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Russia in 1979, at the height of the civil war
By mid-1978, Russia saw herself left destitute. She had lost 50 million people to war and secession. Her belligerence and nuclear trigger-happiness had made her an international pariah, and it was all about to get worse. Much like the German Fascist Hordes that Lazar Kaganovich ranted on relentlessly about, Russia too was seen as a threat that was on the brink of not being allowed to exist, and the government that had allowed such horror to commence had been thrown off by nationwide rebellion.
The Russian rebellion stormed through the industrial heart of the Soviet Union and smashed aside all loyalist remnants as Moscow was made the capital of a new state—the Union of All Russia, with Ivan Gerasimov—the Ukrainian commander of the now notorious 1st Guards Tank Army taking power as Grand President of the Union.
Meanwhile, in American-occupied Leningrad (promptly renamed to Petrograd), General Pyotr Grigorenko had been smuggled out of Lubyanka in the chaos of the collapsing Soviet Union and appointed president of the Republic of Russia. The Republic was established as little more than an occupational authority during the Third World War, only transitioning to a functional government to allow NATO forces to move on Westwards for pacification efforts in the horror that was war-torn Eastern Europe. Grigorenko himself enjoyed popularity amongst Liberal circles in Russia as a known Soviet dissident who had condemned Soviet warmongering and the ruin that it had brought to Russia, and it was by his proposal that reunification with Moscow, in hopes of securing the stability of Russia was established.
It took months of negotiations and much pressure from occupying forces in Petrograd, a compromise was hammered out. First and most importantly in the eyes of the Western allies, the capital was to remain in Petrograd; second, the United States was to make a 3 billion dollar loan to the city of Moscow, for “matters of national stability”; finally, Gerasimov was to be made president.
Strangely though, soon after the agreement was finalized, massive protests broke out across central Russia, with protestors blockading all securing routes between Petrograd and Moscow; while Soviet remnants and Russian cliques alike took to the skies, putting the central government’s forces on the backfoot. Immediately, Gerasimov granted himself the position of President of Russia. Acquiescing, the NATO occupational authority in Petrograd recognized Gerasimov as President, while Grigorenko accepted the arrangements, albeit begrudgingly.
As soon as the government took power, the web of interweaving political alliances that held the Russian Caucasus under Russian jurisdiction fell apart like a house of cards. They had stuck with Moscow simply due to each clique not wanting to fall under the Georgian-dominated Transcaucasia, yet with the Moscow clique now becoming the nominal ruler of all Russia, it all fell apart. All across the Caucasus, individual generals declared their ascension to presidency in new subject republics within Russia, and not all of them had official posts—some, as seen in the unfortunate case Chechen Republic had 3 presidents simultaneously, 2 of them recognized by the central government and 4 separate rebel leaders at the height of the fighting. This coincided with the shattering of the Transcaucasian Republic into her three constituent states. The peace would however be kept by an Iranian intervention in the region. The Iranian occupation of Armenia would however raise tensions with the Turks.
While the Western core of Russia was busy being an incomprehensible mess, Siberia, where much of the Soviet residue military leadership resided saw much clearer—and much more decisive engagements.
Siberia in 1978 was an artificial construct, and that fact was glaringly obvious to even the most ardent Siberian nationalist. The president of this young nation was the popular reformist Mikhail Gorbachev. Despite being a fresh face of change amongst a crowd of emotionless Soviet bureaucrats, Gorbachev was a mere figurehead. The real power behind the Siberian Republic was former admiral of the Pacific Fleet, Nikolai Smirnov, who used Gorbachev to circumvent his own ever growing unpopularity following the nuclear destruction of Vladivostok and the chain of events that followed it. Yet, Smirnov only held power in the Eastern fringes of the republic around the capital of Ulan-Ude. Yegor Ligachev, a bureaucrat-turned-general held power in Siberia’s largest city of Novosibirsk; while Vasili Kuznetsov held power in Omsk. The clique of generals and bureaucrats each held bitterly opposing ideologies, and with the Soviet Union finally destroyed, there simply was no need for Siberia to exist.
