The Centre Party
What if Lloyd George had successfully advocated the continuation of the alliance between the coalition-Liberals and progressive Conservatives - resulting in a new 'centre' party?
1920: David Lloyd George (Centre) [1]
1923: David Lloyd George (Centre) [2]
1927: Ernest G. Pretyman (Conservative-Liberal coalition) [3]
1928: David Lloyd George (Centre) [4]
1932: Arthur Steel-Maitland (Conservative-Liberal coalition) [5]
1935: Lionel Robbins (Conservative-Liberal coalition) [6]
1936: Leslie Burgin (Centre) [7]
1939: Leslie Burgin (Centre) [8]
1941: Leslie Hore-Belisha (Centre-led National Government: Cen/Con/Lib/Lab) [9]
1943: Oliver Lyttelton (Conservative-led National Government: Cen/Con/Lib/Lab) [10]
1948: Oliver Lyttelton (Conservative-led National Government: Cen/Con/Lib) [11]
1950: Harold Macmillan (Centre minority government) [12]
1952: Harold Macmillan (Centre) [13]
[1] The party created after the success of unification talks in 1920 (simply named the Centre after much discussion) between the coalition-Liberals and Conservatives would represent the middle-ground between socialism and conservatism. Advocated by key figures within the government as well as crucial outside supporters, Lloyd George formed a new government without an election. It would prove to be the nail in the coffin for the disintegrating Asquithian Liberals and a major challenge to the previous unrivalled ascent of the Labour Party. Lloyd George began to push through his agenda - Home Rule was narrowly introduced for Scotland and Wales, and another Conference was held to debate the establish of proportional representation.
[2] PR was watered down to AV, and Lloyd George held new elections in 1923 under the new rules. The results were even better than he had expected. Already drawing on support from former Liberals and progressive Conservatives, the Centre Party was the second preference of many Liberal, Conservative and even Labour voters. The Centre government returned to government with a landslide majority, putting paid to the accusations the change in voting system would lead to weak governments. Some major party shifts occurred after 1923; the Conservative suffered a party coup by the '1923 Committee' (a group of traditionalist conservatives who gave the party new purpose with the motto 'Faith, Family, Flag') whilst the Liberals turned back to classical Gladstonian liberalism. The Centre therefore adopted the role of social-liberal progressivism as the Labour Party continued along its own path of developing socialism for the parliamentary system.
[3] The Centre government continued to perform well, and Lloyd George remained popular. He called an election a year early (with a campaign again focused upon domestic issues), but - with no side having gained a majority - fell victim to a Conservative-Liberal coalition rather than form a minority government. Pretyman vowed to restore the Conservatives to the dominant party of government, but was defeated on a wildcard bill to reintroduce FPTP and highly criticized for supporting France in the second occupation of the Ruhr in 1928 (led by Austen Chamberlain); this would not only capsize the government following the withdrawal of the small Liberal support, but also place the fledgling German republic onto the moral high-ground supported by the Centre, Labour and the Americans.
[4] Labour was growing in strength, but with the Conservatives and Liberals pushed back there was only going to be one winner. Lloyd George returned to power (with the other parties dividing up near enough equally), allowing the Centre to once again enjoy a healthy majority. Lloyd George worked to alleviate the economic pressures on Germany, and when the Great Depression hit in 1929 Britain began a Keynesian spending policy which he hoped would stifle unemployment and keep the German economy afloat.
[5] The interventionist measures of the Centrist government were popular in Europe but troubling at home, as many regarded the concern of Lloyd George to 'foreign' economies retracting from serious issues at home. Labour surged in support in hard-hit industrial communities, and following the two (increasingly-militant Labour) General Strikes it looked for the first time unlikely that the Centrists would remain the largest party at an election. 1932 was extremely close, and once again fell to a Conservative-Liberal coalition - the Centrists were still the largest party, but only by a handful of seats. Labour had ruled itself out of coalition deals, and instead sought to become the usurper of Liberal votes in the tough economic times; this had only partly come to fruition, as the Liberals persisted in holding the delicate balance of power.
