I think Yugoslavia being a single SFSR would have been better (maybe including Bulgaria)
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- Thread starter Balkanized U.S.A
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I think Yugoslavia being a single SFSR would have been better (maybe including Bulgaria)
Emperor-of-New-Zealand
Banned
It's odd that people treat "Soviet" like an ethnicity. That said I can imagine that the Chinese would want/expect special recognition in such a union.
If the rest of the Warsaw Pact joined the USSSR, why is East Germany not part of it?
Then it wouldn't be not "Union of Sino-Soviet Socialist Republics" but "Sino-Soviet Union of Socialist Republics". Since in "USSR" adjectives referred to each republic of Union, not just to some of them. While the word "Sino" literally refers to only one republic of this fictional state. In general, with a high probability it will be just "USSR" without an extra "S".
By the way, I'm much more curious about how likely this monster will be able to overcome crisis that in OTL led to collapse of the USSR. In the end, aggregate economic potential of such a Soviet Union is simply enormous and fully allows for a worthy competition with West. Absence of Soviet-Chinese split, moreover, should play a role.
Crazymachines
Banned
any electoral college fans here today?
no?
eh.
(The Social-Labor Party is a merger of the USA's OTL Socialist and Populist parties)
no?
eh.
(The Social-Labor Party is a merger of the USA's OTL Socialist and Populist parties)
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La France, après l'Accord de Chaumont
To the north, the monarchy under His Majesty Jean III. To the south, the communist regime of Chairman Maurice Thorez
Au nord, la monarchie sous Sa Majesté Jean III. Au sud, le régime communiste du président Maurice Thorez
Im Norden, die Monarchie unter Seiner Majestät Johan III. Im Süden, das kommunistische Regime unter dem Vorsitzenden Maurice Thorez
After several weeks of intense negotiations, the final agreement of peace was written and ceremoniously signed by all parties involved in Chaumont. Britain's ambassador to Germany, Sir Nevile Henderson, represented his country as an observer to the signing of the accord. "We note with satisfaction that peace has been achieved in France, and we salute and commend all parties for their good-will and genuine desire for cooperation," the Foreign Ministry said in a public statement. The German Kaiser, Wilhelm IV, also commented on the developments, thanking the "people of France" for their proper disposition throughout the peace process.
For the past several months, France has teetered on the brink of civil war. It all began on the 6th of February of this year, when an unruly mob of right-wing nationalists stormed the Place de la Concorde, seat of the French Parliament, and savagely murdered dozens of them. It was a display of bloodlust and passion which was reminiscent of the Revolution a hundred and fifty years earlier. The decapitation of the French government plunged Paris into several days of utter destruction and chaos, which led to the effective dissolution of all political forces in the city. The only one to escape was Maurice Thorez, leader of the French Communists, who surfaced in Lyon and declared the formation of a "people's government" in opposition to the right-wing insurrectionists who had seized Paris. In the latter, a provisional government was formed under Charles Maurras. He later declared France to be a kingdom and offered the crown to the pretender from the House of Orléans: Prince Jean, Duke of Guise, now Jean III of France.
It would've appeared to any observer that France was headed for anarchy and internal conflict. Fortunately for the cause of peace, the German Empire responded swiftly to the unfolding crisis and launched an armed occupation of western France. Diplomatic emissaries were dispatched to both Paris and Lyon with the goal of establishing channels of communication between the two rival governments. According to Herr Neurath, the use of armed force was necessary to "convince both parties that war was extremely undesirable" and that a negotiated settlement "was in everyone's best interest".
As part of the newly-signed concordat, France has been separated into three areas of control: one led by the monarchy in Paris, one led by the people's government in Lyon, and those areas occupied by the German Army. It should be noted that this "Chaumont Agreement" is not meant to be a permanent settlement. An important provision is that the whole of France will hold democratic elections within two years' time to decide which form of government they see preferable, and reunite the country.
What if Doggerland didn't get totally flooded and Britain still had a land bridge to the continent? I used a blank map at the blank map thread by @Shadow Knight for my base map that I altered.
I'm thinking about a thread in Shared Worlds for world building the history of this alternative geography.
Yeah, such a roided-up USSR would get funny ideas about dialect continuums. Everything from Poland to the Far East would probably be one federal republic. Think reverse korenizatsiya, instead of encouraging local dialects and giving them language status, they would all be restandardized (probably to something resembling Belarusian)
By the way, yes, one Pan-Slavic SFSR as a counterweight to Chinese SFSR in the Union - it makes much sense.
There's a map by one of our contributors which shows a more detailed breakdown of Afghanistan into Soviet Republics:
Sometimes, I wonder if I put too much work in my shitpost maps. This time, I know I did.
You probably need Communism to work more like it was described in utopian books and less like in reality for this monstrosity to be even functional. Of course it may be just literally Socialist with market economy. But then you'll have all nationalistic ideas to consider.