Scarcely after the ink had dried on the Treaty of Islamabad, Kuznetsov rebelled, declaring his loyalty to Moscow. That was followed by widespread anti-Russian riots across the republics of Buryatia and Sakha, both of which shortly declared their independence from Siberia. Even former Soviet vassal Mongolia would take their chance to reclaim Tuva. A panicking Smirnov would proceed to ask the United States for protection. However, the US, already busy in Korea and with Nixon unwilling to involve himself in yet more quagmires would decline.
The Moscow clique would welcome this chance to reclaim Siberia with open arms, and very soon, Western Siberia was back under Russian rule without a hitch. Ligachev practically ran towards the Russian army following his speech at Omsk Dormition Cathedral, where he figuratively prostrated himself before Kuznetsov, while weeping rather unconvincingly as Omsk’s tanks rolled by. Omsk’s armies would continued their leisurely drive towards Ulan-Ude, and swatted aside any resistance the Sakha and Buryatia Republics could ever hope to offer.
It was then that French President Jacques Chirac intervened. In a much publicized show of force, the French navy sailed into Petrograd without invitation, knowing full well that no one was going to stop them. At the head of the fleet was L'Inflexible—the submarine that had destroyed Sevastopol. The message was clear—the Russians were to stop their invasion of Siberia, or else. A livid American NATO occupational governor would storm out of his office, rush to the Petrograd docks and order the nearest destroyer captain to delay the scrapping of his ship and rush out to face the French navy.
The admiral of the French fleet, not expecting such an aggressive from who he thought to be Russians drove further forwards, daring his counterpart to turn back, not wishing to show any weakness before a lesser enemy. When the Russian captain was ordered to turn back, the orders were perhaps lost in translation, or perhaps a malfunction in the machinery had taken place. Whatever the case, L’Inflexible crashed head on into the hull of the Russian Destroyer, causing an explosion that engulfed the Winter Palace.
This incident sparked tremendous outrage on both sides of the Atlantic, with both sides refusing to back down. Nixon blamed the French for their stubbornness and Chirac blamed the Americans for their relatively small participation in the pacification of Central Europe.
NATO occupational command would still sternly order Omsk to cease its invasion of Siberia, a request that Kuznetsov begrudgingly accepted. NATO’s bypassing of Moscow’s authority would anger Gerasimov, but he was too tied down in the Caucasus and too dependent on Western aid to say otherwise.
A frustrated Kuznetsov then turned his armies to the Mongol border, where he, without approval from Moscow or even a declaration of war drove into Tuva. The Mongolian government to lodge a formal protest against Moscow, appealing to Gerasimov in hopes that he would rein in his uppity subordinate.
The Mongol-Omsk War initially seemed look like a massive Siberian victory. By Mid-1978, Soviet forces were at the doorstep of what used to be Ulaanbaatar. The Mongol army resorted to hit and run guerilla tactics that slowly, but surely drained Kuznetsov’s forces. Eventually Kuznetsov, realized he had much more important matters to attend to and proceeded to declare, again without any warning or contact with Moscow that his 3 month war was at an end.
Russia by the end of the Mongol-Omsk War
Gerasimov would now come to a realization—he had been used by Kuznetsov as a mere backup plan to fall back on. Kuznetsov’s invasion was declared as illegitimate, and all his supporters were rounded up andimprisoned. Gerasimov then turned to Ligachev as a replacement for Kuznetsov. Mere hours later, Kuznetsov declared Omsk’s secession from the Republic of Russia.
Grigorenko at this point had too had enough. Forming an alliance with Gerasimov’s enemies in the Caucasus, the Republic of Russia was declared defunct as Grigorenko declared his own Russian Federation on 15th August, 1978. As the Russian Bear began to stumbled, vultures circled around its corpse. The Russian Baltic Fleet, with the backing of the French Government took over Petrograd and declared their neutrality. The young Ukranian Republic raised claims on the Russian Autonomous Republic of Novorossiya. The Belarusians declared their independence, storming Minsk.
As insanity faded in China, a new wave of insanity reached out for Russia.
