Chapter 5: Beware Germans Bearing Gifts
The most profound impact of Krafft Ehricke’s conversations with the Project Charybdis team was what the latter learned it didn’t know. On some level, it was always obvious that the NOOE project was merely a definitional study of requirements rather than an attempt to actually design a flyable payload. As, absent even an inkling of the capabilities of available boosting platforms, it was impossible to assess what might be feasible in terms of station dimensions. (The only even vaguely tangible booster in the Department of Rocketry was the assumed follow-up to the unflown Viper that would launch BOWDITCH satellites, with a payload of tens of pounds (at worst) to hundreds of pounds (at best).) An even bigger problem for an orbital observatory, Dr. Ehrlicke noted, was that the lack of a booster made it impossible to determine the maximum size of the NOOE’s telescope’s mirror. Because any orbital observatory will be built around its primary telescope, which will be as big as allowed by the booster, which in turn will be governed by the booster’s payload faring. Notwithstanding such, the Charybdis team felt significant progress was made on refining the concept, at least sufficiently enough for both NACA and Ehrlicke to continue with technical cooperation and consultancy for the remainder of the year. It was hoped that funding would be made available in Fiscal Year 1955 to issue technical study contracts to industry.
Unfortunately for Captain Heinlein, the strides made by Project Charybdis were to make his – and the Department of Rocketry’s – life even more complicated. As Krafft Ehrlicke’s involvement with Project Charybdis “blew the Peenemunde Whistle”, as Heinlein himself would later call it, whereby interacting with one refugee of Operation Paperclip meant interacting with all of them. He didn’t hate them
per se, but he had more than enough of them during the
Collier’s symposium and wouldn’t disagree with James Kaplan’s characterization of them as “arrogant Nazi bastards”. Further, as a matter of professional obligation, he was always skeptical of Army men bearing glad tidings. And so it was that, on June 6, 1954, a smiling Wernher von Braun paid a visit to the Naval Research Laboratory.
And von Braun very much
was an Army man that day, as he was present in his capacity as the head of Army Ordnance’s Department of Guided Missiles. For he had a proposal for Captain Heinlein! He was here to discuss what he called Project Orbiter, a joint proposal for the Army and Navy to cooperate to launch an artificial satellite as soon as possible. His new rocket – what would become the Jupiter-C – would be the first available to the United States which was capable of placing an object in orbit. He was confident that he could do this by the end of 1956. Given NRL’s being home to the most mature American satellite program, it only made sense to propose a joint Army-Navy launch using the new rocket and a payload supplied by NRL. The White House was favorable to it, as it desired mightily to see the first American satellite originate from a non-military source and it considered the NRL just such a place. The Army was on-board as well, but the Department of the Navy referred him directly to Captain Heinlein, as only Captain Heinlein could determine if such was feasible without disrupting critical research programs.
It was the first time Heinlein had ever heard Project BOWDITCH referred to as a critical program. Though the allusion might also have been to Project PAMOR. But it was most likely just Pentagonese. And, if so, “without disrupting critical research programs” in fact meant “without disrupting
any research programs”. Given the birth of Project Charybdis, it was highly unlikely that the Department of Rocketry’s programs would avoid disruption if Heinlein declined to partake in Project Orbiter, as he’d face an open revolt from his shop. Which left him no choice but to participate, no matter how much disruption might actually be caused, though he believed that the BOWDITCH team – the one most likely to be affected – would rise to the challenge in light of getting to space a full four years ahead of their existing schedule.
And if he had to work with von Braun, Heinlein also wanted something of his own for his troubles. The Army’s rocketry program consulting on the IRONS Survey would provide additional clarity and heft, as well as smoothing out no small number of feathers that might otherwise be ruffled at the Pentagon by the Navy seeming to stake out a space-going fiefdom. As it so happened, von Braun had heard about IRONS – through Ehrlicke – and believed it a laudable effort, especially with NACA’s involvement. Between their three agencies, von Braun mused, they might just stand a chance against the real enemy: The Air Force.
Despite his glibness, von Braun was not wrong that the Air Force considered space its own domain, and the next month – when the Department of Rocketry invited the Air Force to join in the IRONS satellite classification-and-definition project and make IRONS a full tri-service endeavor – such was put into print, as the Air Force not only had no interest in participating in IRONS but also believed that the conducting of the IRONS Survey amounted to a usurpation of the Air Force’s prerogatives. As the implication of IRONS was that there were valid roles for satellites operated by the Navy; the natural and obvious choice to operate any artificial satellite was the Air Force, after all.
