trade: Peter Julian
Minister of Public Works and Government Services: Nycole Turmel
Minister of Human Resources and Skills Development: Jinny Sims
Minister of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development: Jean Crowder
Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs: Nathan Cullen
Minister of Natural Resources: Romeo Saganash
Minister of Agriculture and Agri-Food: Nettie Wiebe
Minister of Veterans Affairs: Ray Martin
Minister of Fisheries and Oceans: Robert Chisholm
Minister of Citizenship and Immigration: Pat Martin
Minister of Labour: Yvon Godin
Minister of Canadian Heritage and Official Languages: Françoise Boivin
Minister of National Revenue: Guy Caron
Minister of Infrastructure and Communities: Linda Duncan
Minister for International Cooperation and La Francophonie: Hélène Laverdière
President of the Treasury Board: Alexandre Boulerice

Minister of State and Chief Government Whip: Peter Stoffer
Minister of State for Democratic Reform: Charlie Angus
Minister of State for Sport and Youth: Jagmeet Singh
Minister of State for Small Business and Tourism: Hoang Mai
Minister of State for Science and Technology: Hélène LeBlanc
Minister of State for Seniors and Status of Women: Rebecca Blaikie
Minister of State for LGBTQ Issues: Randall Garrison


All but unknown to Canadians and most of his party’s supporters just seven months earlier, Brian Topp suddenly found himself being sworn in as Prime Minister, an event few would’ve predicted less than a year earlier. Still, Layton’s surprise win and subsequent death had left the NDP in power without a leader, and the party had turned to Topp, the candidate arguably closest to Layton.

Elected leader on December 4, 2011, and set to be formally sworn into office less than two weeks later, Topp’s first priority was crafting a cabinet to suit his leadership style, reward his supporters, and adequately pacify his former competitors for the leadership. Peggy Nash, Paul Dewar, Megan Leslie, and Romeo Saganash would return to the posts they held prior to entering the race, Nathan Cullen would join cabinet as Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs, and Topp supporters Libby Davies, Françoise Boivin, Chris Charlton, and Jean Crowder would find themselves promoted to more high-profile positions (Davies to the newly re-established role of Deputy Prime Minister), while past leadership candidates Pat Martin and Robert Chisholm would find themselves moved to less prominent positions in part due to their support (implied and explicit, respectively) for Thomas Mulcair. Mulcair himself proved to be the biggest thorn in Topp’s side; with the former all but guaranteed a high-profile position to unify the party and given his status as the party’s de-facto Quebec leader, the situation was complicated by the bitterness of the leadership race and the poor personal relationship between the two men. While Mulcair demanded to be appointed Topp’s Minister of Finance, Topp was hesitant. Not only was he unenthusiastic about giving Mulcair that much power in his government, wary of finding himself in a Chrétien/Martin-esque scenario, but to do so would be to demote Nash, who’s implied support for Topp after her withdrawal in the leadership race had helped secure his victory. Similar differences prevented Mulcair’s appointment as Minister of the Environment, with Topp both unwilling to swap out Megan Leslie and disagreeing with Mulcair’s more centrist approach to the file, while the personal acrimony between the two ruled out Mulcair returning to his past role as Leader of the Government in the House of Commons. Eventually, the two reached an agreement: Mulcair would be appointed Minister of Justice, with Joe Comartin taking his old role as Government House Leader. Still not enough in his mind, Mulcair reluctantly accepted, though privately began telling colleagues he would likely retire at the next election.

His cabinet composed and formally sworn into office, Topp would next turn his attention to securing a seat in the House of Commons. Conveniently, this proved relatively simple: Toronto—Danforth, Layton’s riding and arguably one of the safer NDP seats in the country, had been vacant since his death four months earlier. Calling the by-election for January 30, 2012, it was hoped that Topp would be able to enter parliament quickly as his government prepared to deliver its budget. Complicating this plan was the Liberal resurgence in the polls, particularly after Rae’s election as leader two weeks earlier. With the three parties in an effective three-way tie nationally, in Ontario specifically the Liberals had regained their lead over the NDP and looked set to provide a spirited opposition and prevent Topp from securing an easy victory without putting in the work. Nominating advertising executive Grant Gordon after more prominent candidates (including Ken Dryden, Gerard Kennedy, Belinda Stronach, and Seamus O’Regan) declined to run, the Liberals, while running a spirited campaign and taking advantage of voter frustration towards the five months of NDP governance since Layton’s death, were unable to turn the tide in their favour in the solidly NDP riding: Topp, with 52% of the vote (still significantly less than that received by Layton), had won a seat in the House of Commons.