I can understand that, as there are international treaties, like the lack of an official peace treaty, that makes it impossible for East Germany to legally join. What i find odd is that the North Korea SSR has post korean war borders. The source indicates it joins in 47, but then there wouldn't be a Korean war like OTL.
When Rhomania had first begun it's age of exploration and colonization, it was also dealing with the political shakeup of the so called "Shadow Empire", in which the Ottoman Sultan was granted titles and privileges as a part of the peace in Asia minor. The Turks living in Rhomania where divided by those who lived in primarily Roman majority communities and those who resided in land which was long overrun by the Turks. Officially these Turkish communities would abide by their own code of laws, baring any of the highest tier laws in the Empire, in exchange they were granted a greater amount of autonomy. The Ottoman Sultans where given imperial recognition to govern what land they had remaining, free of interference from anyone beyond those representing the Emperor.
Rhomania's desire to colonize the lands outside of Europe are diverse and multifaceted, a mix of well placed judgments and illogical reasoning. One such of these colonial expeditions was Patagonia, which started off as a mere stop for ships seeking to continue on towards the pacific. These early colonies on Patagonia had started off small, but as travel increased they started booming, and eventually rich resources where discovered which only further incentivized colonization. The largest pool of these colonist where to some surprise, Turks. The reason for these migrations where multifaceted, either from expulsion form Roman majority communities, to a fear of loosing their cultural identity, as much of their upper class have begun showing signs of doing. Regardless of the reasons for why, the result was that there was a huge influx of Turkish laborers who where set on creating a new life for themselves in untamed land.
Over the following centuries these Turkish settlers had begun to see the land as their new home, as more Turkish people migrated to Patagonia, and where born there, the diaspora in the colony had begun to outpace their prior homeland within Anatolia. Countless new cities where constructed throughout the colony, including "the city" which would later become the capital of Istanbul. It was during this great migration and expansion that the Turks had begun to feel disenfranchised by the the imperial government. Their colonial governor, the Exarch of Patagonia was not one they could choose for themselves, and was almost always Roman, and in times whee that wasn't the case it was never a Turk, at least culturally.
This would result in an uprising in 1565, where several Turkish militias would attempt to assault the Exarch's estate in Nea Galateia. The uprising was rather successful at first, routing the Exarch and his guard at the cost of only a few rebels. Despite this success the rebellion was quickly put down by the colonial army within the month. Despite this the popular tales of how Turks, both Christian and Muslim, fighting for their promised land had stroke a cord throughout the colony, and for the next several decades there would be intermittent spats of rebels assaulting Roman garrisons.
The second uprising in 1642 was more successful, as the rebels were better organized and prepared, this second revolution was a far bloodier conflict, as the Roman government attempted to stamp down on the rebels with an increasing level of brutality that did nothing but further the rebel cause. This war too ended with a victory for the Empire, but at a much larger cost, enough to make the other European states at the time consider how to best approach their own colonies. Despite how devastating the war was for Patagonia, the Romans could not dislodge the rebel settlement, only bury it for several more decades. Nonetheless the Romans had learned their lesson and compromised with the Patagonian Turks on a few details meant to placate them from further revolts.
The final revolt in 1746 was much smaller in scale, but it had nearly grown out of control, nearly dragging in the Iberian empires due to it spilling over into their own colonies and sparking similar revolts. The war was won yet again for the Romans, but it felt much more like a loss as they had to face the humiliation of paying reparations to the Portuguese who had been negatively affected by the uprising. The new Emperor of the time, John X Palaiologos was a far more benevolent ruler in regards to his treatment of the colonies, and this crisis in Patagonia was a massive stain upon his honor. Unlike how some of the other colonizers would have likely responded to this however, he had come up with a way to nip the problem in the bud.
For the next several years as the iron grip of Rome was, loosened on the Patagonian Turks, Emperor John worked with advisors on a solution that would benefit both parties, at least long enough until a better option could be determined. Much of the advisors on this matter had as notoriously recorded, dragged their feet on the issue, until the troubling events in the British colonies in America had forced the Emperor to force them to find a solution. As the Emperor turned his gaze to ensuring the coming chaos did not affect the Floridian colony, a long term favorable solution was determined and proposed in 1790.
This plan came into effect 3 years later, and would drastically shake up the political situation in South America. The Exarchate was officially reorganized so that the Turks themselves could elect their own Governor instead of one being sent from Constantinople, furthermore a greater degree of representation and consideration for the Patagonian needs were given to the colonist. Further reforms and privileges would be granted over the years, but the reformation of Patagonia wouldn't hit it's zenith until late 1802, when the Patagonian Turks had formally petitioned the Emperor for something more than merely choosing their Governor, they wanted a King.
