Chapter 217
June, 1799
Manhattan
President Henry Laurens knew that his actions would not be popular in certain areas of the country. Fortunately, the Indian Lands Treaty which reaffirmed the reservations for the "Five Civilized Tribes" of the South only mattered to a handful of settlers. South Georgia and Augusta were not popular places to homestead and only so many people coveted the Indian lands. That was what the latest hubbub was about in Manhattan. A few hundred land-hungry prospectors and settlers wanted Indian lands for themselves. Laurens would retort that this was a contemptable reason to break a treaty made in good faith. He utterly refused to even consider the matter and neither did Prime Minister Morris.
That was enough to kill any momentum towards confiscating Indian lands. However, Laurens was inclined to make adjustments to the Indian status. He disliked the idea of separate citizenship for Indians and whites. He desired to improve the Indian condition and did not see how relegating them to reservations would do anything to improve their condition. Indians should be able to travel, work and live anywhere in American territory they desired. The President was willing to leave those on the reservation to govern themselves (under the Constitution, of course) but was intent on allowing the Indians to choose for themselves whether to be American or not. Laurens proposed a new law which would grant additional privileges of rights, property, etc for the tribal reservations Indians shortly after his Presidency began.
However, the first main adjustment to the Indian Laws was giving all Americans the right of way along Rivers and roads through Indian territory. Effectively, the country assumed control and protection of these vital transit points. This, indirectly, would reduce white (and black) resentment at the presence of these reservations as they were no longer a barrier to going west.
Only with great difficulty had Laurens, in 1797, managed to obtain legal protection of Indians throughout American territory, expressly stating they may own property and live where they pleased. This was actually difficult as some inquired if Indians would therefore be granted the franchise. Laurens, not willing to commit to such a bold Constitutional question he was sure to lose, replied that Provinces would be responsible for such decision, much as they were fore Negroes (over half the provinces either expressly granted Negroes the vote or passively allowed it without comment).
There were northern reservations as well, most notably the Iroquois and others, but few reservations in Seneca, Mackinac, New York, Wyandotte and other northern Provinces matched the scale of the southern Reservations.
At the very least, Laurens had put off major threat of rebellion among the Indians of the south-central United American Provinces.
Give that he'd just dispatched a lion's share of the American military might - both army and navy - away from America's shores, this was a massive relief.
Of course, Laurens would promptly suggest an even more daring and controversial plan:
Seeing that much of the coming conflict would likely be waged in the West Indies, this not being a desirable locale for volunteers given the climate and endemic disease, Laurens suggested that regiments of Negroes be raised as they were "immune" to tropical diseases. This last was not strictly true. The African slaves brought over on board the transports had the reputation of being immune to various diseases like Malaria, but really just had developed resistance due to regular exposure. Other diseases, like smallpox, yellow fever, etc, they were no more resistant than whites.
In some cases, like the yellow fever epidemic in Philadelphia a few years prior, whites whom had been living in the tropics would survive the epidemic perfectly well while blacks whom had spent their entire lives in Pennsylvania would expire in large numbers. However, the Negroes of the mid-south (i.e. Maryland through South Carolina) were no doubt MORE accustomed than the average American soldier to tropical disease, if hardly immune. What if the national government were to offer to BUY slaves from these provinces and offer freedom in exchange for a few years service?
Knowing his own people, Laurens knew many would be horrified at the idea of giving Negroes weapons or any semblance of a national policy in favor of manumission. But Laurens knew that volunteers may be tough to come by, especially in the Caribbean, and the army needed all the help it could get. Though afraid he was sticking his genitals in a hornet's nest, he proposed the idea to Prime Minister Morris. The man thought about this and nodded, agreeing to give it a try. Throughout the remainder of 1799, several hundred slaveholders, having suffered losses during the recession caused by lack of markets for their goods, mainly South Carolina's rice plantations, would grudgingly accept payment from the national government at high prices in order to remain solvent. Many of these men would be reviled by their neighbors for "betraying" the Mid-Southern way of life but bankruptcy remained a daily threat to so many landowners that liquidity was vital to survival.
Besides, the near constant flow of slaves out of these four provinces had actually resulted in a DECLINE in slaves over the years from 200,000 in 1776 to 170,000 in 1799 despite a healthy birthrate, unlike the decimating negative increase in the West Indies. Demographic historians of later generations would point out that, in 1740, there were near 1,000,000 Africans in the West Indies and only about 250,000 in America. By 1799, there were about 325,000 blacks (53% slaves, 47% free) in America and only about 140,000 black/mulatto slaves and 60,000 free people of color in the West Indies. This demographic plunge was directly related to the brutality endemic to West Indian chattel slavery, terrible heat, awful provisions, lack of medical care, tropical disease and a demographic imbalance between male and female.
By one estimate, over 75,000 slaves had departed the Mid-South over the past 23 years. The slaves continued to flee in the night to neighboring free provinces, were voluntarily liberated (and often forced to depart the provinces or shipped back to the British factory ports in Africa where they became the new creole elites) or were sold to the West Indies or Brazil. Laurens, whom was an ardent abolitionist himself, was content to look at the demographics and let the institution die a natural death.
In the meantime, he could expedite the process a bit by purchasing slaves from desperate plantation owners whom faced the double disaster of a lack of market for their goods (particularly Laurens' native South Carolina which had not other market for its rice crop) and a sudden plunge in value of the slaves themselves. While most slaveholders would abhor the idea of handing their slaves over the government in exchange for service, some plantation owners were forced to do so.
By 1800, there were four full regiments of "freed men" that would be shipped to the primary Caribbean locale for the American Army and Navy, the port of Galvezton and the city of Buffalo. Later, these soldiers would be referred to as "Buffalo Soldiers" for the first military base in which the majority would serve.