With his cabinet formed and officially a member of the House of Commons, Topp was now free to focus on the matter of governing. Opting to go somewhat bold right out of the gate to give Canadians a clear picture of his government (and representing the fact that they had voted for a radical change at the last election), Topp’s March budget, while lauded among the NDP base, would prove somewhat more divisive among Canadians at large. Creating a new income tax bracket of 35% for those earning more than $250,000 in order to fund investments in health care and a national transit strategy proved relatively popular (though was roundly criticized by Jim Prentice’s Conservatives), particularly given the recent prominence of the Occupy movement in both the United States and Canada, while a proposed cap-and-trade system to combat carbon emissions, with revenues going towards further environmental policies, proved more divisive as Conservative attacks led Canadians to worry about an incoming tax hike. While going bold had reassured the NDP base and inspired the party membership, it didn’t exactly inspire Canadians as a whole and would lead to headaches for both Topp and Nash, who found themselves forced to water down some of their more ambitious policies as a result of Liberal demands. On other issues, Topp would make what critics called radical decisions but what were in fact consistent with long-held NDP beliefs. When it came to the Senate, for instance, which the NDP had long maintained should be abolished as a waste of taxpayer money and an undemocratic institution, Topp (with Mulcair and Democratic Reform Minister Charlie Angus leading the charge) would head to the Supreme Court to determine what it would take for his government to formally abolish the chamber (if it was at all possible). In the meanwhile, not being able to kill it outright, Topp would opt to try and cripple it, refusing to appoint any senators and significantly cutting funding to the chamber, hoping that, if it couldn’t be killed outright, it could be weakened to the point where it would reach a natural death on its own. Having already found himself running into problems with a chamber made up entirely of Conservatives and Liberals, to Topp and the rest of the NDP this couldn’t come soon enough.

When it came to foreign affairs, things would prove much less eventful. Quickly establishing himself as an ally of US President Barack Obama, in part thanks to his interactions with Obama officials during the Layton government, the two would quickly bond over their overlapping policies regarding the environment and income inequality, in addition to Topp’s commitment of Canadian forces to the humanitarian mission in Libya, though Topp’s more left-wing trade policies would prove to be a bit of a headache. Forming a close bond with newly elected French President François Hollande (partly as an ultimately unsuccessful effort to try and improve NDP fortunes in Quebec), the two would nevertheless form a close friendship and strong working relationship due to their similar personal backgrounds and commitment to social democracy.

Back home, however, as the snow began to melt and the summer of 2012 dawned, things weren’t as rosy for Topp. Conservative and Liberal attacks on the budget had stuck, and voters had not quickly forgotten the trials of the Turmel government. Worse than that, though, was the fact that Topp had still yet to improve NDP fortunes in Quebec after the party experienced an immediate drop in support following his election. Not necessarily unwilling to support someone not native to the province (as they had shown with Layton), Topp’s inability to connect with the province, combined with lingering bitterness towards him for defeating the most prominent New Democrat in the province and the candidate supported by the vast majority of the party’s Quebec caucus, had caused the NDP to drop dramatically in the province. While they had won nearly 50% of the vote in the province a year earlier, they now found themselves lucky to poll above the mid-20s, and routinely found themselves behind both the Liberals and Daniel Paillé’s Bloc Québécois. With the party’s Quebec caucus getting antsier by the day, Topp found his time increasingly occupied with trying to calm down an interparty meltdown and sent cabinet ministers Alexandre Boulerice, Françoise Boivin, and Nycole Turmel on a media blitz across the province in an attempt to reassure voters that the party was still as committed to Quebec as ever and that Topp had their back. While the blitz was less successful than he had hoped, it nevertheless helped NDP fortunes in the province improve and prevented the mass rebellion of Quebec MPs that Topp allies had feared.

The budget, meanwhile, continued to be a headache for Topp and Nash. Negotiations with Liberal leader Bob Rae and Finance critic Scott Brison prove to be contentious, and ultimately produce a budget neither side is particularly happy with. To the NDP it’s watered down farther than they’d like, and to the Liberals it still goes one step too far and lacks a cohesive vision. While the Liberals allow it to pass by abstaining from the final vote, neither side is particularly happy about it. To Topp, this would prove to be the latest sign that his government had become unworkable. With the Conservatives committed to opposing every single policy the government put forward and the Liberals barely willing to pass policies held as foundational to the NDP, Topp, having rebounded in the polls, would opt to go for the nuclear option not long after his budget passed: on July 30, 2012, Governor General David Johnston, acting on Topp’s advice, would dissolve the 41st Canadian Parliament and announce that new elections would be held on September 4. To Topp and the NDP, this was their chance to reaffirm their mandate and form a more workable government; to the Conservatives and Liberals, this was their chance to return Canadian politics to the old two-party norm.
 
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