Nine Heavens, Four Seas: An East Asia Timeline

Prelude: The Fated Night
序章
Prelude: The Fated Night


It was the night of December 23th, 1673 when the Forbidden City burned.



During the Qing conquest of China, many Ming generals defected to Great Qing due to various reasons. These defecting generals, called Xiangjiang(降將), were treated with high respect and courtesy by the Qing, and were often rewarded with esteemed positions. These xiangjiangs defected along with their troops, and had knowledges about the local conditions - making them a valuable asset.

Of these xiangjiangs were a general named Wu Sangui(吳三桂). After Ming's crushing defeat at the Battle of Songshan(松山) and Beijing falling to Li Zicheng(李自成)'s peasant rebellion, Wu's army was left defending the Shanhai Pass(山海關) - The stronghold separating mainland China and Manchuria. Both Li Zicheng and Great Qing wanted to persuade Wu and his forces to defect to their side. Initially, Wu agreed with Li Zicheng to unite against the invading Manchu army. However, the cooperation fell apart, and with a gargantuan Qing army approaching the pass, he opened the gates for the Manchu forces in May 1644, beginning the Qing conquest of mainland China. [1]



Wu_Sangui.jpg

△Portrait of Wu Sangui.​

As the Qing pushed further into China, they were met with fierce resistance of the South Ming regime. The rugged landscape of southern China hindered the mobility of the Manchurian cavalry, and the Ming populace was fully loyal to the southern government. As a solution, instead of the Manchu and Mongol Bannermen, the Qing put xiangjiangs and their Han armies in charge of conquering the south.

Xiangjiangs like Wu proved their worth during the conquest of southern China. Wu Sangui was especially ardent in his efforts - he tracked the fleeing Yongli Emperor and his family all the way to Burma, and historians say that he strangled every single one of the family member himself.

After South Ming collapsed, the Qing court crowned these defectants as Fanwang(藩王: Feudatorial Kings), and let them rule over the territories they have conquered. A total of three xiangjiangs - Wu Sangui, Shang Kexi(尙可喜) and Geng Zhongming(耿仲明) were crowned, each as Pingxiwang(平西王: King of the Pacification of the West), Pingnanwang(平西王: King of the Pacification of the South), and Jingnanwang(靖南王: King of the Stabilization of the South).



However, as time passed by, Qing government became more weary with the Feudatories. An autonomous Han state within the empire, with its own army and bureaucracy served as a threat to Qing rule in China. The Feudatories were making enormous tax gains by dominating the regional trade, and raising their own armies that could be used against the Qing in a possible revolt. Of the Three Feudatories, Wu was the most influential. Wu used his own currency in his realm, and deeply interfered with Qing rule in the broader Southwest - to the point where Wu's opinions arguably mattered more than that of the Qing court.

When young Aisin Gioro Hiowanei assumed control of the Empire as Emperor Kangxi(康熙), he was determined to strip power from the Feudatories. The opportunity came when in 1673, Shang Kexi asked for permission to retire and succeed his position to his son Shang Zhixin(尙之信). Emperor Kangxi permitted his retirement, but rejected the succession to his son - the title of Pingnanwang was to be abolished, and his realm returned to Peking.

This put Wu Sangui and Geng Jingzhong(Grandson of Geng Zhongming, Jingnanwang at the time) on alert. In July of the same year, they also asked for retirement, testing the waters to prepare for further action. The Qing court was divided on the reply, for taking the hard line and fully abolishing the Feudatories could result in an all-out insurgency in the south. But Kangxi was confident and determined, and decided to generously ‘grant’ them their request, with the same conditions.


After hearing the reply from Peking, Wu's advisors and lieutenants alleged that it was finally time to rise and overthrow the Manchurian rule. Wu was also determined to walk the warpath. In November of 1673, after failing to persuade him to join the rebels, Wu Sanggui’s forces killed Zhou Guozhi(朱國治), Governor-General(巡撫) of Yunnan, marking the beginning of the War of the Three Feudatories. Gan Wenkun(甘文焜) , Viceroy of Yun-Gui(總督: Yunnan and Guizhou), tried to take control of the situation and snuff out the rebellion, but he found the governors and generals of Yunnan were loyal to Wu.

Wu Sangui claimed the cause of his rebellion to be "Opposition to Qing and Restoration of Ming(反淸復明)", although his sincerity was questioned because of his previous acts as a Xiangjiang. He also urged other Feudatories and regional governors to join his rebellion. On the other hand, Emperor Kangxi revoked the abolishment of the Feudatories in an attempt to satiate the Feudatories and stop them from joining the rebellion.



2041c4ff20ad496ca52f12b29ad63bed.jpeg

△An overview of the Forbidden City.​


Wu Sangui’s son, Wu Yingxiong, had been staying in the Forbidden City as the emperor’s guest and potential hostage when the war began. After his father’s treason against the Qing, Yingxiong fell to a precarious position, and felt the need to escape the city before he was executed by the court.

In December of 1673, there was a man in Peking named Yang Qilong(楊起隆). He had been claiming himself to be the ‘Zhushan Taiji(朱三太子)’ - the “Third Prince of the Zhu”, the third son of the Chongzen Emperor and the rightful heir of the Ming. Gathering followers of him in and around Beijing, Yang plotted a conspiracy to raise ten thousand soldiers to raid and burn the Forbidden City, kill the false emperor, and restore the Ming Dynasty.

Raising such a force right at the center of the empire without the empire noticing was not an easy task, but Yang managed to prepare for the plan without getting compromised. [2] Yang also got in contact with Wu Yingxiong - Wu provided Yang with classified intels of the court, which Yang could use to his advantage. In return, Yang promised safety of Wu and his family, so that he could utilize the chaos of the revolt to flee from Beijing.




At December 23th, commanded by Zheng Desheng(鄭得勝), Yang’s insurgents began setting fire all around Beijing. Although Beijing had a large garrison of Bannermen soldiers guarding it, they had been occupied with preparing for a expedition to the south, and the element of surprise hindered their initial reaction.

Taking advantage of the chaos, Yang Qilong led his own army and attacked the Forbidden City, to kill Emperor Kangxi. Although he was met with fierce resistance from the elite Imperial Guard(), and most of the men he led were killed in action, Yang managed to achieve the main objective of the incursion - death of the false emperor. An unknown soldier managed to impale and kill Emperor Kangxi, beheading the Qing Empire.



As hours passed and more parts of the city discovered the Emperor’s murder, the administration fell into total disarray. Meanwhile, the rebels continued to storm the capital. Chen Yi(陳益), leading 50 rebels alongside him, managed to track and kill Tu Hai(圖海), the Du Tung(都統, commander) of the Zheng Huangqi(正黄旗) - one of the Eight Banners.

However, as morning dawned, the Qing garrison began to gather themselves. With Tu Hai dead, Zu Yonglie(祖永烈) assumed command of the Zheng Huangqi garrison and led a counter-attack against the rebels. The Xiang Huangqi(鑲黃旗) and other stationed armies also joined forces. After a day of fighting across the streets, the winner of the battle for Beijing had turned evident; The rebels, completely outmatched by the Qing army in a proper battle, were crushed by the Eight Banners. Yang Qilong, Chen Yi, Huang Ji(黃吉) and even Wu Yingxiong himself were killed in action. However, Wu’s sons were able to escape Beijing, fleeing south to their grandfather’s lands.

Although order prevailed in Beijing, it was evident that the damage was irreversible. With the emperor and his finest servants dead, and the countryside burning in revolt, it seemed there was nothing but darkness ahead for the young empire.





After a year or so of lurking in the site, I have finally decided to post my own Timeline.

The PoD is that Emperor Kangxi dies prematurely, leading to a successful Revolt of the Three Feudatories. This TL was originally planned as a Korea-wank, but the scope of the TL widened until it wasn't really a 'Korean TL' anymore - Still, Korea would probably receive a lot of spotlight during the course of this TL .

Feedbacks are welcome!



[1] There are various explanations, some less credible than others, for the exact reason why Wu defected to Great Qing. Some suggest Wu was appalled by the barbarianism displayed by Li's rebellion when it sacked Beijing, while others state lover shenanigans or other explanations. Here, we will leave it underexplained on purpose.

[2] IOTL, the plan was found out in December 21th, two days before its execution, and the conspiracy was crushed by the Beijing garrison. Yang fled to the countryside - only to be caught in 1680 in Shanxi and executed. This is the PoD of TTL and OTL.
 
Chapter I: War of the Three Feudatories (I)
第一章
Chapter I: War of the Three Feudatories (I)



Wu’s army of Yunnan swiftly took control of Yunnan and Guizhou. In response, the Qing court nominated Prince Lergiyen(勒爾錦) as the Grand Marshall of Pacifying the South and Suppressing the Rebellion(寧南靖寇大將軍). Lergiyen stationed his army at the city of Jingzhou(荆州) by the Yangtze River. Meanwhile, General Waerka(瓦爾喀) of Xi'an led his forces south to counter Wu's army advancing to Sichuan.