Surprisingly it only took about a month of discussion before John had agreed to the petition and had begun looking into potential candidates, having personally written letters to the Turkish governor of Patagonia on what his recommendation and of what the people of Patagonia would like. Perhaps unsurprisingly the people of Patagonia desired an Osmanli on the throne, of which there were only a few living who one could call culturally Turkish, at least in the way of the colony. It was soon decided that Prince Orhan was to be granted the title of King of Patagonia, something the young prince seemed hesitant of at first, before graciously stepping into the role, arriving to the city of Istanbul in 1804 to be crowned as the king of the new Turkish Kingdom.
The reorganization of the colonial Exarchate into a vassal state was a challenge at first, but it was pulled off, and shortly after the ascension of King Orhan II, the state was reorganized into the Exarchate of the Turkish Kingdom, otherwise known as the Sublime Ottoman Kingdom of Patagonia, although for many of the natives the land would simply be known as Turkey. As a sign of this new change of direction for the state, The Kingdom was formally recognized as a "brother" state to that of Rhomania. It was a largely symbolical move, but one that nonetheless reinvigorated the new ottoman dynasty with a sense of worth that has since been lost.
The new Turkish state was further granted an even greater degree of self-governance, essentially free to act almost as it;s own country in all ways beyond the most critical of restrictions. The first being that the new realm was forbidden form waging any war that would draw in the other Great Powers, given that the nearest land up for grab was possessed by such powers, this essentially ensured they couldn't go expand to the point of growing strong enough to outright leave the union. The second and more important restriction was the prevention of seeking favorable relations with any state seen as a historical rival to Rhomania, or is a current rival on the geopolitical scene. It is rather fair to say that with these restrictions in hindsight, and the make up of their neck of the woods, the new Turkish state was given "Diplomatic freedom" but was still essentially leashed up by the Empire.
Nonetheless, the new Turkish state would last for years to come, prospering under Orhan II throughout his reign form 1804 till his death in 1831. As pictured the realm is in a fair state by 1816, and would more or less remain unchanged for the following decades. However the shadow of conflict is ever present, in 1816 the Portuguese dominion of Brazil is chafing at the restrictions placed upon it by their overlord, especially with examples of states like Turkey or the United States so close. Further the Turks feel that they rightfully should own the Falkland Islands, which were once Roman until the islands were sold to the British. The Turks eye the islands like a hungry wolf, waiting for an opportunity to seize the Islands for themselves, while hoping to expand north and create a new Ottoman Empire in South America.
Rhomania's desire to colonize the lands outside of Europe are diverse and multifaceted, a mix of well placed judgments and illogical reasoning. One such of these colonial expeditions was Patagonia, which started off as a mere stop for ships seeking to continue on towards the pacific. These early colonies on Patagonia had started off small, but as travel increased they started booming, and eventually rich resources where discovered which only further incentivized colonization. The largest pool of these colonist where to some surprise, Turks. The reason for these migrations where multifaceted, either from expulsion form Roman majority communities, to a fear of loosing their cultural identity, as much of their upper class have begun showing signs of doing. Regardless of the reasons for why, the result was that there was a huge influx of Turkish laborers who where set on creating a new life for themselves in untamed land.
Over the following centuries these Turkish settlers had begun to see the land as their new home, as more Turkish people migrated to Patagonia, and where born there, the diaspora in the colony had begun to outpace their prior homeland within Anatolia. Countless new cities where constructed throughout the colony, including "the city" which would later become the capital of Istanbul. It was during this great migration and expansion that the Turks had begun to feel disenfranchised by the the imperial government. Their colonial governor, the Exarch of Patagonia was not one they could choose for themselves, and was almost always Roman, and in times whee that wasn't the case it was never a Turk, at least culturally.
This would result in an uprising in 1565, where several Turkish militias would attempt to assault the Exarch's estate in Nea Galateia. The uprising was rather successful at first, routing the Exarch and his guard at the cost of only a few rebels. Despite this success the rebellion was quickly put down by the colonial army within the month. Despite this the popular tales of how Turks, both Christian and Muslim, fighting for their promised land had stroke a cord throughout the colony, and for the next several decades there would be intermittent spats of rebels assaulting Roman garrisons.
The second uprising in 1642 was more successful, as the rebels were better organized and prepared, this second revolution was a far bloodier conflict, as the Roman government attempted to stamp down on the rebels with an increasing level of brutality that did nothing but further the rebel cause. This war too ended with a victory for the Empire, but at a much larger cost, enough to make the other European states at the time consider how to best approach their own colonies. Despite how devastating the war was for Patagonia, the Romans could not dislodge the rebel settlement, only bury it for several more decades. Nonetheless the Romans had learned their lesson and compromised with the Patagonian Turks on a few details meant to placate them from further revolts.
