Malê Rising

Hmm. In our timeline, Australia in this period was undergoing one of its traditional bursts of paranoid xenophobia; the colony of Queensland called for the seizure of New Guinea rather then let it slip into the hands of the Germans.*

If, as hinted, the Japanese are taking French colonies than I think the southern British colonies will panic- there will be a feeling that Britain is exposing them to the threat of Oriental Invasion. Certainly, the prospect of a Japanese garrison in Noumea is going to be completely unacceptable- that's far, far too close to Australia and New Zealand. Even a German garrison would be dangerous.


The colonies are not in a position to really stop this, but I think it would cause a readjustment of the relationship between them and Britain- it will certainly spur the impulse to Federation, probably with Fiji and New Zealand if there's a belief that Britain is trading the pacific off to the inscrutable Asian types.


If writing my thesis on Australian history in the nineteenth century taught me anything, it's that fear of immigration and Asian invasion is so depressingly constant.







*This was while the British and Germans were at their friendliest point pre-war.
 

Admiral Matt

Gone Fishin'
The cities will, as you say, be important, because they are the nerve centers of government and industry, but I agree that a revolution at this point couldn't be exclusively urban, and that it would have to involve a synthesis of the urban and rural political movements. This will in turn make it not so much less radical as radical in a different direction - less focused on ideology and theory, more on finding specific solutions to specific grievances. It would be a grand coalition of interests, with a different set of priorities and internal tensions than the Kerensky or Bolshevik governments - a bigger tent but a more fractious one.

Of course that also sounds an awful lot like the list of reasons why the tsars were eventually able to put down all the revolts in previous centuries....

And of course, who is the Tsar? Nicholas was nearly a perfect storm of incompetence. With anyone else things would not likely get as bad or do so more slowly.
 
A good point. The Balkans were a better place for industrialization than, well, pretty much the entire empire. The only thing that really held them back was transportation - if you didn't live by the Danube you couldn't ship surplus to market or have much of anything delivered to you. Historically the fundamentals of early industrialization appeared spontaneously as soon as the Ottomans started laying rail and (to a much lesser degree) blasting roads through the region. Then 1878 came along and it all went to pieces.

Here I'd expect that to have developed into a proper base - honestly there's good reason to expect the empire is more industrialized than Italy. And the resource base is there to expand it though the war, if only they can hold onto Bulgaria.

That's the only reason I can see to work up industries in the relatively poor environment of western Anatolia - the risk that industries in the Balkans will end up in Austrian hands.

That, and the risk of periodic rebellion. Although the Ottomans won the War of the Balkan Alliance, they're still walking a tightrope in the Balkans - they're trying to (a) give the non-Muslim populations sufficient autonomy to keep them content; (b) be sufficiently firm to forestall revolt; and (c) settle as much of the Balkans as possible with loyal Turks, Tatars and Caucasian Muslims, all at the same time. The Porte is a long way from stupid, and it knows that it could fall off this tightrope if the Russians and Austrians give a sufficiently hard push at the wrong time.

The Balkans are still the center of Ottoman industry, but the government is also trying to develop western Anatolia as an ace in the hole - it knows that the Anatolian Turks will be loyal. Part of this development involves building railroads, so the Anatolian cities will be able to get their goods to port more easily than OTL.

If you think I'm off base on this, let me know.

Hmm. In our timeline, Australia in this period was undergoing one of its traditional bursts of paranoid xenophobia; the colony of Queensland called for the seizure of New Guinea rather then let it slip into the hands of the Germans.*

If, as hinted, the Japanese are taking French colonies than I think the southern British colonies will panic- there will be a feeling that Britain is exposing them to the threat of Oriental Invasion. Certainly, the prospect of a Japanese garrison in Noumea is going to be completely unacceptable- that's far, far too close to Australia and New Zealand. Even a German garrison would be dangerous.

I didn't necessarily say it would be the Japanese, although Japan will flex its muscles in the Pacific during the Great War. A much weaker and more dependent British client state in New Caledonia might not be such a threat to Australia, although it could still give impetus to the federation movement, especially if it includes Vanuatu where there was a substantial Australian settler population.

