Jiyu Banzai! A Japanese Timeline

Change in the Middle Kingdom

Change in the Middle Kingdom​


Li Hongzhang’s arrival outside of Beijing on October 16th threw the Qing into turmoil. Sushun, who had ruled since the Xinyou Coup, had not taken to the stresses of national leadership well and was willing to step down after the humiliation of the Manchuria War. Unable to agree upon a successor before Li Hongzhang’s arrival, the Qing government fell to infighting and recriminations as the city’s garrison was ordered to prepare for a siege. The Beijing garrison, not willing to throw their lives away, steadfastly refused and mutinied. The Qing government, aside from a handful who managed to escape to the loyalists in the Forbidden City, was captured and turned over to Li Hongzhang.
Li Hongzhang was at a loss at what to do. Blinded by fear and rage, he had neglected to plan on what to do after he succeeded. Nonetheless, he had come too far and the fate of the Qing government was in his hands. He marched on the Forbidden City and demanded to meet the Tongzhi Emperor. The young Emperor, whose attempts to be politically active had regularly been stifled by Sushun, readily agreed. Wanting to ensure Li Hongzhang never forgot his status, the Emperor officially invited his counterpart to meet him inside the Forbidden City.
The meeting between Li Hongzhang and the Emperor went smoothly. Much to Li Hongzhang’s surprise, the young Emperor was determined and willing to work with him. Appealing to Li Hongzhang’s patriotism and claiming that overthrowing the Qing dynasty would plunge China into chaos, the Emperor was able to convince him to instead form an alliance between the two. The Tongzhi Emperor would be allowed to run his empire how he saw fit while Li Hongzhang would be appointed to the new position of Prime Minister. The Grand Council would be dissolved and numerous officials purged in a move to secure power. In a risky move designed to show goodwill, the Tongzhi Emperor offered Li Hongzhang the ability to remain in charge of the Beiyang Army.