The final revolt in 1746 was much smaller in scale, but it had nearly grown out of control, nearly dragging in the Iberian empires due to it spilling over into their own colonies and sparking similar revolts. The war was won yet again for the Romans, but it felt much more like a loss as they had to face the humiliation of paying reparations to the Portuguese who had been negatively affected by the uprising. The new Emperor of the time, John X Palaiologos was a far more benevolent ruler in regards to his treatment of the colonies, and this crisis in Patagonia was a massive stain upon his honor. Unlike how some of the other colonizers would have likely responded to this however, he had come up with a way to nip the problem in the bud.
For the next several years as the iron grip of Rome was, loosened on the Patagonian Turks, Emperor John worked with advisors on a solution that would benefit both parties, at least long enough until a better option could be determined. Much of the advisors on this matter had as notoriously recorded, dragged their feet on the issue, until the troubling events in the British colonies in America had forced the Emperor to force them to find a solution. As the Emperor turned his gaze to ensuring the coming chaos did not affect the Floridian colony, a long term favorable solution was determined and proposed in 1790.
This plan came into effect 3 years later, and would drastically shake up the political situation in South America. The Exarchate was officially reorganized so that the Turks themselves could elect their own Governor instead of one being sent from Constantinople, furthermore a greater degree of representation and consideration for the Patagonian needs were given to the colonist. Further reforms and privileges would be granted over the years, but the reformation of Patagonia wouldn't hit it's zenith until late 1802, when the Patagonian Turks had formally petitioned the Emperor for something more than merely choosing their Governor, they wanted a King.
Surprisingly it only took about a month of discussion before John had agreed to the petition and had begun looking into potential candidates, having personally written letters to the Turkish governor of Patagonia on what his recommendation and of what the people of Patagonia would like. Perhaps unsurprisingly the people of Patagonia desired an Osmanli on the throne, of which there were only a few living who one could call culturally Turkish, at least in the way of the colony. It was soon decided that Prince Orhan was to be granted the title of King of Patagonia, something the young prince seemed hesitant of at first, before graciously stepping into the role, arriving to the city of Istanbul in 1804 to be crowned as the king of the new Turkish Kingdom.
The reorganization of the colonial Exarchate into a vassal state was a challenge at first, but it was pulled off, and shortly after the ascension of King Orhan II, the state was reorganized into the Exarchate of the Turkish Kingdom, otherwise known as the Sublime Ottoman Kingdom of Patagonia, although for many of the natives the land would simply be known as Turkey. As a sign of this new change of direction for the state, The Kingdom was formally recognized as a "brother" state to that of Rhomania. It was a largely symbolical move, but one that nonetheless reinvigorated the new ottoman dynasty with a sense of worth that has since been lost.
The new Turkish state was further granted an even greater degree of self-governance, essentially free to act almost as it;s own country in all ways beyond the most critical of restrictions. The first being that the new realm was forbidden form waging any war that would draw in the other Great Powers, given that the nearest land up for grab was possessed by such powers, this essentially ensured they couldn't go expand to the point of growing strong enough to outright leave the union. The second and more important restriction was the prevention of seeking favorable relations with any state seen as a historical rival to Rhomania, or is a current rival on the geopolitical scene. It is rather fair to say that with these restrictions in hindsight, and the make up of their neck of the woods, the new Turkish state was given "Diplomatic freedom" but was still essentially leashed up by the Empire.
Nonetheless, the new Turkish state would last for years to come, prospering under Orhan II throughout his reign form 1804 till his death in 1831. As pictured the realm is in a fair state by 1816, and would more or less remain unchanged for the following decades. However the shadow of conflict is ever present, in 1816 the Portuguese dominion of Brazil is chafing at the restrictions placed upon it by their overlord, especially with examples of states like Turkey or the United States so close. Further the Turks feel that they rightfully should own the Falkland Islands, which were once Roman until the islands were sold to the British. The Turks eye the islands like a hungry wolf, waiting for an opportunity to seize the Islands for themselves, while hoping to expand north and create a new Ottoman Empire in South America.
My second attempt at this style of map which I really like, still feeling out the possible layouts, etc. Nothing too big, but it took a while to make, mostly for the borders since that is a bit tedious and I'm learning of what I could do to speed that along.
The important bits are under lock and keep so if I ever need to work in it and improve it that will be easy.
Here's another new RDNA-verse entry! This one puts another spotlight on the Legitimate Union of Brazil...but on its role as a different kind of proxy battlefield amidst the setting's Cold War. Put very simply: to go to Brazil is pain, but there's more to it than that. The DeviantArt version can be found here.
While previous entries weren't exactly hiding how the Brazilians aren't in the best of shape despite their nominal status as a great power, and that both New Austria and Gran Patagonia as vying for influence, this one really puts to the actual state of the country to light. Needless to say, it's a sobering take on, if not a jab at Cold War power plays. And how those caught in the crossfire, be it from friend or foe, don't always come out right, though it doesn't stop them or even those outside powers from trying to set things right...unforeseen consequences, notwithstanding.