[6] The Steel-Maitland government began to fall apart almost from the word go. Finding interventionist policies the best to try and recover Britain from the economic crisis, the Liberals began to push back against their partners and managed to woo a number of free-market Conservatives into their fold. Despite an all-too-friendly relationship with the Centre, Steel-Maitland managed to keep control and steer Britain toward recovery before he died in 1935 - sparking a leadership struggle. To keep the Coalition afloat, Lionel Robbins was chosen to bridge the gap between the Liberals and the Conservatives. In Germany, meanwhile, the withdrawal of British aid triggered a scare in the economy and rise of the NSDAP. However, fascism was increasingly overshadowed by the Communists (who pointed to Soviet support of German industry as a bulwark against Western corporate-imperialism).
[7] The final year of the Con-Lib coalition was a fractious one, as the two different parties began to grate against one other as both came under pressure from strong Centre and Labour parties. Whilst it was imagined the Centre would take back Westminster in a 1937 landslide, the Essen Uprising in the winter - which saw the German Communists attempt to violently seize control of the local government - pushed favour firmly back into the right. Instead, the Centre had to be satisfied with a small victory under Leslie Burgin (who had risen to the leadership after only a brief period as an MP).
[8] With the perceived emergence of Europe from the Depression by the late-1930s, Burgin called a snap election in 1939 in the hopes of catching the Conservatives off-guard. The gamble worked, and the Centre was returned by a larger majority as Labour and the Liberals lost out significantly. Whilst Germany remained sympathetic to the Communist cause, the republic continued to hold out against significant foreign and domestic threats.
[9] The usurpation of the USSR Communist Party Congress by ideologues and the removal of hard-line pragmatists like Stalin triggered the beginning of a new wave of funds pouring into European leftist parties. Whilst the European economy had largely recovered, the Konigsburg Putsch in 1940 ushered in an effective and armed Communist rebellion in Germany. With the beginning of civil war, the West propped up the rump German republic in the south and west; fascist dictatorships in Poland and Romania were also advantageous to the anti-Communist cause. With Europe on the brink of a second full-scale war, Burgin dithered on the British course of action. He formed a National Government to deflect domestic criticism from the Centre, and yet was removed by his own party for the all-rounder Leslie Hore-Belisha (who could secure varying levels of loyalty from all four of the main parties).
[10] The perceived unity of the National Government did little for the state of international affairs. Whilst the proxy wars in Central Europe had formed the main front for the undeclared conflict between East and West, the final collapse of the beleaguered Polish state triggered a fully-armed Soviet invasion and occupation. Hore-Belisha resigned from the premiership, and the hawkish Conservatives usurped control of the National Government to widespread acceptance. Troops were sent to Belgium and the Netherlands in preparation for the push into the Communist north of Germany, and a large Baltic blockade inaugurated. Furthermore, contingency plans were put in place to reinforce Turkey in the event of a Soviet invasion after the country declared neutrality.
[11] The war was long and hard, and the introduction of both widespread rationing and conscription brought back unpleasant memories of the First World War. Nevertheless, by 1948 the conflict in Europe was coming to a close; the reunification (via Western hands) of the German republic in 1947 triggered the collapse of the Soviet bloc, but Russia itself would continue fighting until the carpet bombing of Moscow in early-1949 and the decapitation of the Soviet leadership. Lyttelton had called an election in 1948 - with hostilities winding down - but continued to campaign for a continuation of the National Government during the period of reconstruction and economic revival. Supported by loans from the Americans but generally standing steady, the National Government returned minus Labour (who had been slashed in the election and virtually obliterated in the Commons with only fifteen members remaining).
[12] Suffering from the same paralysis of the British class-based political system, Lyttelton suffered from woes similar to the Liberals at the end of the First World War. However, he could not fall back upon the Centre Party - the National Government collapsed and the Conservatives split in exhaustion. The Centre governed as a minority until the next election, and Macmillan hoovered up as many Conservatives as he could.
[13] The Centre immediately began to reassert itself as the dominant party in Britain, and faced with what was left of the fractious Conservatives Macmillan called and easily won a general election in 1952. Significant for being the first election contested by the Liberal/Labour Alliance and the first in memory for a third-placed Conservative Party, Macmillan began to address the decay in Empire triggered by the destructive nature of both world wars. Negotiations on the independence of the Indian principalities began in 1953, and the formation of an Imperial Conference to establish the new roles of the Dominions and Protectorates within the British sphere. was popular amongst the electorates of the former.