Meanwhile, Wu's army swiftly advanced into Hunan, towards the city of Huanzhou(浣州). Determined to stop the enemy at Huanzhou, Cai Yurong sent general Cai Shilu(蔡世祿) to defend Huanzhou, while Sang E(桑峨), Governor-General of Huguang, led his own army to aid him. However, when Sang's army arrived at Huanzhou, the city had already surrendered to Wu's forces. Sang E attempted to retreat, but his army was destroyed by Wu's forces. When news of Huanzhou's fall arrived, Lu Zhen(盧震), Governor-General of Hunan, abandoned his position at Changsha(長沙) and fled to Yueyang(岳陽).

Afterwards, the rebellion swept through Hunan, falling cities like Changsha and Changde(常德). As most local commanders chose to surrender instead of attempting to fight back, Wu's army suffered minimal casualties. In late March, General Wu Yinglin(吳應麟) and Zhang Guozhu(張國柱) defeated the Qing army led by General Cani(察尼) and took the City of Yueyang(岳陽).

After the fall of Yueyang, Prince Lergiyen's army forfeited all territory south of the Yangtze and retreated north of the river to Jingzhou. Instead of advancing, Wu's army spent the rest of April in consolidating its control south of the Yangtze, while it prepared for an another offensive into Hubei(湖北) and beyond. Lergiyen attempted to attack and retake Yueyang from the East, but the offensive was repelled by General Wu Yingqi(吳應麒), Wu Sangui's son.

To the northwest, the Expeditionary forces led by Wang Pingfan fought against Waerka's army in Sichuan.



With the Qing Dynasty decapacitated and Wu's army advancing northwards, many seized the opportunity to revolt against the Qing Dynasty. Geng Jingzhong, Feudatorial King of Fujian, allied with Kingdom of Tungning(東寧). Formed by Ming loyalist Zheng Chenggong(鄭成功)[1], Tungning was a maritime kingdom located at Taiwan. Zheng originally founded Tungning under the ideal of restoring Great Ming, but after his death, his successor Zheng Jing(鄭經) was more interested in building Tungning into a major power than restoring Ming. However, Zheng Jing viewed Geng's proposal as an opportunity and accepted it. In April of 1674, Geng Jingzhong imprisoned Fan Chengmo(范承謨), Viceroy of Fujian, before declaring war against Great Qing.

After taking control of Fujian, Geng sent an army led by Zeng Yangxing(曾養性) to conquer Zhejiang. However, the advance was blocked by Li Zhifang(李芝芳), Viceroy of Zhejiang. Zeng's army fell back to Wenzhou(溫州), and Geng requested Tungning for military aid. At the same time, Lian Dengyun(連登雲) led another army to the northwest, in an attempt to connect with Wu's army.

In the Southwest, Sun Yanling, Governor-General of Guangxi, rebelled against the Qing Dynasty. Sun asked Ma Xiong(馬雄), Marshall of Guangxi, to join the rebellion with him, but Ma refused his request and remained loyal to Qing. Soon, the two began fighting for control of Guangxi Province.

Shang Kexi, Feudatorial King of Guangdong, was the last Fanwang who was abstaining from the rebellion. However, with Fujian and Guangxi revolting, Shang's Feudatory was surrounded by rebel army on all sides. On the other hand, the Qing court was staying silent. After considering the circumstances, Shang accepted his son Shang Zhixin's appeal for war and joined the rebellion in June of 1674.

Sichuan also responded to Wu's rebellion. Sichuan's Governor-General Luo Sen(羅森), General Officer Tan Hong(譚洪) and Marshal Zheng Jiaolin(鄭蛟麟)[2] joined hands and rose in favor of Wu Sangui. Facing risk of being flanked, General Waerka decided to pull out from Sichuan. Waerka's army split in two and retreated from Sichuan - one retreated North via the Qipan Pass(七盤關) to defend Gansu, while the other moved eastwards to defend upper Hubei against Wu's main army. By early May, all of Sichuan had fallen to Wu's army.



All the while, the Qing court had been going through a succession crisis. The young emperor had been murdered without nominating a Crown Prince[3] for the throne. At the point of his death, Emperor Kangxi’s only surviving son was Prince Yinzhi(胤禔), who was only a year old. Although he was Kangxi’s only son, Prince Yinzhi was an infant, and his mother was merely a concubine from an insignificant family, whose influence was incomparable to great clans like Yehe Nara and Hesri. As a result, Yinzhi’s coronation was ‘postponed until more appropriate times’, and Nara Mingju(納蘭明珠), head of the Yehe Nara clan, ruled as Lord-Regent(監國).

The problem intensified when Prince Yinreng(胤礽) was born in June 1674. Unlike Yinzhi, Yinreng’s mother was empress Empress Xiaochengren of the Hesri clan. Thus, not only did Yinreng have better legitimacy then Yinzhi, but he also had the backing of her mother's family, which was one of the most prominent houses of the Empire. Soon, the court split into two, one supporting Prince Yinzhi, and the other supporting Prince Yinreng.



Liu Xuanchu(劉玄初), advisor of Wu Sangui, was aware of the disarray at the Qing court, and pleaded to Wu that now was the time to advance. Wu Sangui took this advise. In Late May of 1674, Wu's soldiers crossed the Yangtze River - to destroy Qing rule in China for once and for all.




[1] Known more to the west as his nickname Koxinga(國姓爺 - means 'Bestowed the National Surname', referring to the fact that Zheng was bestowed the royal surname 'Zhu' by the South Ming regime')

[2] It would be good to tidy up the ranks / positions of Chinese bureaucracy.
- A Governor-General(巡撫) is the governor of a Province, having autonomy over the Province's administration and military.
-A Viceroy(總督) is the same as the Governor-General above, except that some Viceroy positions rule over multiple Provinces.
-A Marshal(提督) is the chief commander of the army of a Province.
-A General Officer(摠兵) is the commander of a regional army, and works under the Governor-General and the Marshal.

[3] In East Asian monarchies, the heir to the throne is not automatically decided by succession laws, but is nominated by the standing ruler. Most of the time, the oldest legitimate heir is nominated as Crown Prince, as is the Confucian tradition. However, there are cases where this tradition is ignored due to a number of reasons.



I'm currently trying out QGIS to illustrate the war situation, but it seems the app is quite hard to learn. I might try a bit more, or just scribble out a provisional map using Windows Paint.
 
Interesting! I've heard and seen PODs about the Ming-Qing transition, but not about the Revolt of the Three Feudatories being successful. I'm interested to see if we get a new dynasty over all of China, or if we get a North-South split between Wu Sangui and the Qing for a bit.

There are plenty of other areas that I'm interested to see how things butterfly, but regardless, the start is fantastic. I can't wait for more!
 
Chapter II: War of the Three Feudatories (II)
第二章
Chapter II: War of the Three Feudatories (II)



In late May of 1674, Wu led his army and crossed the Yangtze River. Lergiyen sent General Esta(額司泰)[1] to stop Wu's army, and the two combatants met at the Battle of Yiling(夷陵). The battle raged on in both sea and land, but the Qing army could not stop the attack of Wu's forces. Yiling's fall meant the collapse of the Yangtze River defense line. General Lergiyen's army retreated northward, and Hu Guozhu(胡國柱)'s forces took Jinzhou in 15th of June.

Lergiyen was afraid of facing Wu's army in an open battle, and as a result, Wu's army could advance through central Hubei with relative ease. Lergiyen retreated north all the way to the city of Xiangyang(襄陽). Xiangyang was a major strategical point, serving as the gateway to the North China Plain. Its high walls and deep moats made it near impenetrable against invading forces. Lergiyen's plan was to hold Xiangyang and block further advance of Wu's army, while waiting for reinforcements to arrive.

Meanwhile, another army led by Wu Yingqi marched east from Yueyang to take the city of Wuchang(武昌). Prince Labu(喇布)'s army faced them in the Battle of Xianning(咸寧), which ended in Labu's defeat. Afterwards, Labu retreated into Wuchang and held the city against Wu Yingqi.

The Qing court was determined to defend Henan at all cost. The Bannermen of northern China and Manchuria were redeployed en masse to the Henan front. Disappointed by Grand Marshal Lergiyen's failure, Regent Mingju replaced him with Zhou Peigong(周培功), a prominent Han general. Qing also diverted soldiers from the Eastern front, where the situation was better. Prince Yolo(岳樂) led his soldiers to attack Wu Yingqi's army from the east and liberate Wuchang from the siege. Afterwards, he was to advance up the Yangtze River and strike Yueyang, forcing Wu to divert his forces.