In addition to toying further with GIF formatting, and going even further than previous "Long Cold War" entries, this was also an opportunity to really capture the aesthetics reminiscent of The New Order mod for Hearts of Iron IV, while still remaining consistent with overall Dieselpunk/Atompunk a̵̠̳͋n̶̨͉̏̉d̵̞̼̈́ ̴͇͐͠M̵̨͔̉ả̷̹ğ̴̗̺̓ì̷̪c̵̱̾̒a̴̟̋l̶̡͋͝ ̸̰̗̏̃R̸̠̈̍e̷̮͇͒͠a̴͇͝͝l̷͎̬̿i̵͍̕s̶̢͙̿͝m̸̨̐̓ atmosphere of the setting itself. All the while, hinting to just how fragile the seemingly interminable standoff really is, as it could potentially devolve into something like 1984 or Pre-War Fallout if something goes horribly wrong. Though as to who the map is addressed to, which may or may not be affiliated with the "Agency", I can neither confirm nor deny that.
And just to be on the safe side, this is a work of fiction. While the map itself is framed as something from within the setting (including references to politically incorrect terms in our reality), this is not meant to be an ideological or propagandizing work.
At any rate, I hope you all enjoy this piece. Independência ou Morte!
Situated just inland from one of the first Portuguese settlements in the New World, São Paulo is the beating heart of a vast realm that's home to over 206 million people. Yet even for the many tourists who visit its historic landmarks and glistening modern districts, it's impossible to shake off the impression that all is far from well. On any given day, one can find both police and military detachments on the streets. Local vidscreens are as likely to lavish praise on the ruling junta's latest successes as they would host sponsored New Austrian and Gran Patagonian broadcasts. All the while, state-run publications downplay the legally recognized Coalizão pela Liberdade ("Coalition for Liberty/CPL") opposition, if not demean it as being little better than Collectivist and Reactionary radicals. In spite of the easing of emergency powers in 2017, many still live with uncertainty over the future.
This has not always been so. The House of Braganza had ruled over the Legitimate Union of Brazil from its colonial origins, seeing its long transformation into a "Co-Kingdom" and finally, as an independent great power after the fall of Portugal during the Terror. Under the so-called Lusitanian Brigantine Throne, it could genuinely hold itself on par with its traditional Habsburg allies in New Austria, as well as their historic rivals in neighboring Gran Patagonia, even as the latter came to overshadow it. Yet the compromises made by King Afonso VII (1903-79), which both helped deter Collectivist designs on the rest of South America and usher a period of democratic prosperity throughout the mid-20th Century had unforeseen consequences. That momentum proved difficult to sustain as time went on, be it maintaining order along its extensive borders, or the additional costs made in further developing what had been Portuguese Angola prior to being granted autonomy in the early 1980s. The special mandates given to the Forças Armadas Brasileiras ("Brazilian Armed Forces"), meanwhile, also gave the military sweeping powers over frontier territories and greater political sway, which both the monarchy and civil authorities were able to curtail for a time.
That changed during the Belem Incident of 1992, which remains a dark stain in the nation's history. During a public speech held as part of King Pedro V's (1960-92) landmark tour across his country, a bombing instigated by Collectivist agents resulted in a bloodbath, killing him, immediate members of the royal family and hundreds of innocent bystanders. With a paralyzed government, the surviving Braganzas unable to agree on the line of succession, and widespread unrest, the only real consolation was that the Angolans across the Atlantic remained loyal to their Lusophone compatriots. It wasn't long before a group of officers led by then-Chief of the General Staff, Fernando Silva e Oliveira (1941-2008), assumed emergency powers. Citing both the Collectivist threat, and the very mandates given in the name of restoring order, the Junta da Renovação Nacional ("Council for National Renewal") was established, with himself as the first Regent-President. Elections were suspended, most Royalist parties were folded into the regime through coersion, and in spite of claims of ruling with a light touch, the liberties enjoyed by Brazilians were curtailed. Nonetheless, pro-democracy protests, workers' strikes, and riots allegedly instigated by radicals of either Reactionary or Collectivist persuasion would become nigh-endemic even to this day.
The resulting power vacuum had likewise spelled worry and opportunity alike beyond its borders. Gran Patagonia, whose economic and political clout over the country had been growing, wasted little time recognizing the junta's legitimacy while pushing for a return to democracy, though rumors continue to circulate of its covert role in the initial takeover. New Austria, meanwhile, was similarly quick to acknowledge the "Military Interregnum", while simultaneously working to limit the ensuing excesses and undermine the regime. Both New World nations, thus, were able to gain substantial reach beyond what would have been possible just a decade before those abominable attacks. Each have contributed much in the way of trade agreements, infrastructure, financial aid, advisors, and even joint operations with the armed forces. Few, however, would call these efforts wholly out of altruism, as they tie both to the wider power plays of this Long Cold War, and Legitimist Brazil's future.