What if Lloyd George had successfully advocated the continuation of the alliance between the coalition-Liberals and progressive Conservatives - resulting in a new 'centre' party?
1920: David Lloyd George (Centre) [1]
1923: David Lloyd George (Centre) [2]
1927: Ernest G. Pretyman (Conservative-Liberal coalition) [3]
1928: David Lloyd George (Centre) [4]
1932: Arthur Steel-Maitland (Conservative-Liberal coalition) [5]
1935: Lionel Robbins (Conservative-Liberal coalition) [6]
1936: Leslie Burgin (Centre) [7]
1939: Leslie Burgin (Centre) [8]
1941: Leslie Hore-Belisha (Centre-led National Government: Cen/Con/Lib/Lab) [9]
1943: Oliver Lyttelton (Conservative-led National Government: Cen/Con/Lib/Lab) [10]
1948: Oliver Lyttelton (Conservative-led National Government: Cen/Con/Lib) [11]
1950: Harold Macmillan (Centre minority government) [12]
1952: Harold Macmillan (Centre) [13]
[1] The party created after the success of unification talks in 1920 (simply named the Centre after much discussion) between the coalition-Liberals and Conservatives would represent the middle-ground between socialism and conservatism. Advocated by key figures within the government as well as crucial outside supporters, Lloyd George formed a new government without an election. It would prove to be the nail in the coffin for the disintegrating Asquithian Liberals and a major challenge to the previous unrivalled ascent of the Labour Party. Lloyd George began to push through his agenda - Home Rule was narrowly introduced for Scotland and Wales, and another Conference was held to debate the establish of proportional representation.
[2] PR was watered down to AV, and Lloyd George held new elections in 1923 under the new rules. The results were even better than he had expected. Already drawing on support from former Liberals and progressive Conservatives, the Centre Party was the second preference of many Liberal, Conservative and even Labour voters. The Centre government returned to government with a landslide majority, putting paid to the accusations the change in voting system would lead to weak governments. Some major party shifts occurred after 1923; the Conservative suffered a party coup by the '1923 Committee' (a group of traditionalist conservatives who gave the party new purpose with the motto 'Faith, Family, Flag') whilst the Liberals turned back to classical Gladstonian liberalism. The Centre therefore adopted the role of social-liberal progressivism as the Labour Party continued along its own path of developing socialism for the parliamentary system.
[3] The Centre government continued to perform well, and Lloyd George remained popular. He called an election a year early (with a campaign again focused upon domestic issues), but - with no side having gained a majority - fell victim to a Conservative-Liberal coalition rather than form a minority government. Pretyman vowed to restore the Conservatives to the dominant party of government, but was defeated on a wildcard bill to reintroduce FPTP and highly criticized for supporting France in the second occupation of the Ruhr in 1928 (led by Austen Chamberlain); this would not only capsize the government following the withdrawal of the small Liberal support, but also place the fledgling German republic onto the moral high-ground supported by the Centre, Labour and the Americans.
[4] Labour was growing in strength, but with the Conservatives and Liberals pushed back there was only going to be one winner. Lloyd George returned to power (with the other parties dividing up near enough equally), allowing the Centre to once again enjoy a healthy majority. Lloyd George worked to alleviate the economic pressures on Germany, and when the Great Depression hit in 1929 Britain began a Keynesian spending policy which he hoped would stifle unemployment and keep the German economy afloat.
[5] The interventionist measures of the Centrist government were popular in Europe but troubling at home, as many regarded the concern of Lloyd George to 'foreign' economies retracting from serious issues at home. Labour surged in support in hard-hit industrial communities, and following the two (increasingly-militant Labour) General Strikes it looked for the first time unlikely that the Centrists would remain the largest party at an election. 1932 was extremely close, and once again fell to a Conservative-Liberal coalition - the Centrists were still the largest party, but only by a handful of seats. Labour had ruled itself out of coalition deals, and instead sought to become the usurper of Liberal votes in the tough economic times; this had only partly come to fruition, as the Liberals persisted in holding the delicate balance of power.