Before the war, Zhou Peigong was originally a bureaucrat in Beijing's cabinet. Although he showed his talent as a commander in the southeast, his capabilities to lead such a big army was doubted by many. However, Zhou quickly proved himself worthy of such a position. of the Under Zhou's leadership, the Qing army defended well against Wu's army. From July to November, the Three Feudatories made little gain in the Henan theater.

To the south, General Yolo's army succeeded in freeing Wuchang from siege, and Wu Yingqi's army retreated to Xiaogan(孝感). However, Wu Sangui sent a bigger army led by Ma Bao to aid Wu Yingqi and take back the city. The city was fallen to Wu's forces again in August. Wu Yingqi determined that the force he had on disposal wass not sufficient to advance further east, and decided to hold the line.

However, although slowly, the Three Feudatories put on an aggressive offensive, and forced Qing to make concessions one by one. In late August, Ma Bao and Hu Guozhu's army took Xiangyang, putting all of Hubei under Wu's control. In November, Xinyang(信陽) also fell to Wu's forces.



In the eastern coast, the Geng Jingzhong's army advanced with the support of Tungning. Li Zhifang's army fought bravely, but they could not withstand the offensive and had to retreat to Hangzhou(杭州). There, Li managed to block Geng's army until Prince Giyesu(傑書)'s army arrived to aid him. By October, Giyesu's army had pushed Geng's army south to the city of Jinhua(金華).

In August of 1674, Ma Xiong defected to Wu's army, putting Guangxi fully under Wu's rule. With the South fully pacified, Wu Sangui urged Shang Zhixin, who had contributed close to nothing to the war except for guarding his realm of Guangdong, to conquer Jiangxi. Wu wanted the Guangdong army to advance north along the Gan(贛) River and fight against Prince Labu's army defending the region. Shang agreed to Wu's proposal, but put little effort in the expedition. The army made little gains, with the only big achievement being conquering Ganzhou(赣州). Instead, Shang showed more interest in vying for territories in the neighboring Guangxi Province.

In the Northwest, General Wang Fuchen(王辅臣), Marshal of Shaanxi[2] was tasked to defend the invading army of Wang Pingfan. After stationing his army in the city of Hanzhong(漢中), Wang utilized the rugged landscape of the region to defend against Wang Pingfan's army. Wang Pingfan tried breaching the Qing defense via the Jianmen(劍門) Pass, but was crushed by Wang's defense force. During the later half of 1674, the two armies were on a standoff at the Sichuan-Shaanxi border.





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△ Royal Flag of the Kingdom of Joseon.​


The Kingdom of Joseon had known about the rebellion of the Three Feudatories since early 1674. Although Qing was discreet on letting news about the insurgency to spill out, and outside news seldom arrived to the hermit kingdom, it was clear that the Manchu Empire was struggling against its Han rebels.

To pro-Ming hardliners in the court, led by Yun Hyu(尹鑴), it seemed that the time was finally ripe to take revenge on the Manchu barbarians. Joseon had been preparing for a potential war with the Qing since King Hyojong’s reign(1649~1659), even though it was a tributary of the Qing on the outside. Also, Confucian scholars were pessimistic on the viability of Qing's long-term survival in China - they believed that the barbarian state would not be able to govern the Han people, and would be pushed out before a century of reign. These scholars asserted that since the ousted Qing will try to extract Korea for resources to reconstruct, Korea must attack first and seize strategic locations to better prepare for it. Following the news of the insurgency and the emperor's death, these hardliners pushed the court to establish connection with Tungning.

However, there still were voices to take caution on the matter. After all, the Qing was a gargantuan empire ruling over most of the known world - Its power was not to be underestimated. Others pointed out the strain it will put on the Korean populace; Korea had gone through a devastating famine just 3 years ago, and was still recovering from it. It was definitely not in a good shape to wage war.

After half a year of constant debating, the final decision lay on the hands of the young king. Crown Prince Sun ascended to the Phoenix Throne as King Sukjong of Joseon[3] in September 1674, in the juvenile age of 13. Normally, when such a young king rises to the throne, the Royal Dowager[4] acts as a regent until the king is deemed as fit to rule. However, descending from a long, stable lineage of kings before him, Sukjong had an impenetrable royal legitimacy, and he was considered bright and intelligent by the court. Thus, he skipped the regency period and started ruling the kingdom by himself as soon as he became king.

The pendulum finally swinged to one side when Sukjong permitted to assess the state of the military and form a final plan for a potential Northern Expedition. A total of 30,000 men were gathered from the Five Central Armies(五軍營) and regional garrisons(束伍軍). The expeditionary army’s commander would be Yu Hyukyeon(柳赫然), a 58-year old general and a veteran of the Qing Invasion of Korea. Yun Hyu, the main advocator of the Expedition in the court, would follow the expedition to oversee it himself.

In October of 1674, after the end of the harvest season, Korean forces crossed the Yalu River for the first time in 300 years - to strike Manchu and pacify the Jurchen menace. Korea was off to war.



From November to early December, the Korean army focused on securing the southern coastal region of Liaodong, south of the Qian Mountains - in a potential Qing invasion of Korea, these highlands would be the first line of defense. With most of the Eight Banners relocated to the front, the Korean army faced minimal resistance. Fighting off scattered Qing garrisons on the way, the Korean army gained control of the towns of Zhaunghe(庄河) and Ninghai(寧海), while preparing for a northward push towards Mukden(盛京).

In December 11th, Korean forces led by Shin Ryu(申瀏) clashed against an Eight Banner army led by Prince Fuquan(福全) in the Battle of Fengcheng(風城). This battle was the first major battle Korean forces fought against the Qing army. The battle ended in a Korean victory, and it opened up the road for Korea to strike Mukden, heart of Manchuria and once the capital of the Qing. However, with the winter cold quickly approaching, Yu decided to fortify the occupied lands and prepare for winter instead.



[1] I don't have resources on how this guy's name sounded in Manchu, but it probably sounded something like this... I think.

[2] At the time, Shaanxi's territory also included modern day Gansu.

[3] Korean royal names are really hard to grasp - Korean kings are mostly known by their posthumous names, which are assigned only after death. This means that King Sukjong would never have been refered as ‘Sukjong’ during his reign - but for the sake of conciseness, I will ditch the system as a whole and refer to kings in their posthumous name.

[4] This refers to the queen consort of the deceased king.

I did make a makeshift map in paint 3D to show how the war is going, but I seemingly can't upload it due to file size. I'll try to find a way for it.
 
Last edited:
第二章
Chapter II: War of the Three Feudatories (II)



In late May of 1674, Wu led his army and crossed the Yangtze River. Lergiyen sent General Esta(額司泰)[1] to stop Wu's army, and the two combatants met at the Battle of Yiling(夷陵). The battle raged on in both sea and land, but the Qing army could not stop the attack of Wu's forces. Yiling's fall meant the collapse of the Yangtze River defense line. General Lergiyen's army retreated northward, and Hu Guozhu(胡國柱)'s forces took Jinzhou in 15th of June.

Lergiyen was afraid of facing Wu's army in an open battle, and as a result, Wu's army could advance through central Hubei with relative ease. Lergiyen retreated north all the way to the city of Xiangyang(襄陽). Xiangyang was a major strategical point, serving as the gateway to the North China Plain. Its high walls and deep moats made it near impenetrable against invading forces. Lergiyen's plan was to hold Xiangyang and block further advance of Wu's army, while waiting for reinforcements to arrive.

Meanwhile, another army led by Wu Yingqi marched east from Yueyang to take the city of Wuchang(武昌). Prince Labu(喇布)'s army faced them in the Battle of Xianning(咸寧), which ended in Labu's defeat. Afterwards, Labu retreated into Wuchang and held the city against Wu Yingqi.

The Qing court was determined to defend Henan at all cost. The Bannermen of northern China and Manchuria were redeployed en masse to the Henan front. Disappointed by Grand Marshal Lergiyen's failure, Regent Mingju replaced him with Zhou Peigong(周培功), a prominent Han general. Qing also diverted soldiers from the Eastern front, where the situation was better. Prince Yolo(岳樂) led his soldiers to attack Wu Yingqi's army from the east and liberate Wuchang from the siege. Afterwards, he was to advance up the Yangtze River and strike Yueyang, forcing Wu to divert his forces.




Before the war, Zhou Peigong was originally a bureaucrat in Beijing's cabinet. Although he showed his talent as a commander in the southeast, his capabilities to lead such a big army was doubted by many. However, Zhou quickly proved himself worthy of such a position. of the Under Zhou's leadership, the Qing army defended well against Wu's army. From July to November, the Three Feudatories made little gain in the Henan theater.

To the south, General Yolo's army succeeded in freeing Wuchang from siege, and Wu Yingqi's army retreated to Xiaogan(孝感). However, Wu Sangui sent a bigger army led by Ma Bao to aid Wu Yingqi and take back the city. The city was fallen to Wu's forces again in August. Wu Yingqi determined that the force he had on disposal wass not sufficient to advance further east, and decided to hold the line.