Upon the appointment of Gen. João Figureido Barbosa (1944- ) as the incumbent Regent-President in 2001, it was promised that the question over the monarchy will one day be resolved. This had been further reinforced following the easing of emergency powers and compromise with the CPL, vowing that a resolution would be be sought, be it through referendum or consensus. Though there's no set timeframe, it's increasingly clear for the everyman that a reckoning may soon come, which increasingly seems to be on whether the Lusitanian Brigandine Throne should even exist as an institution. This is no coincidence. Even before the Belem Incident, Gran Patagonia had been promoting the virtues of its brand of Latin Republicanism, which has only intensified alongside its myriad initiatives. The Habsburg Throne-in-Exile hasn't been idle, either, with New Austrians being just as committed to seeing the Braganzas properly restored as they are to aiding their Brazilian allies.
Royalist and Republican cliques alike, whether among the junta and CPL, have thus been approached by, and become proxies of, the two powers as they jostle for influence. Through propaganda, public pronouncements or covert activities, this has permeated every level of society. It's undoubtedly met criticism domestically and abroad, while fueling resentment among more radical movements with ties to the Collectivist Internationale, as well as the regimes of Bolivarist Colombia and Afrikaner-Mosleyite Southern Africa. Yet the stakes couldn't be any higher. Amidst rising tensions worldwide, the prospect of Brazil either falling into anarchy, embracing Reactionarism or "turning Red" couldn't be allowed to be a serious possibility. Moreover, the fate of Lusitanian Brigandine Throne, beyond a potential change in government and the junta's likely dissolution, would have a lasting impact on geopolitics across the Free World, just as much as it could shape the country's direction in the years to come.
Until a resolution is reached, however, the average Brazilian will find little consolation other than another day of life in their tenuous status quo. There is order, true, and some measure of normalcy. Yet the malaise that's held for over three decades is becoming more intolerable. Whatever happens, may they get what they rightfully deserve.
- “The Cambridge Journal of Contemporary Affairs.” United Kingdom. 2024.
For some trivia, the fonts used to get the TNO-esque aesthetic are VT323 and Aldrich.
Some of the placenames are archaic or earlier forms of OTL Brazilian cities and states. These include Grão-Pará still being somewhat intact, as opposed to being split into Amazonas and Pará.
Aspects of Brazil's history are a mélange of various elements from its actual past, including the Imperial period and the infamous military dictatorship during the Cold War, right down to the establishment of a junta. There are also some influences from Portuguese history and even some aspects of Inter-war Hungary (with the "Regent-General" and "Regent-President" not too unlike "Regent-for-life").
The pic used for Brazil's Regent-President Barbosa, hearkening to the Cold War-era military dictatorship, based on Ernesto Geisel, one of the figures who set the stage for Brazil's eventual transition back to democracy. The title coincidentally is an ironic reference to Brazil's current national motto: Ordem e Progresso ("Order and Progress").
The images used are taken from the real life São Bento monastery complex in Rio de Janeiro, the Angolan Border War of the 1970s-80s, and Brazil's military dictatorship, including the 1964 coup.
The modified CRT monitor overlay is derived from here.
While previous entries weren't exactly hiding how the Brazilians aren't in the best of shape despite their nominal status as a great power, and that both New Austria and Gran Patagonia as vying for influence, this one really puts to the actual state of the country to light. Needless to say, it's a sobering take on, if not a jab at Cold War power plays. And how those caught in the crossfire, be it from friend or foe, don't always come out right, though it doesn't stop them or even those outside powers from trying to set things right...unforeseen consequences, notwithstanding.
In addition to toying further with GIF formatting, and going even further than previous "Long Cold War" entries, this was also an opportunity to really capture the aesthetics reminiscent of The New Order mod for Hearts of Iron IV, while still remaining consistent with overall Dieselpunk/Atompunk a̵̠̳͋n̶̨͉̏̉d̵̞̼̈́ ̴͇͐͠M̵̨͔̉ả̷̹ğ̴̗̺̓ì̷̪c̵̱̾̒a̴̟̋l̶̡͋͝ ̸̰̗̏̃R̸̠̈̍e̷̮͇͒͠a̴͇͝͝l̷͎̬̿i̵͍̕s̶̢͙̿͝m̸̨̐̓ atmosphere of the setting itself. All the while, hinting to just how fragile the seemingly interminable standoff really is, as it could potentially devolve into something like 1984 or Pre-War Fallout if something goes horribly wrong. Though as to who the map is addressed to, which may or may not be affiliated with the "Agency", I can neither confirm nor deny that.
And just to be on the safe side, this is a work of fiction. While the map itself is framed as something from within the setting (including references to politically incorrect terms in our reality), this is not meant to be an ideological or propagandizing work.