Of course that also sounds an awful lot like the list of reasons why the tsars were eventually able to put down all the revolts in previous centuries....

By the late nineteenth century, though, revolt - like everything else - could spread much faster than in previous centuries. Telegraphs and railroads will give the Tsar less time to exploit the revolutionaries' internal divisions, and they may last long enough to overwhelm the government, especially if Russia suffers reverses that cause a sudden change in the national mood. Then again, of course, they might not.

And of course, who is the Tsar? Nicholas was nearly a perfect storm of incompetence. With anyone else things would not likely get as bad or do so more slowly.

Alexander II wasn't assassinated in TTL, and died in 1887; of course, by that time, the loss to the Ottomans had caused him to abandon (or, more accurately, re-channel) his reformist leanings and turn to the hard right. The current Tsar is his eldest son Nicholas, who is an ATL-sibling born after the POD, and who enjoys better health than in OTL. He is an enthusiastic supporter of the ultra-nationalists but not a strong leader, and often allows himself to be led by his courtiers and ministers.
 

Admiral Matt

Gone Fishin'
That, and the risk of periodic rebellion. Although the Ottomans won the War of the Balkan Alliance, they're still walking a tightrope in the Balkans - they're trying to (a) give the non-Muslim populations sufficient autonomy to keep them content; (b) be sufficiently firm to forestall revolt; and (c) settle as much of the Balkans as possible with loyal Turks, Tatars and Caucasian Muslims, all at the same time. The Porte is a long way from stupid, and it knows that it could fall off this tightrope if the Russians and Austrians give a sufficiently hard push at the wrong time.

Another factor to consider is that the fundamentals of industrialization and town growth were drivers of much of the migration of Circassian and Arab populations to the Balkans. It's likely someone in Konstantiniyye has noticed this along the way.

Of course, industrialization in Bulgaria will also be a prime cause of political disruption. Imagine if factory owners bring in cheaper unorganized Muslim labor!

Stamboul, by the way. Why is that name so consistent. I'd always read that a version of Constantinople and the word Istanbul were used largely interchangeably by the Ottomans. Yet in your timeline it is completely uniform as a word I'd never encountered. What don't I know?

The Balkans are still the center of Ottoman industry, but the government is also trying to develop western Anatolia as an ace in the hole - it knows that the Anatolian Turks will be loyal. Part of this development involves building railroads, so the Anatolian cities will be able to get their goods to port more easily than OTL.

If you think I'm off base on this, let me know.

Their thought process is reasonable, but railroads were the single greatest limiting factor in the Balkans, not in western Anatolia. Don't get me wrong - they'd certainly help! But the region just needed them less - the mountains are lower and flatter and most large settlements are on or near the coast.

What will limit things in Anatolia, rather, is population density and resource availability. On the latter, the Balkans were starting up OTL with a timber industry (IIRC) that would have been laughable in Anatolia. They also held more coal and iron, for the longterm.

Alexander II wasn't assassinated in TTL, and died in 1887; of course, by that time, the loss to the Ottomans had caused him to abandon (or, more accurately, re-channel) his reformist leanings and turn to the hard right. The current Tsar is his eldest son Nicholas, who is an ATL-sibling born after the POD, and who enjoys better health than in OTL. He is an enthusiastic supporter of the ultra-nationalists but not a strong leader, and often allows himself to be led by his courtiers and ministers.

Somewhat similar to OTL, it would seem. Ah well.
 
The Turtledoves are now official - thanks again to everyone - and as a result, I'm up for Superlatives in Best Timeline (for Malê Rising) and Best AH Feature (for Paulo Abacar). I've got to admit, though, that there are several works worthy of your vote in the former category, and as to the latter, Thomas Totney is pretty awesome.

One more from the FARs, consisting of (as presently planned) three short vignettes, then the overview, and on to the second year and a couple of new subplots.

Another factor to consider is that the fundamentals of industrialization and town growth were drivers of much of the migration of Circassian and Arab populations to the Balkans. It's likely someone in Konstantiniyye has noticed this along the way.

Of course, industrialization in Bulgaria will also be a prime cause of political disruption. Imagine if factory owners bring in cheaper unorganized Muslim labor!

