I'd think that there would be some sentiment on the BOG side for putting "war guilt" on the FAR side. Jonathan's writing style tended to mask, for me, the depth of the horror of this war; he had to tell us bluntly how much worse it was than OTL Great War for me to appreciate that.
That was my fault, I guess, for telling the story of the war through small-scale vignettes and writing the annual "scholarly" updates in, well, an academic style. I've mentioned heavy casualties, privation and brutality, and some of the updates have shown life in the trenches, but I have no taste for writing scenes of mass slaughter, so we haven't seen this war's *Somme or *Isonzo up close and personal, or Russian families starving under the lash. Maybe that was dishonest of me.
But yes, it's worse than our Great War, both because the medical and logistical systems are twenty years less advanced and because the war involves nearly the whole world. Wikipedia gives 10 million military and 7 million civilian deaths for World War I in OTL; double that for TTL's Great War, with the scale weighted more toward civilians. The colonial empires, in particular, lost more than in OTL; for instance, more than a million Indian soldiers died rather than 75,000, and the internal unrest also caused a great many civilian deaths. The Congo lost a third of its population.
But in any event, I think you're right about war guilt playing a part in the negotiations. I doubt there'll be an explicit war-guilt clause as at Versailles - the FARs are in a strong enough position to resist such a clause being imposed - but there will be an undercurrent of desire to punish among the BOGs. This will be especially strong in Germany, which will contrast the damage done to its territory during years of battle and occupation with the fact that the French and Russian homelands are unscathed.
This will be balanced against practical considerations, of course, including the BOGs' exhaustion, Britain's desire to maintain a balance of power, and even the United States wanting to make sure that the FARs can pay off their war bonds. All things considered, the FARs will get off much lighter than the Central Powers at Versailles. But they'll probably have to give up more than a strict bargaining analysis would dictate.
BTW if King/Confederation President Wilhelm really is bound and determined to seize all of German Austria as well as the middle Catholic German realms, he's a fool and may wind up undermining his position both as chief of the German confederation and at the peace table.
As Badshah says, overreaching would be very much in Wilhelm's character (TTL's Wilhelm isn't
that much different from OTL's, and while the war has chastened him somewhat, he also wants revenge). Note, though, that the fact that he
wants Austria doesn't mean he'll
get it. Carinthia, Styria and the Tyrol are a hell of a place to have to fight in, and neither the British nor the Ottomans will back him that far.
He's already shifting the religious balance of the Confederation by gobbling up Baden and Bavaria--and I'd have to look for a map to see if there were third and fourth and fifth independent Catholic principalities there that we've been overlooking completely.
There's Württemberg, but I believe it wasn't as Catholic as the others; the
Catholic Encyclopedia gives it a Protestant majority in 1910, as opposed to substantial Catholic majorities in Bavaria and Baden. I doubt the 1890s figures would be very different.
Empire--he's jonesing for the title of Emperor, to hold his head up higher when he hobnobs with Victoria and the Ottoman Sultan. He may also be angling for real powers that are more sweeping and direct than his claims as a mere President of a federation.
Which is another weak point. He can't just declare himself Emperor - he has to get the title from someone, and as in OTL, that someone will be the Reichstag. And in TTL, the postwar Reichstag will be full of southern German revolutionaries and pissed-off industrial workers, and it isn't about to give him the crown for free. He really, really wants that title, but he isn't going to like the price he has to pay for it.
This seems like a good place to clarify something I've been letting slip for some pages of commentary now--I didn't suggest "Catholic Nationalism" for the Hapsburgs so much as "Catholic Marxism!" That is, that the Hapsburg monarch and administration would adopt policies based on Marx's dialectical materialistic analysis, on the theory that his thinking is valid regarding the dynamics of capitalism and material productive enterprise, but "baptized" by an explicit submission to Catholic orthodoxy and commitment to pre-empting populist revolution by revamping the royal-noble orders to efficient service in the interest of maintaining their hierarchal authority.
I'm not so sure the door would be closed on such things. Granted, the
Habsburgs probably have neither the power nor the inclination to rule this way, but some 20th-century political movement might, especially if there are still significant numbers of minorities in Austria and a unifying factor is thought necessary. I'm not ruling this in, mind, but it isn't necessarily out either.
For the first you do have a point - it may be far too late to talk federation. It'd almost have to be imposed from the outside. But I don't think there's a realistic prospect of a common cause against Germany later. The trade barriers about to go up will wreck the economy of non-Ottoman central Europe for a generation. Without a common market, they'll all end up tying themselves to Germany's economy piecemeal.
Well, they may be part of a common market, but it will be the Zollverein, so that would bring things back to Germany as the basis for any ultimate federation.
What's going to happen to the International Congo.
There will be a lot of complications, starting with the fact that International Congo is still a legally existing entity which, technically, has an administration. That's part of how Dietmar Köhler has maintained a facade of legality for his warlordism - his appointment as provincial governor of South Kivu has never been revoked.
Granted, the titular head of International Congo is King Leopold of Belgium, and the BOGs won't be in the mood to do him any favors. But there are several other neutral countries that have interests in the Congo and will want to keep some kind of international framework in which they have a say. There will be drastic territorial changes, but the odds are that the international mandate will continue to exist on paper, and that it will make efforts to restore order and implement reforms... difficult.
As much as there is resentment between the remaining groups, I'm wondering how much the rest of the world around them might keep them together (in the short term at least). The Austrians are broken and angry at the minorities and Hungarians, but I'd think they'd be far more resentful of the North Germans and Ottomans at this point.
This is probably so, and they'd also distinguish between loyal and disloyal minorities. The Slovenes and Croats have stayed loyal to the end, as have many of the Jews (who don't have a nationalist movement to join and who would rather be part of a multicultural Habsburg empire than a patchwork of ethnic nation-states). A lot of the prewar bickering between these ethnic groups may seem silly afterward.
For Dalmatia and Slovenia, it depends on how Italy views them and how they view the Ottoman-order Balkans. Does Italy still hold irridentist claims there ITTL? Some good promises from the Hapsburgs and a healthy dose of fear could keep them with the devil they know for a while if there is.
Italy has claims, but is in no shape to even begin to enforce them. I suspect the Slovenes and Dalmatians would be afraid of Italy in the long term, but they'd also be afraid of being part of an Austrian state that's dominantly German and which isn't balanced by the Czechs, Poles and Hungarians. They'd be friendly to Austria, and as I've mentioned, they may even work out a personal union in which Franz Joseph is their king, but I think they'd want independence if that's what all the other minorities are doing.
They might not want a piece themselves, but I doubt they'd be adverse to carving some independent territories off if they see a chance.
Fair enough - they'd certainly rather deal with several small countries on their border, even if some of them are unfriendly, than a big empire that has designs on their territory.
If I had to hazard a guess for a plausible scenario, this Pope remains in exile in Spain until death and come papal selection time a Vatican City agreement is set up to finally resolve the issue, especially if a more moderate pope is chosen.
That could well happen - tensions will have cooled by then, and Italy will be more willing to take a chance on a new pope, especially if the cardinals have been persuaded to elect someone conciliatory.
So the Iranian generals actually did lose out then? Things seemed to be salvageable for their situation. I guess the collapse of Russia forced them into too difficult of a position to keep fighting.
They had to make a deal, which was more on Anglo-Turkish terms than otherwise.
Update hopefully tomorrow - the current deadline convergence finally seems to be ending.