At any rate, I hope you all enjoy this piece. Independência ou Morte!
----
Opinion - Order and Malaise: Legitimist Brazil's Uncertain Future
By Francisco Luis Sábato, Buenos Aires Correspondent
Opinion - Order and Malaise: Legitimist Brazil's Uncertain Future
By Francisco Luis Sábato, Buenos Aires Correspondent
Situated just inland from one of the first Portuguese settlements in the New World, São Paulo is the beating heart of a vast realm that's home to over 206 million people. Yet even for the many tourists who visit its historic landmarks and glistening modern districts, it's impossible to shake off the impression that all is far from well. On any given day, one can find both police and military detachments on the streets. Local vidscreens are as likely to lavish praise on the ruling junta's latest successes as they would host sponsored New Austrian and Gran Patagonian broadcasts. All the while, state-run publications downplay the legally recognized Coalizão pela Liberdade ("Coalition for Liberty/CPL") opposition, if not demean it as being little better than Collectivist and Reactionary radicals. In spite of the easing of emergency powers in 2017, many still live with uncertainty over the future.
This has not always been so. The House of Braganza had ruled over the Legitimate Union of Brazil from its colonial origins, seeing its long transformation into a "Co-Kingdom" and finally, as an independent great power after the fall of Portugal during the Terror. Under the so-called Lusitanian Brigantine Throne, it could genuinely hold itself on par with its traditional Habsburg allies in New Austria, as well as their historic rivals in neighboring Gran Patagonia, even as the latter came to overshadow it. Yet the compromises made by King Afonso VII (1903-79), which both helped deter Collectivist designs on the rest of South America and usher a period of democratic prosperity throughout the mid-20th Century had unforeseen consequences. That momentum proved difficult to sustain as time went on, be it maintaining order along its extensive borders, or the additional costs made in further developing what had been Portuguese Angola prior to being granted autonomy in the early 1980s. The special mandates given to the Forças Armadas Brasileiras ("Brazilian Armed Forces"), meanwhile, also gave the military sweeping powers over frontier territories and greater political sway, which both the monarchy and civil authorities were able to curtail for a time.
That changed during the Belem Incident of 1992, which remains a dark stain in the nation's history. During a public speech held as part of King Pedro V's (1960-92) landmark tour across his country, a bombing instigated by Collectivist agents resulted in a bloodbath, killing him, immediate members of the royal family and hundreds of innocent bystanders. With a paralyzed government, the surviving Braganzas unable to agree on the line of succession, and widespread unrest, the only real consolation was that the Angolans across the Atlantic remained loyal to their Lusophone compatriots. It wasn't long before a group of officers led by then-Chief of the General Staff, Fernando Silva e Oliveira (1941-2008), assumed emergency powers. Citing both the Collectivist threat, and the very mandates given in the name of restoring order, the Junta da Renovação Nacional ("Council for National Renewal") was established, with himself as the first Regent-President. Elections were suspended, most Royalist parties were folded into the regime through coersion, and in spite of claims of ruling with a light touch, the liberties enjoyed by Brazilians were curtailed. Nonetheless, pro-democracy protests, workers' strikes, and riots allegedly instigated by radicals of either Reactionary or Collectivist persuasion would become nigh-endemic even to this day.
The resulting power vacuum had likewise spelled worry and opportunity alike beyond its borders. Gran Patagonia, whose economic and political clout over the country had been growing, wasted little time recognizing the junta's legitimacy while pushing for a return to democracy, though rumors continue to circulate of its covert role in the initial takeover. New Austria, meanwhile, was similarly quick to acknowledge the "Military Interregnum", while simultaneously working to limit the ensuing excesses and undermine the regime. Both New World nations, thus, were able to gain substantial reach beyond what would have been possible just a decade before those abominable attacks. Each have contributed much in the way of trade agreements, infrastructure, financial aid, advisors, and even joint operations with the armed forces. Few, however, would call these efforts wholly out of altruism, as they tie both to the wider power plays of this Long Cold War, and Legitimist Brazil's future.
Upon the appointment of Gen. João Figureido Barbosa (1944- ) as the incumbent Regent-President in 2001, it was promised that the question over the monarchy will one day be resolved. This had been further reinforced following the easing of emergency powers and compromise with the CPL, vowing that a resolution would be be sought, be it through referendum or consensus. Though there's no set timeframe, it's increasingly clear for the everyman that a reckoning may soon come, which increasingly seems to be on whether the Lusitanian Brigandine Throne should even exist as an institution. This is no coincidence. Even before the Belem Incident, Gran Patagonia had been promoting the virtues of its brand of Latin Republicanism, which has only intensified alongside its myriad initiatives. The Habsburg Throne-in-Exile hasn't been idle, either, with New Austrians being just as committed to seeing the Braganzas properly restored as they are to aiding their Brazilian allies.