Fair point, and the government has been encouraging this migration to some extent in order to create a loyal majority in at least parts of the Balkans. In TTL, there's also an immigrant stream of Jews and Muslims from the Russian Empire, and the Porte has been encouraging some of them - specifically, the ones with money - to invest in Balkan and Anatolian industry. (The poor ones have become farmers, industrial laborers or clerks.)

And yes, the use of Muslim labor - artfully emphasized by pro-Russian agitators - may well have been one of the causes of the 1892 Bulgarian rebellion. Not, of course, that the Muslim laborers are likely to remain unorganized for long, given the widespread association between TTL's Islamic reformism and the labor movement.

Stamboul, by the way. Why is that name so consistent. I'd always read that a version of Constantinople and the word Istanbul were used largely interchangeably by the Ottomans. Yet in your timeline it is completely uniform as a word I'd never encountered. What don't I know?

Stamboul was a common 19th-century romanization, and since the Ottoman Empire in TTL will never adopt the Roman alphabet and standardize the use of Istanbul, it will remain the transliteration of choice. The other names are also sometimes used - at this point, the capital is probably still referred to as Konstantiniyye in many official documents (although it is called Stamboul in others) and the residents of the city will refer to it as some variation on Stamboul or Istanbul.

What will limit things in Anatolia, rather, is population density and resource availability. On the latter, the Balkans were starting up OTL with a timber industry (IIRC) that would have been laughable in Anatolia. They also held more coal and iron, for the longterm.

As to population density, remember that Jewish-Tatar-Caucasian immigrant stream. Some of them are being directed to the Anatolian development towns. Also, coal mining was already taking place in the Zonguldak basin at this time, and it wouldn't be too hard to supply western Anatolian factories from there via rail.

In purely economic terms, it makes more sense to develop the Balkans, but political considerations dictate that parts of Anatolia be industrialized as well. I'm envisioning an industrial zone centered around Bursa and Izmit - in other words, the same area that the Republic of Turkey developed in OTL thirty years later.

Somewhat similar to OTL, it would seem. Ah well.

Not quite the same, though - TTL's Nicholas II is smarter than the nephew who would have that regnal name in OTL. But he's lazy, accepts the divine right of kings unquestioningly, and is sometimes too clever by half.
 
Not quite the same, though - TTL's Nicholas II is smarter than the nephew who would have that regnal name in OTL. But he's lazy, accepts the divine right of kings unquestioningly, and is sometimes too clever by half.

Well, at least his wife isn't hanging out with any malodorous horndog mystics. Or is she? :)

Random thought, how are things on the hemophilia front? The POD doesn't prevent Queen Victoria's damaged genetics from spreading across Europe...

Bruce
 
FAR and away, 1893-94

Colonel Valentin Mikoyan reined in as the lieutenant rode up. “Anything?” he called.

“Yes, sir. There’s a British patrol off to the west. About four hundred cavalry – I’d call it a battalion.”

“Do they know we’re here?”

“I don’t think so. They’d have turned back if they did, I think.”

“True enough.” It was unlikely in the extreme that a British battalion would have stuck around if they’d known that six thousand enemy soldiers were in the vicinity; instead, they’d have high-tailed it back to Aden as fast as they could. “We’ll divert east. No sense letting them blunder into us before we have to.”

“We could beat them easily, sir,” the lieutenant answered. There was excitement written on his Eritrean face; he was young and unblooded, and eager to get to grips with the enemy.

“We could, Tewolde. But they’d slow us down, especially if they can block one of the passes, and some of them might get away. They know we’re coming in Aden, but they don’t know exactly where we are or how soon we’ll get there, and timing will be everything.”

“I see, sir,” Tewolde said, and the colonel could see that he did. He nodded with approval; Tewolde had a lot to learn, but he was a quick study and good with the men. A battle or two would take care of his eagerness; Mikoyan would just have to make sure he survived.