Even without the Air Force’s participation, the collaboration on IRONS produced a remarkably prescient document. Delivered in December 1954 after months of detours (of which NOOE was not the only one) and wrangling between the participants, the IRONS Survey started from two first-principles: 1) Space is sufficiently large to support the institutional ambitions of all entities who have a reasonable claim to a seat at the “space policy” table; and 2) space is a sufficiently difficult and hostile environment that some form of institutionalized coordination and division-of-labor is necessary in order to properly operate in it. From there, IRONS classified and detailed a dozen types of satellites which were believed to meet its technical criteria. And further proposed a color-coded system of potential users – blue (Navy), green (Army), white (civilian/NACA), and red (Air Force) – and potential limiting principles for fashioning allocation of responsibilities in near-orbital space. IRONS further concluded that additional action should be taken by the civilian leadership in this sphere to harmonize space policy between the various agencies, as the nature of institutional interests generally limited cooperation to only for as long as those interests remained aligned. To highlight this point, the collaborators on IRONS all agreed that each would submit a separate memorandum through their reporting channels in addition to the report, making agency-specific recommendations in addition to the general ones made by the IRONS Survey itself. (The Department of Rocketry’s consisted of the adoption of the IRONS usage system and adoption of programmatic changes to Project PAMOR’s ELINT component, which was recommended to transition to an artificial satellite-based system.)
While 1954 wound-down and IRONS finally drew to a close, a bigger problem loomed on the horizon. Over the second half of the year, the halls of the NRL began to hear murmurs about “the Launcher Problem”. Specifically, the lack of one, as Project Charybdis’s frustration attested. Opinion across the Department of Rocketry was hardening on the need to make firmer plans for the launching of Projects BOWDITCH and PAMOR, as well as for defining characteristics of potential future missions of interest like NOOE. With the Viper project squarely with industry for prototype production and the final Viking flight completed, Milton Rosen’s design team found itself turning its attention to the Launcher Problem. The team, however, found itself split by a heated debate about how to proceed once Viper was flight-verified and the BOWDITCH concept demonstration flights were commenced.
On one hand, Rosen himself championed the Viper Evolution program. The Department of Rocketry’s launcher would be developed in two phases. The first, the Viper 3, would consist of a Viper with a newly added third-stage for orbital insertion and the lengthening of the tankage of the first- and second-stages as necessary to allow a payload of 20 pounds (~9kg) to be placed into a low-orbit. This would be used to validate BOWDITCH on-orbit and gain valuable experience in boosting orbital payloads. From there, in the second phase, a Viper 3E – “E” for “Evolved” – would be constructed using that knowledge and advancements in rocket engines to increase its payload to the estimated 400 pounds (~182kg) required for a BOWDITCH satellite.
The Viper Evolution proposal met firm resistance internally and externally. From within, the Project BOWDITCH team was apprehensive about the promise from Project Orbiter about orbital access by 1956, a full year ahead of Rosen’s preliminary Viper 3 timetable, and with three times the initial payload. On the Viking/Viper team itself, meanwhile, dissent was anchored by Commander Robert Truax, who strenuously argued that the Viper Evolution program was insufficiently ambitious and would be utterly obsolete by the time it was able to launch BOWDITCH payloads. Aerojet was, likewise, distinctly unenthused, in no small part because of its own ongoing work on engines that would prove Truax right. (While the infamous quote “if we’re going to use a fattened rocket designed by a Nazi, let’s at least use the one designed this year,” that is often attributed to Truax is almost certainly fictional, it did aptly capture the simmering tension inside Rosen’s team.)
On the other hand, Truax – along with the Viper’s industry contractors – advocated for starting from scratch, as the Viper’s first-stage was essentially a fattened and elongated version of a rocket designed almost fifteen years earlier. Specifically, he championed Tethys. An entirely new two-stage rocket capable of delivering 8,000 pounds (3,800kg) to a 114-mile (185km) orbit. Preliminary engineering discussions had been conducted with both The Glenn L. Martin Company and Aerojet, with a belief that – based on their prior work with the Viking/Viper team -- Tethys could be delivered by the end of 1960. A 4-ton payload would be more than sufficient for any final BOWDITCH design and more besides, including orbiting a man in a ballistic return capsule. Tethys also provided immensely more potential for future growth. Its downside, of course, was that an entirely new rocket would be expensive and face significant technical risks. If Tethys was delayed, as was entirely possible, it could be 1963 or 1964 before BOWDITCH could launch. At least the Viper Evolution program was unlikely to fail and would be more cost-effective, even if its future growth was limited.