However, although slowly, the Three Feudatories put on an aggressive offensive, and forced Qing to make concessions one by one. In late August, Ma Bao and Hu Guozhu's army took Xiangyang, putting all of Hubei under Wu's control. In November, Xinyang(信陽) also fell to Wu's forces.



In the eastern coast, the Geng Jingzhong's army advanced with the support of Tungning. Li Zhifang's army fought bravely, but they could not withstand the offensive and had to retreat to Huangzhou(杭州). There, Li managed to block Geng's army until Prince Giyesu(傑書)'s army arrived to aid him. By October, Giyesu's army had pushed Geng's army south to the city of Jinhua(金華).

In August of 1674, Ma Xiong defected to Wu's army, putting Guangxi fully under Wu's rule. With the South fully pacified, Wu Sangui urged Shang Zhixin, who had contributed close to nothing to the war except for guarding his realm of Guangdong, to conquer Jiangxi. Wu wanted the Guangdong army to advance north along the Gan(贛) River and fight against Prince Labu's army defending the region. Shang agreed to Wu's proposal, but put little effort in the expedition. The army made little gains, with the only big achievement being conquering Ganzhou(贛主). Instead, Shang showed more interest in vying for territories in the neighboring Guangxi Province.

In the Northwest, General Wang Fuchen(王辅臣), Marshal of Shaanxi[2] was tasked to defend the invading army of Wang Pingfan. After stationing his army in the city of Hanzhong(漢中), Wang utilized the rugged landscape of the region to defend against Wang Pingfan's army. Wang Pingfan tried breaching the Qing defense via the Jianmen(劍門) Pass, but was crushed by Wang's defense force. During the later half of 1674, the two armies were on a standoff at the Sichuan-Shaanxi border.





View attachment 845926
△ Royal Flag of the Kingdom of Joseon.​


The Kingdom of Joseon had known about the rebellion of the Three Feudatories since early 1674. Although Qing was discreet on letting news about the insurgency to spill out, and outside news seldom arrived to the hermit kingdom, it was clear that the Manchu Empire was struggling against its Han rebels.

To pro-Ming hardliners in the court, led by Yun Hyu(尹鑴), it seemed that the time was finally ripe to take revenge on the Manchu barbarians. Joseon had been preparing for a potential war with the Qing since King Hyojong’s reign(1649~1659), even though it was a tributary of the Qing on the outside. Also, Confucian scholars were pessimistic on the viability of Qing's long-term survival in China - they believed that the barbarian state would not be able to govern the Han people, and would be pushed out before a century of reign. These scholars asserted that since the ousted Qing will try to extract Korea for resources to reconstruct, Korea must attack first and seize strategic locations to better prepare for it. Following the news of the insurgency and the emperor's death, these hardliners pushed the court to establish connection with Tungning.

However, there still were voices to take caution on the matter. After all, the Qing was a gargantuan empire ruling over most of the known world - Its power was not to be underestimated. Others pointed out the strain it will put on the Korean populace; Korea had gone through a devastating famine just 3 years ago, and was still recovering from it. It was definitely not in a good shape to wage war.

After half a year of constant debating, the final decision lay on the hands of the young king. Crown Prince Sun ascended to the Phoenix Throne as King Sukjong of Joseon[3] in September 1674, in the juvenile age of 13. Normally, when such a young king rises to the throne, the Royal Dowager[4] acts as a regent until the king is deemed as fit to rule. However, descending from a long, stable lineage of kings before him, Sukjong had an impenetrable royal legitimacy, and he was considered bright and intelligent by the court. Thus, he skipped the regency period and started ruling the kingdom by himself as soon as he became king.

The pendulum finally swinged to one side when Sukjong permitted to assess the state of the military and form a final plan for a potential Northern Expedition. A total of 30,000 men were gathered from the Five Central Armies(五軍營) and regional garrisons(束伍軍). The expeditionary army’s commander would be Yu Hyukyeon(柳赫然), a 58-year old general and a veteran of the Qing Invasion of Korea. Yun Hyu, the main advocator of the Expedition in the court, would follow the expedition to oversee it himself.

In October of 1674, after the end of the harvest season, Korean forces crossed the Yalu River for the first time in 300 years - to strike Manchu and pacify the Jurchen menace. Korea was off to war.



From November to early December, the Korean army focused on securing the southern coastal region of Liaodong, south of the Qian Mountains - in a potential Qing invasion of Korea, these highlands would be the first line of defense. With most of the Eight Banners relocated to the front, the Korean army faced minimal resistance. Fighting off scattered Qing garrisons on the way, the Korean army gained control of the towns of Zhaunghe(庄河) and Ninghai(寧海), while preparing for a northward push towards Mukden(盛京).

In December 11th, Korean forces led by Shin Ryu(申瀏) clashed against an Eight Banner army led by Prince Fuquan(福全) in the Battle of Fengcheng(風城). This battle was the first major battle Korean forces fought against the Qing army. The battle ended in a Korean victory, and it opened up the road for Korea to strike Mukden, heart of Manchuria and once the capital of the Qing. However, with the winter cold quickly approaching, Yu decided to fortify the occupied lands and prepare for winter instead.



[1] I don't have resources on how this guy's name sounded in Manchu, but it probably sounded something like this... I think.

[2] At the time, Shaanxi's territory also included modern day Gansu.

[3] Korean royal names are really hard to grasp - Korean kings are mostly known by their posthumous names, which are assigned only after death. This means that King Sukjong would never have been refered as ‘Sukjong’ during his reign - but for the sake of conciseness, I will ditch the system as a whole and refer to kings in their posthumous name.

[4] This refers to the queen consort of the deceased king.

I did make a makeshift map in paint 3D to show how the war is going, but I seemingly can't upload it due to file size. I'll try to find a way for it.
Minor corrections: 杭州 is Hangzhou in Pinyin, not Huangzhou, and Ganzhou is 赣州 in Hanzi, not 赣主.

But besides that, this looks splendid!
 
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Interesting! I've heard and seen PODs about the Ming-Qing transition, but not about the Revolt of the Three Feudatories being successful. I'm interested to see if we get a new dynasty over all of China, or if we get a North-South split between Wu Sangui and the Qing for a bit.

There are plenty of other areas that I'm interested to see how things butterfly, but regardless, the start is fantastic. I can't wait for more!
I've seen another timeline floating around here with a more successful Revolt of the Three Feudatories, but it's been a while since it updated and I can't remember its name.
 
Chapter III: War of the Three Feudatories (III)
第三章
Chapter III: War of the Three Feudatories (III)



For the latter half of 1674, the northwestern Qing army had defended well against Wu's army. However, Wu Sangui had a plan to destroy the army from the inside. Wang Fuchen and Zhang Yong(張勇), the two generals leading the northwestern army, had served as Wu Sangui's liteunant in his conquest of Southern Ming. Wu tried to use this connection and persuade the two to defect to his side.

Wang Fuchen was the first to act. After the war spread to Sichuan, the court had sent Molo(莫洛) as Imperial Commissioner(欽差大臣) to the northwest, to oversee the combined war effort. However, Molo kept conflicting with the local generals such as Wang over various problems. Wang eventually formed a grudge with Molo, feeling that the Qing bureaucrat was sidelining him and his army, and disrespecting his authority. When Wu's proposal reached him, he responded to it with little hesitation.

In January 18th, Wang led his forces to ambush Molo's garrison in the night. Caught off guard, Molo's army was overwhelmed by Wang. Molo was caught and killed, while the soldiers under him either defected to Wang or fled. Afterwards, Wang ordered his liteunants to seize control of garrisons all around the Province. He also urged other commanders in the region to fight alongside him.

Wu was delighted by the news of Wang's defection. He immediately sent Wu Zhimao(吳之茂)'s army to help assist Wang, along with 200 thousand gold coins to compliment his decision. Joined by Sun Sike(孫思克)'s army, Wang attacked and took Hanzhong, Longnan(隴南), Jiezhou(階州) and Qinzhou(秦州). Meanwhile, Zhang Yong also rose up with the Gansu Army under his command. Grand Marshal Dongge(董额) tried to fight against the northwestern armies, but subsequent battles proved he was no match for Wang.

Zhang Yong, Marshal of Gansu(甘肅), was the last major player of the northwest that hadn't defected to Wu Sangui. However, after seeing Wang and Wu's army swallow the northwest, he pulled his army from the fronts and refused the Qing court's orders to reclaim the taken lands. Wu Sangui sent his liteunant Hu Guozhu to persuade Zhang. Eventually, in early March, Zhang announced his defection to Wu. With Zhang's defection, of the major cities in Shaan-Gan, only Xi'an remained in Qing's hands. The Qing court nominated Wang Jinbao(王進寶), previously General Officer of Xining(西寧), as the commander-in-chief of the northwestern front.