“Go back to your troop, and tell the officers we’ll be taking the Lawdar road south from al-Bayda.” The colonel watched as Tewolde rode off, and hoped it would be as easy as it sounded. He had no qualms about his Russians and Eritreans, but the Ethiopian volunteers were indifferent cavalrymen at best, and the Za’idis could ride well but weren’t as good at following orders. That was another reason why he preferred to try conclusions with the British at Aden rather than here in the mountains.


mMg5Dwg.jpg


If all went well, the battle at Aden would be straightforward enough. The port’s land defenses were light; a regiment or two was more than enough to defend against the local tribesmen, the British had little fear of the weak French and Russian garrisons in Eritrea. But at least one Russian commander wasn’t as weak as they thought he was.

The core of his force numbered only seven hundred, true enough; most of the troops in Eritrea were needed to guard against Ottoman or Egyptian assault. But he’d added to them. The Ethiopian emperor had refused to join the war – a sensible decision, the colonel was forced to admit – but he’d allowed his subjects to volunteer for the Russian army, and had permitted Russian officers to go recruiting. And once Mikoyan had got his force across the Bab el-Mandeb, he’d done more recruiting among the clansmen, many of whom had no love for their British or Omani overlords. By the time he was done with his pass through the Hadhramaut, he had twice the force with which he’d landed. The courtier-generals in St. Petersburg might frown at his making common cause with Mussulmen, but it was a colonels’ war here, not a general’s, and victory would forgive all.

He wouldn’t surprise the British completely – that was too much to ask for, in a country where rumors spread between clans faster than any telegraph. No doubt, by now, the British were strengthening their fortifications and screaming for reinforcements from India. But if Mikoyan got there before the reinforcements did, he’d have more than enough strength to take the city. As he’d told Tewolde, the most important battle was with time.

He turned and saw that one of the Za’idi chiefs had ridden up to him. “Tewolde sent me, Sidi,” he said. “My men know the Lawdar road well, and they will guide you.”

A good head on his shoulders, Tewolde, the colonel thought as he gestured for the chieftain to lead them. Down the Lawdar road to the coast, and straight from there to Aden – they’d be there in a few days, and in his mind, Mikoyan was already positioning his troops.

*******

Friedrich Grünbaum had never imagined that he’d miss the Silesian front. The North Germans knew well how important it was to protect their factories, and they’d defended them fanatically, making the Kaiserlich und Königlich regiments pay in blood for every kilometer. The Prussians were outnumbered, but they were far better trained and many of them were veterans; for volunteers like Grünbaum, the front had been a meat-grinder.

Then they’d been pulled out to face the Italians in the Alps, and that’s when Grünbaum realized that he hadn’t known when he was well off.

The Italians had sat on the defensive in the first months of the war, but they could only resist the British and German calls for an attack for so long, and they’d launched an October offensive in the mountains. It was trench fighting there, like it was in Silesia, but that was the least of it; the machine guns were almost trivial next to the biting cold, the irregular food shipments and the frozen mire in which they had to live and fight. Since Grünbaum’s regiment had arrived early in November, he’d mercifully avoided being wounded in battle, but the frostbite was inescapable; he’d lost two toes to gangrene, and counted himself lucky not to have lost a leg.

The artillery was pounding now; he’d heard that the regiment was going to counterattack. The mountain guns were hitting the Italians with everything they had. Grünbaum didn’t have to imagine what it must be like in the Italian trenches; he’d suffered the same himself, when the shells and poison gas were coming from the other direction. The wind was wrong for the Italians to use gas right now, but their guns were answering the Austrians’ artillery, and the ground shook with the shells’ impact.

All at once the Austrian guns fell silent, and Grünbaum heard a sharp whistle. “Raus! Raus!” the sergeants were calling, and the men scrambled over the lip of the trench into the no-man’s land beyond.

Grünbaum picked his way across, keeping as low as he could. Every step was terror; it seemed that the calf-deep mud wanted to suck him into its depths, the wires seemed to grip him with preternatural force before he cut them, and bullets crackled all around. He saw men fall, and knew that it was only chance that decided who lived or died.

The opposing trench was there at last. Grünbaum wrapped a cloth around his mouth and nose – he knew from experience that the gas might not have entirely dissipated – and felt a sting in his eyes. But the Italians had suffered worse; some were lying inert where the gas had overcome their lungs, and others had been weakened. The soldier who contested Grünbaum’s entry lifted his bayonet, but only half-heartedly; Grünbaum pushed it aside with his rifle stock and stabbed forward. All around him, the Italian soldiers who had not been killed were fleeing or surrendering. The lucky ones were able to scramble out of the trench and run to their secondary line; others were cut down.