- Territorial Evolution of the PRC
- Second Warlord Era
- Europe Following WW3
- Downfall of the Soviet Empire
- Nie Rongzhen
- The Sichuan Commune
- Chinese Union State
- International Lenin Mausoleum
- Annexation of Ceylon
- Second Russian Civil War
Russia in 1979, at the height of the civil war
By mid-1978, Russia saw herself left destitute. She had lost 50 million people to war and secession. Her belligerence and nuclear trigger-happiness had made her an international pariah, and it was all about to get worse. Much like the German Fascist Hordes that Lazar Kaganovich ranted on relentlessly about, Russia too was seen as a threat that was on the brink of not being allowed to exist, and the government that had allowed such horror to commence had been thrown off by nationwide rebellion.
The Russian rebellion stormed through the industrial heart of the Soviet Union and smashed aside all loyalist remnants as Moscow was made the capital of a new state—the Union of All Russia, with Ivan Gerasimov—the Ukrainian commander of the now notorious 1st Guards Tank Army taking power as Grand President of the Union.
Meanwhile, in American-occupied Leningrad (promptly renamed to Petrograd), General Pyotr Grigorenko had been smuggled out of Lubyanka in the chaos of the collapsing Soviet Union and appointed president of the Republic of Russia. The Republic was established as little more than an occupational authority during the Third World War, only transitioning to a functional government to allow NATO forces to move on Westwards for pacification efforts in the horror that was war-torn Eastern Europe. Grigorenko himself enjoyed popularity amongst Liberal circles in Russia as a known Soviet dissident who had condemned Soviet warmongering and the ruin that it had brought to Russia, and it was by his proposal that reunification with Moscow, in hopes of securing the stability of Russia was established.
It took months of negotiations and much pressure from occupying forces in Petrograd, a compromise was hammered out. First and most importantly in the eyes of the Western allies, the capital was to remain in Petrograd; second, the United States was to make a 3 billion dollar loan to the city of Moscow, for “matters of national stability”; finally, Gerasimov was to be made president.
Strangely though, soon after the agreement was finalized, massive protests broke out across central Russia, with protestors blockading all securing routes between Petrograd and Moscow; while Soviet remnants and Russian cliques alike took to the skies, putting the central government’s forces on the backfoot. Immediately, Gerasimov granted himself the position of President of Russia. Acquiescing, the NATO occupational authority in Petrograd recognized Gerasimov as President, while Grigorenko accepted the arrangements, albeit begrudgingly.
As soon as the government took power, the web of interweaving political alliances that held the Russian Caucasus under Russian jurisdiction fell apart like a house of cards. They had stuck with Moscow simply due to each clique not wanting to fall under the Georgian-dominated Transcaucasia, yet with the Moscow clique now becoming the nominal ruler of all Russia, it all fell apart. All across the Caucasus, individual generals declared their ascension to presidency in new subject republics within Russia, and not all of them had official posts—some, as seen in the unfortunate case Chechen Republic had 3 presidents simultaneously, 2 of them recognized by the central government and 4 separate rebel leaders at the height of the fighting. This coincided with the shattering of the Transcaucasian Republic into her three constituent states. The peace would however be kept by an Iranian intervention in the region. The Iranian occupation of Armenia would however raise tensions with the Turks.
While the Western core of Russia was busy being an incomprehensible mess, Siberia, where much of the Soviet residue military leadership resided saw much clearer—and much more decisive engagements.
Siberia in 1978 was an artificial construct, and that fact was glaringly obvious to even the most ardent Siberian nationalist. The president of this young nation was the popular reformist Mikhail Gorbachev. Despite being a fresh face of change amongst a crowd of emotionless Soviet bureaucrats, Gorbachev was a mere figurehead. The real power behind the Siberian Republic was former admiral of the Pacific Fleet, Nikolai Smirnov, who used Gorbachev to circumvent his own ever growing unpopularity following the nuclear destruction of Vladivostok and the chain of events that followed it. Yet, Smirnov only held power in the Eastern fringes of the republic around the capital of Ulan-Ude. Yegor Ligachev, a bureaucrat-turned-general held power in Siberia’s largest city of Novosibirsk; while Vasili Kuznetsov held power in Omsk. The clique of generals and bureaucrats each held bitterly opposing ideologies, and with the Soviet Union finally destroyed, there simply was no need for Siberia to exist.