With great news coming from the northwest, Wu's main army in Henan began another offensive torwards the North China Plains in March. Zhou Peigong's Qing army, weakened by low morale and reduced numbers, faced multiple defeats by Wu's army. The Feudatories advanced north while they took cities like Nanyang(南陽), Xinyang(信陽) and Ruzhou(汝州).

To the south, Ma Jiuyu(馬九玉)'s army under Geng Jingzhong Invading Jiangxi from the East. The army reached Lake Poyang(鄱陽湖) in April 1675, and faced General Labu's army. The battle resulted in Labu's defeat, and the Qing army retreated north to join the main forces. Led by Wu Yingqi, Wu Sangui's army moved in coordination and took Nanchang(南昌).



After Ejei Khan surrendered to Great Qing(Then under the names of Late Jin) in 1636, the Chahar Mongols had had a rather amicable relationship with Qing. Ejei was bestowed the rank of Jinong(濟農 - High Prince), and there were frequent intermarriages between the royal families of the two nations. However, when Abunai Khan, Ejei's successor, openly opposed Qing influence on the Chahars, he was imprisoned in Mukden with his son Borni as his successor.

As the War of the Three Feudatories continued, Manchu grip on Inner Mongolia waned heavily. High Prince Borni took this chance and revolted against Qing rule in May 1675. Borni sent Lubuzung, his brother, to block Qing reinforcements onto Manchuria while he himself led his army to raid Mukden and rescue his father. Afterwards, Chahar troops raided the lands of Hebei and Liaoning. Although the Chahar army never exceded ten thousand soldiers, with most of Qing troops on the southern front, Beijing was not in a shape to send an expedition to destroy the Chahars - making the them a serious threat to Beijing.

Meanwhile, after securing the border marshlands of Liaoze(遼澤), Korean forces repeatedly attacked Mukden throughout 1675. However, they were repelled by the rather large Bannermen Army garrison. By late 1675, the Korean army abandoned the objective of taking Mukden and turned to fortifying the lands under their control. At the same time, an additional expedition advanced beyond the Tumen River, seizing Yanbian(延边) and Yacun(耶春).



In May, Wang Jinbao's army surrendered, putting all of Sichuan, Gansu and Shaanxi under the hands of the Three Feudatories. Afterwards, the northwestern armies advanced on two fronts. Wang Fuchen's army crossed the Hangu Pass(函谷關) and joined Wu Sangui's army from the west. The army besieged Luoyang(洛陽), which surrendered on June. Meanwhile, Zhang Yong led his army to Shanxi(山西), attempting to reach Beijing in a different path.

In July of 1675, Zheng Jing sent his navy led by Liu Guoxuan(劉國軒) to capture strategic points in the lower bank of the Yangtze River and raid the city of Zhenjiang(鎮江). His intent was to cut off the Grand Canal(京杭大運河), crossing China from north to south. The success of this operation would not only disrupt supplies coming from the heartlands to the frontlines, but severe the southern farmlands from the Qing heartlands, initiating a possible food crisis in Beijing. Prince Giyesu ordered Molo to counter the Tungning forces. Although Molo was able to prevent Liu Guoxuan's forces from establishing a permenant foothold in the Yangtze, the Tungning navy still had naval superiority over the Yangtze River. It captured the islands of Chongming(崇明) at the river mouth of the Yangtze, and continued operating from there.

In August, the city of Hangzhou(杭州) fell to Geng Jingzhong's forces. Acknowledging the grim situation in the south, the Qing gathered its navy to free the Yangtze River from Tungning's control. General Shi Lang(施琅) was appointed as the commander of this navy. Shi Lang fought Liu Guoxuan's forces in the Battle of Beigang(北港), where Shi Lang proved his worth by defeating Liu's navy.. Afterwards, Liu Guoxuan's forces retreated into the Bay of Hangzhou.

The Three Feudatories' offensive continued through the second half of 1675. Zhang Yong's forces ravaged through Shanxi with little opposition, reaching Taiyuan(太原) by October. Guarding Beijing from him was General Emei's army, mainly consisting of reserve forces and conscripts. By this time, with the help of Wang Fuchen, Wu Sangui's main army was also able to advance all the way to the Yellow River(黃河) bank. From September, the forces laid siege to the city of Zhengzhou(鄭州).



With the Three Feudatories encroaching on Beijing itself, the Qing court was beginning to consider the option of abandoning the Chinese mainland. With the rear fully explosed to the Chahars, Beijing was no longer safe. In October of 1675, the royal family left Beijing until the front was pacified and moved to Mukden. Nara Mingju, the lord-regent of the Great Qing, remained to take care of government affairs.

Meanwhile, Zhou Peigong was still determined to repel the Three Feudatories. He assessed that gathering his forces and winning a decisive victory against Wu Sangui's main force would be the key to turning the tide of war. After such a victory, the Qing forces could severe the supply route of Zhang Yong's forces, isolating them in Shanxi. This would grant time for the Qing army to secure the Jiangnan(江南)[1] region and the North China plains, two vital areas of China. Zhou thought that with the two regions under Qing control, Qing could put up a fight against the Feudatories.

Zhou planned the Songshan Mountains(嵩山) southwest of Zhengzhou to be the place of this fated battle. With troops withdrawn from other frontlines, the total number of Qing soldiers at the Yellow River exceeded 100,000 men, and Wu's forces were also equal to them in numbers. In November 12th, the first battalions of the Qing army crossed the Yellow River, to prepare for what would be known as the Battle of Songshan.



[1] Means 'South of the River', referring to the Yangtze River Delta.
 
Chapter IV: War of the Three Feudatories (IV)
第四章
Chapter IV: War of the Three Feudatories (IV)



In November, the situation at the Yellow River was as follows: Wu Sangui's main army was besieging the city of Zhengzhou, while a separate army led by Xia Guoxiang(夏國相) was stationed near Kaifeng(開封). Wang Fuchen had stationed his army at the city of Luoyang, waiting for the time to advance north.

After crossing the river, Zhou Peigong separated his force into multiple groups and stationed them around Taishishan(太室山) Range. He also sent out squadrons to the south, aiming to cut the supply line of the Feudatories. Upon hearing the news, Wu Sangui decided to strike immediately and face the Qing army before they finish fortifying, which was a move anticipated by Zhou. Zhou planned to ambush Wu's army with his soldiers spread across the mountains.



Wu's army marched into the mountains, and the battle began in November 21th. Zhou's forces deceived Wu's army and lured them deeper into the mountains. Since the mountain range was not suitable for movement of large troops, Wu split his grand army into battalions, which chased the Qing army on their own. The counterattack of the Qing army began in nighttime. Wu's split armies failed to establish communication between themselves, and had to fight alone. The battle was one-sided, and Wu's isolated armies were being overwhelmed one by one.

However, fortune was on W Sangui's side. Amidst the myriad of battles that took place across the mountains, Three Feudatories general Gao Dajie(高大節)'s army of 7,000 men faced a Qing army of 20,000 led by General Dongge. Although the Qing army outnumbered Gao Dajie's army, it was mostly consisted of conscripts with minimal training. Knowing this, Gao Dajie led his army and charged into the enemy ranks. Against the odds, Gao's men managed to make the conscript army disintegrate and flee. Afterwards, Instead of pursuing the retreating army, Gao chose to strike the exposed enemy headquarters instead.

Completely caught off-guard by the sudden assault of Gao Dajie, the Qing headquarter was paralyzed. In panic, the headquarter severly overestimated the number of Gao's army, and frantically called their armies back to the headquarter. As a result, confusion disrupted the Qing army as multiple battalions abandoned the battle plan and hastily headed back to the headquarters. Although Gao's army retreated with severe losses, the Qing plan of separating and encircling the enemy was brought down, and the battle turned into a free-for-all.

Although the Qing battle plan was ruined, the two armies were even in strength, and neither side was able to come out on top - until Wang Fuchen's army arrived from the west. This reinforcement decided the fate of the battle and the war. With the aid of Wang Fuchen's army, the Qing battalions began falling one by one. Amidst the chaos, Wu Yinglin's army spotted Zhou Peigong and captured him.

In November 24th, the Battle of Songshan came to a close as a victory of the Three Feudatories, with the Qing army losing half of their forces and their commander. The remnants of the Qing army fled to Zhengzhou.



The Qing army held Zhengzhou against Wu's army, but the city surrendered in February of 1676. Afterwards, the Three Feudatories marched north. Although there were minor battles with the Qing army, none of them was able to significantly hinder the advance of Wu Sangui. In April, Wu's army reached the border between Henan and Hebei(河北). At a similar date, the city of Nanjing(南京) fell to Geng Jingzhong.

While General Emei desperately defended against the invading army in Hebei, the Qing court was discussing the future after the end of the war. Although a portion of the court was determined to fight to the end, defeatism was prevalent among the Manchu population of Beijing. Beijing was gripped with disquiet, as houses fled to the Manchurian homeland, and the court prepared to move back to Mukden. Riots of Eight Banner slaves were common, while Han soldiers deserted their posts.