With the others of his regiment, he braced himself against the back of the trench to fire at the fleeing enemy, but now there was fire coming from the second trench line, and a wave of Italians was coming over the top to retake what the Austrians had seized. Grünbaum did a quick mental count and realized that there weren’t enough soldiers here to hold them. The officers must evidently have thought the same thing, because they began shouting at the regiment to pull back; they did so gratefully, taking the captured Italian weapons with them, while a rear guard covered the retreat.

Later that evening, Grünbaum wondered who had won the battle. The Italians had suffered heavier losses, and they wouldn’t resume their offensive along this line until they’d had time to regroup; in all likelihood, they’d stay where they were until spring. He supposed that was enough to call it an Austrian victory. But as he wrapped his sodden greatcoat around him and tried to remember what warmth was like, it didn’t feel that way.


B2cwkzK.jpg


*******

“The emperor wonders when the election will be held,” said the aide.

“Does he, Fleury?” asked Prime Minister Leclair. “And I wonder who asked him to wonder that. The Socialist Union, maybe? Decaire’s party?”

“He didn’t say. But he’s been asking more and more often. He doesn’t feel a caretaker government should stay in office so long.”

“Nor do I, and I’ve told him so. But my answer is the same as it has always been: how can we have an election with so many soldiers at the front? How can we be distracted by an electoral campaign when all our attention must be focused on winning the war? As soon as we are victorious, I will set an immediate election date.”

“I don’t know how much longer that will mollify him,” Fleury said, and to tell the truth, neither did Leclair. He’d sailed into uncharted waters by declaring war as a caretaker prime minister in the first place, and then by postponing the election indefinitely; everything he’d done was within the letter of the law, but he knew that there was an unwritten constitution as well as the written one. He’d imagined that the delay would only be a few months, and then victory would atone for all, but victory wasn’t coming as quickly as he’d hoped.

Certainly, France was winning handily in Libya and Grão Pará; Tunisia was in French hands, the Ottomans had fallen back to Cyrenaica, and the Franco-Brazilian forces had taken Belém and pushed a hundred kilometers inland. But it was equally true that the French army was losing in Asia. It was nearly impossible to resupply the Indochina garrison in the face of the Royal Navy; by now, the British had pushed the French army out of Upper Burma, and Siam was starting to waver in its commitment to the alliance.

West Africa was also a disappointment. The army had pushed far into the Asante kingdom and advanced nearly to the border of Dahomey, but the push had stalled, and that Malê colonel was playing merry hell with French supply lines. And North Germany…

The Germans had almost been overwhelmed, but not quite, and that made all the difference in the world. A quarter of the North German Confederation’s soil was under occupation, its industries had been damaged, its dead were in the hundreds of thousands, but it wasn’t retreating any more. The German soldiers’ blood and the snows of winter had bought enough time to build a nearly impregnable trench line, there were more and more British and Indian reinforcements arriving, and there was nothing France could do to keep them from landing. And they were unbowed; he’d sent feelers out to see if Wilhelm would accept a peace with no indemnity or territorial losses in exchange for recognition of French hegemony over the southern German states, and they’d been rejected out of hand.

“Do you have any ideas then, Fleury?”

“To stall the Emperor? Or to win the war?”

“The first, but I certainly wouldn’t take the second amiss.”

“Get the Pope out of Spain and send him to Belgium?”

Leclair snorted, but the joke was all too close to home. Two of his greatest frustrations in this war were that Belgium refused to join it and Spain seemed like it might. He needed Spain much more as a friendly neutral power through which France could trade than as a military ally, especially now that Vienna and St. Petersburg were screaming for loans. The Spanish government knew that too, and didn’t want to fight, but the backbenchers were listening to the Pope and their pressure was becoming hard to resist. The Papal Legion wasn’t a bad notion – Spaniards were signing up in droves, and Leclair could send them to the trenches come spring – but aside from that, he’d be much happier if the Pope would just shut his mouth.