[6] The Steel-Maitland government began to fall apart almost from the word go. Finding interventionist policies the best to try and recover Britain from the economic crisis, the Liberals began to push back against their partners and managed to woo a number of free-market Conservatives into their fold. Despite an all-too-friendly relationship with the Centre, Steel-Maitland managed to keep control and steer Britain toward recovery before he died in 1935 - sparking a leadership struggle. To keep the Coalition afloat, Lionel Robbins was chosen to bridge the gap between the Liberals and the Conservatives. In Germany, meanwhile, the withdrawal of British aid triggered a scare in the economy and rise of the NSDAP. However, fascism was increasingly overshadowed by the Communists (who pointed to Soviet support of German industry as a bulwark against Western corporate-imperialism).
[7] The final year of the Con-Lib coalition was a fractious one, as the two different parties began to grate against one other as both came under pressure from strong Centre and Labour parties. Whilst it was imagined the Centre would take back Westminster in a 1937 landslide, the Essen Uprising in the winter - which saw the German Communists attempt to violently seize control of the local government - pushed favour firmly back into the right. Instead, the Centre had to be satisfied with a small victory under Leslie Burgin (who had risen to the leadership after only a brief period as an MP).
[8] With the perceived emergence of Europe from the Depression by the late-1930s, Burgin called a snap election in 1939 in the hopes of catching the Conservatives off-guard. The gamble worked, and the Centre was returned by a larger majority as Labour and the Liberals lost out significantly. Whilst Germany remained sympathetic to the Communist cause, the republic continued to hold out against significant foreign and domestic threats.
[9] The usurpation of the USSR Communist Party Congress by ideologues and the removal of hard-line pragmatists like Stalin triggered the beginning of a new wave of funds pouring into European leftist parties. Whilst the European economy had largely recovered, the Konigsburg Putsch in 1940 ushered in an effective and armed Communist rebellion in Germany. With the beginning of civil war, the West propped up the rump German republic in the south and west; fascist dictatorships in Poland and Romania were also advantageous to the anti-Communist cause. With Europe on the brink of a second full-scale war, Burgin dithered on the British course of action. He formed a National Government to deflect domestic criticism from the Centre, and yet was removed by his own party for the all-rounder Leslie Hore-Belisha (who could secure varying levels of loyalty from all four of the main parties).
[10] The perceived unity of the National Government did little for the state of international affairs. Whilst the proxy wars in Central Europe had formed the main front for the undeclared conflict between East and West, the final collapse of the beleaguered Polish state triggered a fully-armed Soviet invasion and occupation. Hore-Belisha resigned from the premiership, and the hawkish Conservatives usurped control of the National Government to widespread acceptance. Troops were sent to Belgium and the Netherlands in preparation for the push into the Communist north of Germany, and a large Baltic blockade inaugurated. Furthermore, contingency plans were put in place to reinforce Turkey in the event of a Soviet invasion after the country declared neutrality.
[11] The war was long and hard, and the introduction of both widespread rationing and conscription brought back unpleasant memories of the First World War. Nevertheless, by 1948 the conflict in Europe was coming to a close; the reunification (via Western hands) of the German republic in 1947 triggered the collapse of the Soviet bloc, but Russia itself would continue fighting until the carpet bombing of Moscow in early-1949 and the decapitation of the Soviet leadership. Lyttelton had called an election in 1948 - with hostilities winding down - but continued to campaign for a continuation of the National Government during the period of reconstruction and economic revival. Supported by loans from the Americans but generally standing steady, the National Government returned minus Labour (who had been slashed in the election and virtually obliterated in the Commons with only fifteen members remaining).
[12] Suffering from the same paralysis of the British class-based political system, Lyttelton suffered from woes similar to the Liberals at the end of the First World War. However, he could not fall back upon the Centre Party - the National Government collapsed and the Conservatives split in exhaustion. The Centre governed as a minority until the next election, and Macmillan hoovered up as many Conservatives as he could.
[13] The Centre immediately began to reassert itself as the dominant party in Britain, and faced with what was left of the fractious Conservatives Macmillan called and easily won a general election in 1952. Significant for being the first election contested by the Liberal/Labour Alliance and the first in memory for a third-placed Conservative Party, Macmillan began to address the decay in Empire triggered by the destructive nature of both world wars. Negotiations on the independence of the Indian principalities began in 1953, and the formation of an Imperial Conference to establish the new roles of the Dominions and Protectorates within the British sphere. was popular amongst the electorates of the former.