Like many of the decisions he had made in 1954, what to do with the Launcher Problem was not one which Captain Heinlein could resolve on his own. It was a question for the political branches, to whom he would be required to forward it on to, along with a recommendation on how they should proceed. This decision, at least, had the benefit of being clear-cut.
There could be no choice other than Tethys.
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Author's Notes
Oh boy. It feels like significant things are finally happening, and they kinda
are, so let me try to separate big butterfly-driven moving parts. This isn't to condescend to my dear readers. It is merely to help those who are not avid space cadets keep track, especially as we're starting to the OTL Project By A Different Name thing:
- Project Orbiter was a competitor to Project Vanguard to launch the first American satellite. Most of this is OTL: von Braun proposed a joint Army-Navy mission that both Army and Navy leadership were onboard with and a Jupiter-C infamously launched in September 1956 that could have put a payload into orbit had the development of what would become the Juno I fourth-stage been allowed to occur. The White House was also keenly interested in a "peaceful" satellite be the first launched to establish a clear-skies precedent. The key difference is that OTL, Project Orbiter expected a payload to be furnished by the Jet Propulsion Laboratory. (One of the largest technical reasons for Project Vanguard being chosen over Project Orbiter was that the former addressed the and proposed payload, while Orbiter only focused on the rocket.) TTL, thanks to the existence of NPL's Department of Rocketry and Project BOWDITCH, von Braun actively wishes to cultivate a partnership with NPL to satisfy the President and acquire a payload.
- Viper 3 is essentially OTL's Vanguard rocket, whose TV3 iteration infamously exploded on live television. I say "essentially" because Vanguard was assembled three years after the Viking program ended from a parts-bin that turned into a nightmare to make fit together. In the LEVIATHAN Rising TL, Viper is a proto-Vanguard (composing what would be Vanguard's first- and second-stages) and an intermediate step created while Viking is still flying. So the engineering should have many fewer surprises and things should fit together much better given Viper (theoretically) ironing out most of the bugs.
- Tethys is OTL's Titan rocket. OTL, Titan was greenlit as the "back-up" USAF ICBM program in 1955, intended to only go into full development if the "primary" ICBM -- Atlas -- failed. The Glenn L. Martin Company (the future Martin of Martin-Marienetta and eventually Lockheed-Martin) was the major contractor for Titan and, in 1955, broke up the team that had worked on Viking with the Naval Research Laboratory and reassigned most of them to work on Titan. The break-up of that team is (one of) the reasons that's argued to have caused Project Vanguard to have been such a dumpster fire. TTL, with Viking ending up in a slightly different home, Martin's effectively proposing Titan to the Navy as a pure launch vehicle and will continue a partnership with the NRL that's lasted half-a-decade. Stats are from the GLV Titan II, the earliest of the launchers I believe flew, because of the weirdness where Titan I wasn't ever used as anything other than an ICBM. Six years to operationality at Normal Funding is probably optimistic, but Titan I got there with two years of Back-Up To Atlas Funding and then two-and-a-half of ALL THE MONEY post-Sputnik, so I'd call it a wash. (And there's no reason to think our little Soviet friend who beeps at twenty mega-cycles isn't coming on schedule...)
- It was an inevitability Robert Truax would show up. You can't write about a naval program without reckoning with him. He being OTL's proponent of Sea Dragon, the magnificently ridiculous launcher depicted most memorably in For All Mankind. And as fun as it would be for him to just show up and go straight to building giant rockets in shipyards (and smiting naysayers with a 360 MN thrust-plume), you've got to ease into things. Good (sea-launched, 550-metric-tonnes-to-600km-orbit) things come to those who wait. But this is not terribly far from OTL, as at this time, he was working on Viking and then went on to detached duty helping with Thor. So if Tethys goes forward, he'll just be spending the next few years working on that instead.
So we've got our heroes on-board for an orbital flight in 1956 and are recommending building a proper launcher of their own. Captain Heinlein's boys are on a roll! What could
possibly go wrong?
Given that Joseph Kaplan quote re: von Braun and "arrogant Nazi bastards" comes from the Ad Hoc Committee on Special Projects and his bending every effort to ensure the choosing of Project Vanguard over Project Orbiter, I'm sure you can start imagining all kinds of things.