And Belgium. The Belgians ought to be French allies – they were Catholic, and France had done them quite a few favors over the years – but they’d thus far deemed neutrality the better part of valor, and the clerical parties weren’t strong enough to shift things. Leclair put his finger on the map in front of him, and drew a line through Belgium – a line of marching French troops, one that would flank the North German trenches and arrive at the gates of the Ruhr – but that wasn’t going to happen anytime soon.

“We have to find the key, Fleury,” he said. “Find it for me. Or we’ll have to answer for more than a delayed election.”
 
A quarter of North Germany's territory under occupation? Ouch.

Bruce

Yes, but how much of that is actually valuable land like the Ruhr or Silesia, and how much of it is comparatively less valuable land, like East Prussia?

iirc the European borders are essentially 'frozen' as of 1869, so you can look at this IOTL map of the NGC to get an idea of where things stand. The North Germans are probably holding the French at the Rhine, but the south German states allied to the FARs the French are likely across the Rhön and through the Thuringian Forest, fighting their way up the Weser trying to cut off the Prussians western front. The Austrians are fighting through Silesia as per this update. The Russians I'd assume have are at least to the Vistula, if not across it. Which all paints a fairly grim picture for the BOGs, but not a horrible one.

If/when the BOG counter-attack comes, I wonder if Wilhelm II might try to copy his namesake and push the North Germans across the Ores into Bohemia - it'd be extremely risky, but the PR power of it alone might appeal to him (remember; ITTL the Seven Weeks War was the last major one the Prussians can claim to have won).
 
iirc the European borders are essentially 'frozen' as of 1869, so you can look at this IOTL map of the NGC to get an idea of where things stand. The North Germans are probably holding the French at the Rhine, but the south German states allied to the FARs the French are likely across the Rhön and through the Thuringian Forest, fighting their way up the Weser trying to cut off the Prussians western front. The Austrians are fighting through Silesia as per this update. The Russians I'd assume have are at least to the Vistula, if not across it. Which all paints a fairly grim picture for the BOGs, but not a horrible one.

If/when the BOG counter-attack comes, I wonder if Wilhelm II might try to copy his namesake and push the North Germans across the Ores into Bohemia - it'd be extremely risky, but the PR power of it alone might appeal to him (remember; ITTL the Seven Weeks War was the last major one the Prussians can claim to have won).

At least in the East, the Vistula seems like a good place for an impassable defensive line.

Also, I'm confused about the Russian segment. Aden is across the Red Sea from Ethiopia and Eritrea. How did the Russians get a substantial army across the Red Sea from Eritrea? Even if the British can't spare naval forces to blockade the Bab-el-Mandeb, where did the Russians get the transport to supply their forces? Are they living off the land?
 

Hnau

Banned
I have a feeling based on this latest installment that France is going to push through Belgium, violating their neutrality in return for some slight advantage. Also, if they are worrying about Indians arriving in North German trenches, why not try to arm some revolutionary elements in the sub-continent?
 
At least in the East, the Vistula seems like a good place for an impassable defensive line.

That'll largely depend on how the situation is in the Polish territories, and how far the Austrians press their attack in Silesia, and, to a lesser extent, the French in the Rhineland & Thuringia. Remember the North Germans are fighting a three-front war here, four if truth be told with the South Germans involvement, and they're essentially fighting it on their own, with a few British volunteers and colonials being shipped in when & where they can. I wouldn't be surprised if, based on what Jonathan Edelstein has been saying in his replies, if the Russians and Austrians make a successful sweep and the Prussians are forced to fight on the Oder with some heroically tragic defeat at Stettin or Frankfurt an der Oder or the like which forces the Hohenzollerns to wield the cursed sword of Polish nationalism.
 
At least in the East, the Vistula seems like a good place for an impassable defensive line.

Lower Vistula, maybe. Middle Vistula bisects Congress Poland, and Upper makes for a border between A-H. and Russia. Considering where Russians attacked in OTL WWI and adding how the railways run, the most likely defensive line goes from Danzig up the Vistula to Bydgoszcz then along Notec do Krzyz then south towards Oder river and Breslau. It would also make most of Greater Poland in Russian hands.
 