Royalist and Republican cliques alike, whether among the junta and CPL, have thus been approached by, and become proxies of, the two powers as they jostle for influence. Through propaganda, public pronouncements or covert activities, this has permeated every level of society. It's undoubtedly met criticism domestically and abroad, while fueling resentment among more radical movements with ties to the Collectivist Internationale, as well as the regimes of Bolivarist Colombia and Afrikaner-Mosleyite Southern Africa. Yet the stakes couldn't be any higher. Amidst rising tensions worldwide, the prospect of Brazil either falling into anarchy, embracing Reactionarism or "turning Red" couldn't be allowed to be a serious possibility. Moreover, the fate of Lusitanian Brigandine Throne, beyond a potential change in government and the junta's likely dissolution, would have a lasting impact on geopolitics across the Free World, just as much as it could shape the country's direction in the years to come.
Until a resolution is reached, however, the average Brazilian will find little consolation other than another day of life in their tenuous status quo. There is order, true, and some measure of normalcy. Yet the malaise that's held for over three decades is becoming more intolerable. Whatever happens, may they get what they rightfully deserve.
- “The Cambridge Journal of Contemporary Affairs.” United Kingdom. 2024.
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For some trivia, the fonts used to get the TNO-esque aesthetic are VT323 and Aldrich.
Some of the placenames are archaic or earlier forms of OTL Brazilian cities and states. These include Grão-Pará still being somewhat intact, as opposed to being split into Amazonas and Pará.
Aspects of Brazil's history are a mélange of various elements from its actual past, including the Imperial period and the infamous military dictatorship during the Cold War, right down to the establishment of a junta. There are also some influences from Portuguese history and even some aspects of Inter-war Hungary (with the "Regent-General" and "Regent-President" not too unlike "Regent-for-life").
The pic used for Brazil's Regent-President Barbosa, hearkening to the Cold War-era military dictatorship, based on Ernesto Geisel, one of the figures who set the stage for Brazil's eventual transition back to democracy. The title coincidentally is an ironic reference to Brazil's current national motto: Ordem e Progresso ("Order and Progress").
The images used are taken from the real life São Bento monastery complex in Rio de Janeiro, the Angolan Border War of the 1970s-80s, and Brazil's military dictatorship, including the 1964 coup.
The modified CRT monitor overlay is derived from here.
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The American Dialects are multiple dialects of the English language located in the Commonwealth of America. In 1840, there were around 10 dialects, Nua Englander, Nieuw Yorker, Iroquia, Pennsylvania, Ny Svensk, Virginian, Canadian, Newfoundlander, Appalachian, Louisianian and Floridian. The dialects were formed around the 1670s when the English would encourage people from other nations such as Germany, Scandinavia and the Netherlands. Several settlers would also mix with several Native American groups and their languages. Eventually, the language from English and other nations settlers would mix forming into new dialects.
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Iroquia: Made up of English and some Dutch settlers and the Haudenosaunee people. Their dialect is a fixture of Iroquoian and English and some Dutch. They mainly live in Northern New York.
Pennsylvania: Made up of German and English settlers. Their dialect is a mixture of English, German and a bit of Irish. They live in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Ohio and Northern Virginia and Maryland and have been settling in Georgia.
Ny Svensk: Made up of Swedish and English settlers, with some Swedes being from the colony of New Sweden. Their dialect is a mixture of English, Swedish and a bit of German. They live in Maryland, Delaware and parts of New Jersey.
Virginia: The most recognizable dialect to the people back in Britain, It mostly made up of English and some German and Irish. They live in Virginia, The two Carolinas, and Georgia and have been settling in the west.
Canadian: Coming from the French and English settlers, The Canadian dialect is made up of French and English influence. They live in Ontario, parts of Quebec and New York.
Newfoundlander: Made up of English and Danish settlers. They live in Newfoundland and parts of Quebec.
Appalachian: Made up of English and Scottish settlers, their dialect is mostly made from English, Scott, and Scottish Gaelic. They live in parts of Virginia, Ohio, Kentucky, Franklin. and parts of Georgia and Mississippi.
Louisianian: Made up of English, French, Spanish and some Louisiana Creole. They live in Louisiana and Mississippi.
Floridian: Made up of English and Spanish settlers, they live in Florida and some parts of Georgia.
As for the history of the Commonwealth of America: Following Britain's defeat in the 7 Years' War, the American colonies remain firmly allied with the British fearing the French. Eventually, the Napoleonic wars occur, and the 13 colonies would successfully invade and conquer New France. Eventually in the 1820s, Independence would be granted with the Americans becoming a Dominion. A civil war erupted in 1833 over the issues of Slavery with the British abolishing it. With British aid, the Americans would defeat the succeeding southern colonies. By the time the map take place in 1840, the Americans have begun to expand out west.
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