Scarcely after the ink had dried on the Treaty of Islamabad, Kuznetsov rebelled, declaring his loyalty to Moscow. That was followed by widespread anti-Russian riots across the republics of Buryatia and Sakha, both of which shortly declared their independence from Siberia. Even former Soviet vassal Mongolia would take their chance to reclaim Tuva. A panicking Smirnov would proceed to ask the United States for protection. However, the US, already busy in Korea and with Nixon unwilling to involve himself in yet more quagmires would decline.
The Moscow clique would welcome this chance to reclaim Siberia with open arms, and very soon, Western Siberia was back under Russian rule without a hitch. Ligachev practically ran towards the Russian army following his speech at Omsk Dormition Cathedral, where he figuratively prostrated himself before Kuznetsov, while weeping rather unconvincingly as Omsk’s tanks rolled by. Omsk’s armies would continued their leisurely drive towards Ulan-Ude, and swatted aside any resistance the Sakha and Buryatia Republics could ever hope to offer.
It was then that French President Jacques Chirac intervened. In a much publicized show of force, the French navy sailed into Petrograd without invitation, knowing full well that no one was going to stop them. At the head of the fleet was L'Inflexible—the submarine that had destroyed Sevastopol. The message was clear—the Russians were to stop their invasion of Siberia, or else. A livid American NATO occupational governor would storm out of his office, rush to the Petrograd docks and order the nearest destroyer captain to delay the scrapping of his ship and rush out to face the French navy.
The admiral of the French fleet, not expecting such an aggressive from who he thought to be Russians drove further forwards, daring his counterpart to turn back, not wishing to show any weakness before a lesser enemy. When the Russian captain was ordered to turn back, the orders were perhaps lost in translation, or perhaps a malfunction in the machinery had taken place. Whatever the case, L’Inflexible crashed head on into the hull of the Russian Destroyer, causing an explosion that engulfed the Winter Palace.
This incident sparked tremendous outrage on both sides of the Atlantic, with both sides refusing to back down. Nixon blamed the French for their stubbornness and Chirac blamed the Americans for their relatively small participation in the pacification of Central Europe.
NATO occupational command would still sternly order Omsk to cease its invasion of Siberia, a request that Kuznetsov begrudgingly accepted. NATO’s bypassing of Moscow’s authority would anger Gerasimov, but he was too tied down in the Caucasus and too dependent on Western aid to say otherwise.
A frustrated Kuznetsov then turned his armies to the Mongol border, where he, without approval from Moscow or even a declaration of war drove into Tuva. The Mongolian government to lodge a formal protest against Moscow, appealing to Gerasimov in hopes that he would rein in his uppity subordinate.
The Mongol-Omsk War initially seemed look like a massive Siberian victory. By Mid-1978, Soviet forces were at the doorstep of what used to be Ulaanbaatar. The Mongol army resorted to hit and run guerilla tactics that slowly, but surely drained Kuznetsov’s forces. Eventually Kuznetsov, realized he had much more important matters to attend to and proceeded to declare, again without any warning or contact with Moscow that his 3 month war was at an end.
Russia by the end of the Mongol-Omsk War
Gerasimov would now come to a realization—he had been used by Kuznetsov as a mere backup plan to fall back on. Kuznetsov’s invasion was declared as illegitimate, and all his supporters were rounded up andimprisoned. Gerasimov then turned to Ligachev as a replacement for Kuznetsov. Mere hours later, Kuznetsov declared Omsk’s secession from the Republic of Russia.
Grigorenko at this point had too had enough. Forming an alliance with Gerasimov’s enemies in the Caucasus, the Republic of Russia was declared defunct as Grigorenko declared his own Russian Federation on 15th August, 1978. As the Russian Bear began to stumbled, vultures circled around its corpse. The Russian Baltic Fleet, with the backing of the French Government took over Petrograd and declared their neutrality. The young Ukranian Republic raised claims on the Russian Autonomous Republic of Novorossiya. The Belarusians declared their independence, storming Minsk.
As insanity faded in China, a new wave of insanity reached out for Russia.
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