In an attempt to close a front, in May of 1676, Qing struck a truce with the Kingdom of Joseon. Even though pro-Ming hardliners of Korea urged to continue the war until Mukden was captured, the Joseon court came to a conclusion that achieving such an objective was impossible. The peace treaty set the Qian Mountains(千山) as the new Manchu-Korean border, as well as acknowledging Joseon's control of Yanbian and Yacun.

Meanwhile, in late May, Shang Zhixin's Guangdong army crossed the western border of the Feudatory and invaded eastern Guangxi, governed by Sun Yanling. The army advanced and swiftly took Lianzhou(廉州). Sun Yanling gathered his army and tried to take back the lands, but failed to do so. Although this was the biggest feud yet between members of the Three Feudatories, as Qing rule in China neared its end, border skirmishes between different warlords became more common.



In June, after pacifying Shanxi, Zhang Yong crossed the Taihang Mountains(太行山脈) and attacked Beijing from the northwest. With most of the available army at the southern front, General Laita, the commander in charge of defending Beijing, had to resort to conscripts and slaves. The already agitated Han populace of Beijing replied with a revolt, and fighting broke out across the streets. In June 25th, 1676, Zhang Yong entered Beijing with an army of 35,000 soldiers. Although Zhang Yong tried to restore order in Beijing, many of his soldiers took advantage of the chaos, looting and desecrating the city. Meanwhile, Laita gathered his Bannermen Army and retreated to Tianjin(天津).

The fall of Beijing signified that the War of the Three Feudatories was at its endgame. As of early July, the Provinces of Hebei, Shandong, Jiangsu and Anhui were completely or partially under Qing control, and there also were small pockets of pro-Qing forces all over China. However, with central leadership unable to reach and command them, they were doomed to fall one by one.



tempsnip.png

△ Map of East Asia, June 25th, 1676.​
 
Still reading this, but an amazing timeline so far, really great premise and amount of details! To see the Qing ended so early and the restoration of a previous dynasty, very intriguing.
 
I wonder what the final tallies for casualties are going to look like for both fronts when the Qing finally pulls out of China. And how much more will result from the warlords' "disagreements".

Despite not being able to take Mukden, Joseon has now made major strategic gains, its new territory in the Liaodong Peninsula in particular.
 
Chapter V: The First Years of Zhou
第五章
Chapter V: The First Years of Zhou



In early July, Wu Sangui entered the city of Beijing. Wu prohibited his soldiers from looting the city, and seized the properties of Manchurian nobles to distribute among the populace. Meanwhile, emissaries arrived from all corners of the world, praising Wu’s great achievements.

When Wu Sangui first rebelled against the Qing in 1673, his motto was ‘Oppose the Qing and Restore the Ming'. Now that Beijing fell to Wu's army, people began to think of the future after the war. Confucian scholars and envoys from other kingdoms urged Wu Sangui to restore the Ming royal family to the throne - an achievement that will immortalize him. However, residing in the Forbidden Palace as the supreme ruler of China, the dream of every Chinese warlord ever began to inundate his mind - to claim the Mandate of Heaven for himself and rise as the Emperor. The Ming was gone in all but name, after all - to end this age of turbulence, the world needed a powerful leader. A leader like him.

In September 2nd of 1676, at the city of Beijing, Wu Sangui rose to the Dragon Throne as Emperor Zhaowu(昭武) of Great Zhou(大周). He announced that even without the Manchurian incursion, the Ming Dynasty had long lost the mandate - which could be clearly seen from the Rebellion of Li Zicheng. Instead, he would rise as the first emperor of a new dynasty, ushering a new and prosperous era for China.



Although some peasants welcomed the return of a Han Emperor, Wu’s coronation was met with harsh backlash across the Eastern world. South Ming loyalists, peasants and scholars alike, criticized Wu’s disrespect and arrogance for ignoring his pledge to restore the Ming and stepping up as emperor. Zheng Jing of Tungning sent an envoy, berating Wu and warning him to step down before "thine name is forever disgraced in history". Korea and Japan simply didn't respond at all. The only regime that officially acknowledged Great Zhou’s mandate was Mac Dynasty Vietnam, which was a small puppet regime located at the northern end of Vietnam.

Moreover, warlords allied with Zhaowu began to have different thoughts in mind. fear that Wu will turn his back on them, now they were no longer of use. Dynastic founders purging his former associates were a common theme in Chinese history - the Celestial Empire and its Emperor had to rule supreme, and powerful magnates could serve as a threat to its dominance.



sothebys-com-brightspotcdn
△Painting depicting the Shanhai Pass, drawn in 19th century AD.​


Nevertheless, in November of 1676, Zhou forces reached the Shanhai Pass - the northeastern edge of the Chinese mainland. Wu Sangui himself led his troops to the citadel, which stood between the Yan Mountain(燕山) and the Bohai Sea(渤海). 32 years had passed since Wu had opened the gates of the Pass, letting in the Manchurian army of Hong Taiji - and now, here he stood again, this time as the Emperor of China. During his stay, Wu Sangui wrote a new Signboard(扁額)[1] for its western gate - it read 成皇之門, 'Kingmaker Gate'.

Zhou forces reaching the Shanhai Pass marked the end of the War of the Three Feudatories. Although no official treaty to end the war was signed, Great Zhou had no intent to cross the Pass into Manchuria, and the Manchus had no power to attempt reconquering China. Excluding sporadic pockets of resistance scattered around the country, Great Qing was completely ousted out of the Chinese heartland, and Great Zhou ruled over the Middle Kingdom - for now.

The biggest Qing resistance remaining in the mainland was General Giyesu's army, controlling parts of Shandong, Henan, Anhui and Jiangsu(江蘇). Wu tasked Zhou Peigong, who had defected to Zhou, with disarming and neutralizing the Qing force. Zhou proved himself with both military genius and clever wits. The Qing army resisted fiercely, but they were outnumbered and cut off from the rest of the Qing territory. By Summer of 1678, the army was dissipated, and Giyesu committed suicide instead of returning to Manchuria.

As a side-effect of the campaign in Shandong, Zhou Peigong was able to amass a rather large army under him, comprised of Green Army defectants. Zhou treated the surrendering Qing troops with courtesy, assimilating them intact as his personal army. Within just a year from the defeat in Songshan, Zhou had turned himself from a captured general into a formidable warlord. Emperor Zhaowu knew of Zhou’s prominence, but he was confident that he could keep the general under his control. Zhou was a singular figure, and Zhaowu anticipated that Zhou could be used as a major piece in a future struggle against Tungning. To placate Zhou, Zhaowu gave him the position of Governor-General of Shandong, along with a large degree of autonomy.



With Qing ousted from the mainland, two powers served as the new axes of China - Great Zhou and the Kingdom of Tungning. Although Zhou's power was superior to Tungning, Zhaowu knew that attacking the kingdom would not be easy. Tungning posessed a powerful navy, able to exert influence across the entire coast of China. Moreover, attacking Zheng Jing would even further enrage the Pro-Ming intellectuals and make his controversial empire even more unpopular. Instead, Zhaowu wanted Zheng Jing to formally submit to the Zhou. The last leader of the Ming remnants and the patron of the Ming royal family-in-exile bowing down to him would signify the transition between the Ming Dynasty to the Zhou Dynasty, and would be a decisive moment in cementing his legitimacy.

Zhaowu repeatedly sent envoys to Tungning's court in Taiwan, proposing Zheng Jing to pledge his allegiance to Great Zhou. He highly commended Zheng Jing's loyalty and dedication to the Ming Dynasty, even though it was 'anachronistic'. He promised that if Zheng submitted, he would be bestowed with the title of Yixiongwang(異姓王 - "King of Different Surname")[2], and would even be allowed to keep his army. However, Zheng Jing refused Zhaowu's proposals. By the time 1677 dawned, it seemed that another war was inevitable to decide the true ruler of China.

The war in Guangxi served as the first 'clash' between the two powers. Sun Yanling and Ma Xiong, two warlords of Guangxi, had fought for control of the province. Although Sun had a bigger powerbase, Ma was the better leader of the two, and the fight had dragged to a stalemate before the two both submitted to Wu. The conflict re-emerged in May 1676 as Ma Xiong allied himself with Shang Zhixin of Guangdong and attacked Sun's realm. Sun was no match for the combined force of the two, and pleaded to Beijing for help. However, Wu Sangui found Sun Yanling unworthy of saving. Emperor Zhaowu agreed with Ma Xiong that in return of Zhaowu approving Ma Xiong's conquest, Ma would cut ties with Tungning and support Great Zhou in a potential conflict with Tungning. In return, Shang turned to Zheng Jing for patronage. By December of 1676, Sun Yanling was killed in battle, and his realm was divided between Ma and Shang.