Poison gas? in 1893?

Also, Mikoyan from Eritrea should be in Yemen proper, not Hadramut, especially because it's there that the Zaydi clans are. The area would be perfect to exploit dissent, but would be under Ottoman, not Omani, rule.
And if the British lose Aden, the FAR get a serious advantage.
 

Admiral Matt

Gone Fishin'
Poison gas? in 1893?

Also, Mikoyan from Eritrea should be in Yemen proper, not Hadramut, especially because it's there that the Zaydi clans are. The area would be perfect to exploit dissent, but would be under Ottoman, not Omani, rule.
And if the British lose Aden, the FAR get a serious advantage.

It was an option Lincoln turned down. Thirty years later....
 

Thande

Donor
It was an option Lincoln turned down. Thirty years later....

Never mind Lincoln, it was turned down by the Royal Navy in the Napoleonic Wars when Thomas Cochrane advocated it (rather presciently because it would open the can of worms of the enemy doing the same in return). Although obviously that was rather less sophisticated than what we would think of now as gas warfare. He had another go at trying to get them to adopt it for the Crimean War.
 
I'll take these a little out of order:

Poison gas? in 1893?

It was an option Lincoln turned down. Thirty years later....

Never mind Lincoln, it was turned down by the Royal Navy in the Napoleonic Wars when Thomas Cochrane advocated it (rather presciently because it would open the can of worms of the enemy doing the same in return). Although obviously that was rather less sophisticated than what we would think of now as gas warfare. He had another go at trying to get them to adopt it for the Crimean War.

As Admiral Matt says, Lincoln was presented with a workable design for a chlorine-gas shell, and chemical warfare was considered realistic enough in the 1890s that the Hague Convention explicitly banned it. I hadn't been aware of the earlier instances that Thande mentions, but I'm not surprised by them either. In any event, the delivery systems used in World War I in OTL were simple enough that they could easily have been duplicated with 1890s technology. Gas shells appeared within the first year of our Great War, and I'm using approximately the same timetable for this one.

I once described TTL's Great War as WW1 with machine guns, trenches and poison gas but without armor or aircraft. I've since been persuaded that primitive aircraft (both heavier and lighter than air), as well as proto-armor vehicles such as self-propelled artillery or armored troop carriers, might be possible by the end of the war, although not with sufficient numbers or sophistication to be a game-changer like armor was in OTL's war. Gas won't be a game-changer either - it's unreliable (what happens when the wind changes?) and relatively easy to defend against.

One thing that probably will appear in significant numbers by the third year is trucks, which won't directly affect combat but will affect logistics profoundly, especially in places where horses can't go.

Also, Mikoyan from Eritrea should be in Yemen proper, not Hadramut, especially because it's there that the Zaydi clans are. The area would be perfect to exploit dissent, but would be under Ottoman, not Omani, rule. And if the British lose Aden, the FAR get a serious advantage.

My impression is that the Za'idi Shi'ite clans were transitional between Yemen proper and Hahdramaut, and that the area was contested between the Ottomans and the Omanis although not really under anyone's firm rule. I'm happy to be proven wrong on that, though, and Mikoyan is certainly in Yemen proper at the time of the update.

BTW, Mikoyan and most of his officers are Russian, not Eritrean, although most of the troops and some of the junior officers are from Eritrea. The Ethiopian volunteers are led by Russian or Russified Eritrean officers (many of them noncoms given field promotions) and the Za'idis are led by their own tribal chiefs.

Also, I'm confused about the Russian segment. Aden is across the Red Sea from Ethiopia and Eritrea. How did the Russians get a substantial army across the Red Sea from Eritrea? Even if the British can't spare naval forces to blockade the Bab-el-Mandeb, where did the Russians get the transport to supply their forces? Are they living off the land?

The RN doesn't have the resources to blockade the entire Eritrean coast, and Mikoyan's troops crossed in small civilian craft (much of it seized from the Italians during the capture of Assab) while the Russian naval station at New Moscow/Massawa created a diversion.

You're correct that the Russians can't supply this force more than intermittently, unless and until Aden falls. They're living partly off the land and partly off the generosity of friendly Za'idi clans and Yemeni mountain chiefs, and they're hoping the provisions thus gained will last long enough to reach their objective. Mikoyan is taking a big gamble (which is why most of his force consists of local allies and foreign volunteers - the higher-ups at New Moscow weren't willing to spare any more of the Russian garrison) but he thinks the possibility of taking Aden is worth the risk. Not only is Aden a valuable prize in itself, but its seizure would divert British and Ottoman troops that are badly needed elsewhere, and might move Ethiopia closer to joining the war.

A quarter of North Germany's territory under occupation? Ouch.

Yes, but how much of that is actually valuable land like the Ruhr or Silesia, and how much of it is comparatively less valuable land, like East Prussia?

iirc the European borders are essentially 'frozen' as of 1869, so you can look at this IOTL map of the NGC to get an idea of where things stand. The North Germans are probably holding the French at the Rhine, but the south German states allied to the FARs the French are likely across the Rhön and through the Thuringian Forest, fighting their way up the Weser trying to cut off the Prussians western front. The Austrians are fighting through Silesia as per this update. The Russians I'd assume have are at least to the Vistula, if not across it. Which all paints a fairly grim picture for the BOGs, but not a horrible one.

At least in the East, the Vistula seems like a good place for an impassable defensive line.

Lower Vistula, maybe. Middle Vistula bisects Congress Poland, and Upper makes for a border between A-H. and Russia. Considering where Russians attacked in OTL WWI and adding how the railways run, the most likely defensive line goes from Danzig up the Vistula to Bydgoszcz then along Notec do Krzyz then south towards Oder river and Breslau. It would also make most of Greater Poland in Russian hands.

In the east, the Russians have been stopped between the Vistula and the Warthe (albeit with some exceptions - Danzig and Königsberg are still in North German hands and are being resupplied by sea). The lines have actually reached the Warthe at Posen, although they're closer to the Vistula further north.

The Austrians have advanced into Saxony, and both the Russians and the Austrians have pushed into Silesia, although these advances have been stalled by terrain and by exceptionally strong North German defenses (the North Germans know very well that if they lose their industry, they lose the war). The Russians are stalled east of Breslau although they've reached the upper Oder at some points; the Austrians have failed to take Dresden but are threatening to cut it off.

Wolf_brother's description of the positions on the western and southern fronts is correct. The Ruhr is safe for now - the French tried to push a salient north, but were stopped well short of the industrial region.

If/when the BOG counter-attack comes, I wonder if Wilhelm II might try to copy his namesake and push the North Germans across the Ores into Bohemia - it'd be extremely risky, but the PR power of it alone might appeal to him (remember; ITTL the Seven Weeks War was the last major one the Prussians can claim to have won).

That's certainly the kind of thing Wilhelm II (who is an ATL sibling, but who has more or less the same personality as the Wilhelm we know and love) would want to do. He won't be content to let the FARs bleed themselves to death against the North German defensive lines, and will be looking for ways to attack.

How would the Sudeten Germans receive him at this point in time - were they loyal to the Habsburgs, or would they be more likely to support Prussian pan-Germanism?

I have a feeling based on this latest installment that France is going to push through Belgium, violating their neutrality in return for some slight advantage. Also, if they are worrying about Indians arriving in North German trenches, why not try to arm some revolutionary elements in the sub-continent?

Leclair isn't quite ready for that yet - he's still hoping that he can negotiate transit rights, and he realizes that if the French army has to fight its way through Belgium, the North Germans will be ready by the time it reaches the border. What's going to happen in the near term is a great deal of French-sponsored agitation in Belgian politics - there will be many French francs in the ultramontanes' coffers.

Arming Indian revolutionaries will certainly be done, although it will mostly be the Russians doing it. The French might also try leafletting the Indian troops, not so much to cause a mutiny as to make the British officer corps believe that there is a risk of mutiny and undermine their trust in the Indian soldiers.

Hmm, how is the Philippines faring in this TL?

Still Spanish, but not very content with that state of affairs - TTL's Spain is rather more liberal than OTL's, but its reforms to colonial government haven't been enough to satisfy the Filipino nationalists.
 
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