Although the fight over Guangxi was the biggest conflict in the period, similar fights broke out all over China. Lesser warlords vying for power fought each other over villages and roads, and Zhou and Tungning fiddled behind the scenes. Instead of taking big moves, the emperor at Beijing and the king in Taiwan both prepared in silence for a possible war looming in the horizon. As a result, from 1676 to 1678, China saw a period of uneasy peace, its violence simmering instead of erupting.



During the time, Zheng focused in gathering his allies. The other two Feudatories of Guangdong and Fujian, led by Shang Zhixin and Geng Jingzhong, joined Tungning's side. The Kingdom of Joseon also promised loyalty to the 'virtuous protector of Great Ming'. However, the most valuable gain for Tungning was the defection of the Qing navy. Led by Admiral Shi Lang, the Manchurian navy was stuck in the Yangtze as the Qing army fled north and Zhou forces blockaded the rivermouth. Determined to bring Shi to his side, Zheng Jing went to persuade Shi Lang himself - even though his liteunants worried its dangerousness. Shi was surprised to see that the King of Tungning had come himself, but he greeted him with courtesy.

Shi Lang had a long history with the House of Zheng. Shi originally served under the resistance fleet of Zheng Zilong(鄭芝龍), father of Zheng Chenggong and grandfather of Zheng Jing. When Zheng surrendered to the Qing, Shi Lang continued the struggle with his son Chenggong. However, the two constantly quarreled - Shi was bitter about Chenggong successing Zilong's fleet instead of him, and Chenggong thought of Shi as a potential threat to his leadership. The feud between the two ended with Zheng Chenggong attempting to kill Shi Lang, and Shi fleeing to the Qing. Shi since had led a number of naval campaigns against the Kingdom of Tungning.

In the midst of the night, in a private room aboard the flagship of the Qing fleet, Shi talked with the son of his compatriot-turned-enemy. To his surprise, Zheng Jing apologised to Shi about the arrogance of his father. He also asserted that the two must join hands and fight against the pretender emperor Zhaowu, lest the traitor should take over China. Shi Lang agreed on Zheng Jing's proposal, and pledged to fight on his side with his fleet. With Shi Lang on their side, Tungning's naval power was unmatched in East Asia.



The politics between the two empires took another unexpected turn with the death of Wu Sangui. In October 2nd, 1678, Zhaowu Emperor passed away in the age of 66. His Temple Name was decided as Taizu(太祖), and construction of the Imperial Tomb soon began in Beijing. With the death of Wu Sangui, the political landscape of Great Zhou underwent a great reshaping.

As Wu Sangui's crown prince Wu Yingxiong was killed during Yang Qilong's revolt, his son Wu Shilin(吳世霖)[3] succeeded Wu Sangui as Emperor Zhengyun(正韻). As the father of the new emperor, Wu Yingxiong was posthumorously exalted as Emperor Xiagong(孝恭皇帝)[4]. However, unlike his grandfather who was a prominent leader and a brilliant general, Shilin was young and lacked the charisma his grandfather posessed. Instead, Wu Yinglin and Wu Yingqi, uncles of the young emperor, rose to the power behind the throne. Wu Sangui's charisma was what held the young empire and its many warlords together - without him, a turbulent future was surely awaiting the young empire.



Three-Feudatories-Wikibox
△"War of the Three Feudatories", English Wikipedia, 2023 A. D.​




[1] In East Asian architecture, a handwritten plaque(usually made of paper, silk or plank) is often placed at the front gate of a building, displaying the building's name, epithet or other sayings. This plaque is called Bian-E(扁額) in Chinese, often translated as a 'signboard'. It is considered prestigious for a building to have a signboard written by a distinguished caligrapher or an honorable figure.

[2] Yixiongwangs are an exception to the absolute monarchy system of China, resembling feudal lords of Europe; as long as they submit to the emperor, they can reign as kings within their realm, and even inherit their position. Of course, the empererors of China were very wary of giving out this special prerogative - IOTL, for the last millenium, the title of Yixiongwang were only given as honorary titles, with the only exception being the Feudatorial Kings of the Three Feudatories.

[3] IOTL, Shilin was executed with his father Wu Yingxiong shortly after the start of the war, and his younger brother Wu Shifan inherited the throne instead.

[4] Note that 'Xiagong' is not the era name like 'Kangxi' or 'Zhengyun', but a posthumorous name. Normally, when an East Asian monarch is name, he is given two additional names - a 'Temple Name' and a 'Posthumorous Name'. Usually, the posthumorous name is comically long - IOTL, Emperor Kangxi's posthumorous name was "合天弘運文武睿哲恭儉寬裕孝敬誠信中和功德大成仁皇帝" or "Hetianhongyunwenwuruizhegongjiankuanyuxiaojingchengxinzhonghegongdedachengren Emperor". Thus, it is either used abbreviated as "Ren Emperor", or not used at all. However, since Yingxiong's posthumorous name is rather pronounciable, and he doesn't have an era name, he would have been referred to with his posthumorous name by the people of the Zhou Dynasty,





After a rather long hiatus of nearly a month, I'm back with another post. Moral of the story: Never trust this site's Save Draft feature - This post would have come out two weeks earlier if I had a backup of my draft.
I think I'll be posting one or two posts every week, or at least that's what I plan to do from now on.
 
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Chapter VI: Reforms of the Joseon Court
第六章
Chapter VI: Reforms of the Joseon Court



When Yun Hyu, Yu Hyeokyeon and the Joseon expedition army entered Hanseong[1], they were greeted with a hero’s welcome. They had fought under a righteous cause, avenged Joseon's past disgrace against the Manchu barbarians, and re-conquered Korea’s ancestral land[2]. They had no time to rest on their laurels, however; Although severely weakened and fractured, the Qing was still alive in Manchuria. To survive the coming storm, Joseon had to prepare for it.



Yunhyu.jpg

△Portrait of Yun Hyu.​


The Korean royal court has had a long history of factional struggle, called Bungdang. As of the 1670s, the court was dominated by two major factions: The Seoin(西人)- ‘Westerners’, and Namin(南人) - ‘Southerners’. The two factions quarreled for dominance on every section of the court, over every issue.

Both the Southerners and Westerners were a big-tent faction, Each comprised of many scholars of different thoughts. As their constituents changed throughout the ages, their stances on matters also changed. As of the 1670s, the rough outlines of the idea each faction had could be summarized as thus: Both of the factions aimed for a Confucian utopia, but differed on how it should be reached. The Southerners, led by Yun Hyu, wanted to remake Joseon into a strong, absolutist state - where the king would have the power to transform Joseon with his goodwill. On the other hand, Westerners thought that a flourishing nobility class, armed with Confucian scholarship, should guide Joseon into such a future.

When King Sukjong rose to the throne in 1674, he ousted the Westerners and replaced them with the Southerners. The first project the Southerners carried out was the Northern Expedition. In fact, both Yun Hyu and Yu Hyeokyeon were gurus of the Southerners. Naturally, after the success of the Northern Expedition, the Southerner faction had rose to unrivaled supremacy in the court. And Yun Hyu, as the head of the Southerners, had the power to re-shape Joseon as he wished. Yun Hyu was an idealistic reformer, who had envisioned a powerful and centralized kingdom.



The scholars of Joseon had long 'forseen' the fate of the Manchus. Known as the ‘Return to Ningguta Theory(寧古塔回歸說)’, Confucian scholars of Joseon had studied the past records of Chinese conquest dynasties such as Jin and Yuan, and concluded that it is highly unlikely that a conquest dynasty like Qing could last a century in China. Their rule was built upon brutal dominance and barbarianism, not veneration and order; Such a reign would crumble at the slightest hint of weakness.

Although the Return to Ningguta Theory was ultimately an optimistic theory, the future it predicted wasn’t all sunshine and roses; Scholars predicted that after being ousted of the Chinese mainland, the Manchus would be trying to regain its power status, and its first target would be Joseon. Now that this ‘theory’ had become reality, even the Seoin faction partially agreed to the Namin’s proposals; Centralizing reforms were necessary to turn the country into a militarily competent state, able to withstand a conflict against the Qing.



The first and foremost problem to be addressed was the tax revenue - more specifically, the alarming lack of it. Without capital, no further reform was possible. As a solution, Yun Hyu tried to reform the military tax by introducing the Hopoje(戶布制) System. Previously, every commoner had to pay a military tax in return for exemption from military service. This tax system had loopholes, which were abused by local bureaucrats to exploit the common folk. The Yangban nobility, on the other hand, were exempt from these taxes. Under the new system, this privilege would be abolished, and the taxation system would be completely rebuilt from ground-up to prevent loopholes. This, of course, was faced with fierce backlash from the yangban class, but with the backing of the king himself, the new system was given a green light in 1678.

Other reforms also followed, mainly aiming to revamp the old administration system, increase tax revenue, and prevent regional landlords from abusing the comman farmers. Heo Jeok(許積), a guru of the Southerner faction and a rival of Yun Hyu, also proposed to issue a new coin called Sangpyeong Tongbo(常平通寶). With these reforms, Joseon's central government grew in strength and wealth, accumulating the power to act further.



Meanwhile, another important matter of contention was Joseon's stance towards the outside world. Following Confucian isolationism, Joseon had alienated itself from the outside world to a degree that was considered extreme even by other East Asian countries. Eventually, it became nicknamed as the ‘Hermit Kingdom’ of the East. Even in the wake of the Three Feudatories, Joseon had to rely on second-hand information from Japan. With the winds of change blowing on East Asia, most of the Joseon court agreed that they would, at the very least, need a more stable way to connect with the Tungning court in Taiwan.

Luckily for Joseon, a perfect opportunity would soon present itself.




[1] Hanseong(漢城) is the old name of Seoul, meaning ‘Grand Citadel’.

[2] Although almost a millenium had passed since Korean dynasties last occupied Liaodong, many of the Confucian nobility saw Liaodong as Korea’s ancestral land, and irredentism was small yet existent throughout the Joseon Dynasty.
 
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Fantastic chapters! For now it seems that Joseon is being overhauled by reformist elements inside of the Neo-confucian state ideology. I wonder if this will remain the case or if these reforms will ironically strengthen Korea but weaken the Neo-confucian orthodoxy, giving rise perhaps to a Korea with a changed vision of the world (like what happened to Japan during the Bakumatsu). Especially curious to see the evolution of Korea's self perception, OTL the Neo-confucian ideology created a country whose pride laid in being a smaller version of China, essentially the neo-confucian korean ideologues rejected any concept of korean ethnic or cultural supremacy, instead fawning over all things that cem from the Han chinese. Maybe a surge of strength of the country, combined with a weaking state philosophy, will gave way to forms of identity that are more local, such as a renewed interest in Korean mythical ancient history and folk religion, with Koreans seeing themselves as the "heavenly people descending from Dangun" (again, mirroing what happened in Japan with the Kokugaku, the "national studies").
 
Chapter VII: Englishmen in Anping
第七章
Chapter VII: Englishmen in Anping




Coat-of-Arms-of-East-India-Company-1600-1709-svg
△Coat of arms of the English East India Company, IOTL used until 1698.

In the year of our Lord 1678, the English East India Company was on a major crossroad.

Since its inception in 1600 A. D., the EIC had been battling against Portugese and Dutch influence all the way from the Cape of Good Hope to the East Indies. In the Indian Ocean theater, it saw a major success. With Portugal conceding the Port of Bombay to England in 1666, England assumed its dominance in the Western Indian Ocean, allying itself with the gunpowder empires of the Near East.

The East Indies, on the other hand, were another problem. The famed spice islands of the East, promising unparalleled riches to its controller, was within the firm grip of the EIC’s worst enemy - the Dutch Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, or VOC. Operating from their home base in the port of Batavia, the VOC was openly hostile towards England’s ventures in the Malay Archipelago. There were multiple bloody conflicts throughout the years, and Dutch privateers often assaulted EIC ships operating in the East Indies.



With the victories of the Kingdom of Tungning, however, things would change drastically. Before Zheng Chenggong established Tungning, Taiwan was under Dutch rule as Dutch Formosa. Having started with kicking the Dutch out of Formosa, Tungning and the VOC were natural enemies, and as an enemy of an enemy, the EIC had established an amicable relationship with Tungning. After the War of the Three Feudatories ended, Tungning’s influence extended over the richest one-third of China - the southeastern coast, dotted with thriving port cities.

The first edict Tungning and its allies made in re-conquered lands was lifting the Haijin(海禁) Decree. Issued by the Great Ming, the Haijin, meaning 'Sea Ban', prohibited merchant ships from entering or exiting Chinese ports, essentially blocking all trade except for those done by official tribute missions. Obviously, this policy heavily stalled foreign trade and led to a massive increase in smuggling. Later on, the Qing government had double downed the ban by issuing the Great Clearance Decree(遷界令). Under this decree, all peasants that were living by the southeastern coast were forcefully relocated inland, and conscripted to construction work for the government. As a maritime, mercantile kingdom, Tungning would gradually flip this isolationist policy completely.

Preparing for a war against Zhou, Tungning struck a deal with the EIC in February 1678. In return of supplying strategic resources and powerful military equipments to Tungning at a reasonable price, Tungning gave the EIC permission to freely dock and trade at any harbor under the rule of Tungning and its allies. Tungning also promised that they would aid the EIC in future conflicts against the VoC. Keeping EIC merchant ships safe from VOC privateers was in their interest too, after all.



As the EIC established its base in Fuzhou(福州) and English merchant ships visited Chinese ports, officials of Tungning and the EIC lengthily discussed about their collective future. Unlike previous Chinese dynasties, who ruled the Eastern world mainly through political vassalage, Tungning also wanted to build a titanic economic sphere in the East, with itself in the center. To Tungning, the EIC was a bridge to extend their influence to the Indies and beyond. Meanwhile, EIC wanted Tungning as a local ally in the East - a counterbalance against Dutch influence in the region. In the court at Anping(安平), many different plans were brought out to assure the alliance's dominance in the Eastern seas.

One of the topics that were brought out was the EIC establishing relationships with Joseon. The Hermit Kingdom of the East had no contacts with the outside world, bar the periodic tributary missions to China and little trade with Japan. This was mainly due to the anti-trade policy of the Great Ming, to which Joseon had unwavering loyalty. And as the successor of Great Ming itself, Tungning had the prestige to convince Joseon to open up its doors to the EIC. The first talks were made in Anping, between Korean officials and EIC personnel. The negotiations were successfully made, with the specifics to be tidied up in the Joseon court.



In the summer of 1680, the English ship Dauntless set sail from the port of Succadano to Korea. When they arrived off the shores of Ansan(安山) in early August, local officials quickly alerted the capital, and the negotiation table was set up. Although most Confucian officials were skeptical about letting 'barbarians' set foot in Korean lands, the conference continued anyways. The EIC promised Koreans that their merchant ships would ferry diplomats from Taiwan to Korea and vise versa, without a fee. They also offered to trade niter from India at a cheap price.[1] To the Joseon court, this was a deal too good to refuse.

After weeks of negotiation, the Korean court and the EIC representatives finally came to an agreement. Korea would open the island of Wolyeongdo(月影島)[2] in the Bay of Masan(馬山灣) to the English East India Company. No Englishmen would be able to set foot on mainland Korea without special permission by government officials, and Koreans vise versa. Any items related to Christian paganism would be strictly forbidden, of course.

Construction for the trading center, named 'Fort Thomas' after the apostle that travelled East towards India, was finished in 1681. The island soon became known as Yeongpo(英浦), meaning ‘English Port’ in Korean.



14_679557-1.jpg

△A piece of Korean celadon.​


Over the following years, goods and thoughts flowed throughout the Yeongpo. Initial trade was limited both in its scale and range, but soon enough, - Korean silk, porcelain, celadon, ginseng - items of which only a small amount reached Europe through Japan, flowed through the EIC to mainland Europe. In return, Korea benefited even more than the English. Combined with the internal reformist policies, the opening of Yeongpo led to a boost in internal trade. Moreover, the Korean porcelain industry, which had been stagnating due to diminishing trade and Confucian frugality, began a new age of prosperity with a new, wide market available.

But what would impact Korea the most was the new world-view. As Korea was slowly integrated into the Eastern trade network, some young scholars had their view of the world reshaped with exposure to the rest of the world, some even visiting foreign cities like Guangzhou, Batavia and Malacca. New opportunities would also give rise to powerful merchant families, who prospered outside the scholarly-oriented establishment. Although little changed instantly, and most of its populace was still oblivious of the outside world, a crack was opening in the Hermit Kingdom.




[1] Niter, an essential ingredient of black gunpowder, was quite hard to manufacture en masse unless you had access to niter mines or guano. Procuring niter for its army was an extremely imperative subject for Joseon, to the point where the government offered bounties for niter smuggled from Qing.

[2] Nowadays known as Dotseom IOTL.
 
As I previously foretold it seems that the socio-economic change that is going to affect Korea will be the beginning of the end of centuries of strictly neo-confucian ideological dominance. The chinese situation is really interesting, I personally hope that it won't be just resolved with a quick war that leads to a reunification of China. It would be more interesting to explore the situation of two chinese states coexisting in a sort of cold war ante litteram. If these two states don't end up in a state of perpetual war it may be even beneficial to China: the existence of another legitimate dynasty would incentivize the other to not "stagnate", instead to try to gain an advantage over the enemy. The competition could be positive in matters of technological, economic and social progress. Finally, I'm really curios to if and how the butterflies will affect Japan.
 
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