The Tongzhi Emperor was heavily inspired by the exploits of Kings Munjo and Heonjong and how they managed to drag Korea into the modern era over the resistance of a reactionary bureaucracy. He saw a compatriot in Li Hongzhang, who had worked to reform the armies under his command, and believed that by working together the two of them could overcome the deep conservatism of China and affect a true revitalization of the Middle Kingdom. Li Hongzhang, for his part, believed the Tongzhi Emperor was an inexperienced and naive, if passionate, counterpart who would need to mature before he could be considered a worthy leader. He took it upon himself to tutor the Emperor in politics so that he could one day become a competent Emperor.
The Beiyang Duumvirate, so-named due to their rise to power on the backs of the Beiyang Army, sought to outmaneuver their political opponents by securing the support of the military. In particular Zuo Zongtang, a key general in suppressing the Taiping Rebellion who had recently managed to drive the Russians from Xinjiang and secure the Empire’s western flank, was brought on board by placing him in charge of the newly-established Ministry for Agriculture and agreeing to his demands for Xinjiang to be transformed into a province. With the previous government either dead or exiled and the most influential military leaders in China supporting the new one, the rest of China fell behind the new regime.
Beijing prepared for a massive project of reform. The cracking dynasty, overseeing a vast, corrupt, and simmering empire, was straddling a cliff’s edge that required the utmost effort to recover from. The Tongzhi Emperor, in a moment of brutally honest introspection, clearly stated this in an imperial address to all corners of his empire. He called on the people to give the new government time to enact reforms, promising famine relief and the restoration of order to the provinces. While the people would appreciate the candid assessment of the Empire, the promises were not taken seriously.
The first action taken by the new government was to help deal with the aftereffects of the famine in northern China, as well as the devastation caused by the recent warfare in the south. In Zhili province, members of the Beiyang Army, which had shrunk to 40,000 soldiers, moved to secure food supplies and redistribute them to the lower classes in an effort to secure their support. The bureaucracy also saw a long-overdue expansion to match the expansion in population, as well as a significant modernization. Outdated exams such as the military examination were abolished while exams based on Western technology were added.
Limited attempts at land reform were also made. Bureaucrats were dispatched to the countryside and sought to determine if any lands sold in the past two years had been done so under duress. Due to the recent famine, thousands of families were able to regain their land, although the efforts greatly alienated the aristocracy. Land redistribution efforts would end in 1883 as aristocratic forces bubbled with anger and the discovery that many of the bureaucrats in charge of the programme had taken bribes to keep the status quo. The Qing would respond by beginning a purge of the bureaucracy, replacing them with lowborn candidates to maximize loyalty to the government.
Unfortunately for most of China, these reforms would mainly be limited to Zhili and Shanxi province. The Qing, wary of overextending themselves, sought to consolidate a strong base of support before seeking to completely upend the political system of millennia. Nonetheless, reforms such as the reconstruction of the devastated famine-relief system and the expansion of the bureaucracy was spread throughout China in an attempt to head off further unrest. The Qing would face mixed results as budgetary issues and corruption continued to plague the system. Local governors would often utilize the expansion as an opportunity to claim a massively expanding local workforce while barely accepting any new candidates. The Qing would attempt to crack down on this with brutality, with those found guilty of embezzlement executed and their family members expelled from governmental positions if they were lucky. In one particularly gruesome incident, Qing soldiers left the corpse of the magistrate of Xian tied to a pole in the middle of the market overnight, his skin flayed off and decapitated. From a nearby building his head was on display in a cage, eyes gouged out, lips sliced off, and genitalia stuffed in his mouth. Although the body was removed by midday, the head remained for a full week before finally being carted off.
By 1885, the new regime had managed to significantly stabilize its position in the north and could rely on an increasing number of loyal administrators in the south. Still, not all was clear for the Qing. Despite attempts to crack down on corruption, rebuild the peasantry, and to expand the bureaucracy, taxation was still insufficient to fulfill the increased expenses of the government. Reparations forced on the Qing by foreign powers also took their toll, with some 4 million taels leaving the country in 1880 alone. Tariffs could not be relied upon, as the Western powers had ensured that China was hamstrung in that regard by treaties. Until a proper reform to the tax code could be undertaken, or control over trade regained, the Qing would be forced to rely on loans from merchants to make good their shortfall.
Han mistrust of the Manchu Qing dynasty also proved to be a significant hurdle for the Qing to overcome. While Li Hongzhang’s inclusion in the ruling duo won over many, as did Zuo Zongtang’s support of the government, the fact remained that the Qing themselves were Manchu, not Han. Attempting to overcome this, and perhaps wanting to push back against his training in how to be a “proper Emperor”, the Tongzhi Emperor filled his court with Han advisors, prioritizing them over Manchu ones. In particular, he would make sure that military positions in and around the capital would be staffed by Han rather than Manchu officers. He would also officially open Manchuria to non-Manchu settlement, prompting a land rush, and abolish the requirement that non-Manchu men wear their hair in a queue. While these actions would do much to ingratiate him with the Han peoples, it infuriated his Manchu compatriots, resulting in a failed assassination attempt in 1884.
The response to this was swift, as the Tongzhi Emperor ordered the execution of all involved in the plot. In Beijing, a riot against Manchu inhabitants of the city slaughtered thousands before the army could halt the violence. In the riot’s aftermath, the Tongzhi Emperor appeared before a crowd of the people of Beijing and hailed them for their actions. In a move that surprised all, he formally renounced his Manchu heritage and proclaimed himself as Han. The guards shot glances at each other as the crowd roared in approval and the Tongzhi Emperor smiled.
Li Hongzhang was absolutely appalled when he heard about the incident in Beijing. He had spent most of his time outside of the city, taking a more hands-on approach to affairs and content with leaving the capital to the young Emperor. Nonetheless, the actions the Emperor took were dangerously erratic and inflammatory. He hurried back to Beijing and spent several weeks in council with the Emperor, encouraging him to take a less chaotic path. Instead, Li Hongzhang awoke one morning to a report from one of the guards that the Emperor had snuck into the city overnight and had spent time admiring practitioners of the world’s oldest profession.
The very next day Li Hongzhang departed Beijing, never to return to the city for the rest of his life.

The rise of the Beiyang Duumvirate would also see the military wield increased importance in China. Both the Tongzhi Emperor and Li Hongzhang relied on the Beiyang Army to uphold their rule, with attempts to expand their effective control including significant efforts to create loyal armies that would serve the Duumvirate above any local figures. After the attempted assassination of the Tongzhi Emperor, China would create a Westernized bodyguard unit modeled after the Swiss Guard. Due to the Tongzhi Emperor’s growing estrangement with the Manchu part of his empire, the Protectors of the Mandate would be composed entirely of Han.
The rising officer class was not completely loyal to the Tongzhi Emperor, however. Their loyalty was first and foremost to Li Hongzhang as someone who had proven themselves in service to China, not some foreign brat pretending at the Mandate of Heaven. The Tongzhi Emperor’s increasingly manic behavior caused concern in the ranks, as the new officers feared that as quickly as he had thrown the Manchu to the wolves he would turn on them. The seeming lack of rationality behind his decisions also disturbed them, striking them as the actions of a child rather than an Emperor. While Li Hongzhang’s continued support for the Emperor would cause them to continue supporting the Qing, discontent brewed just beneath the surface.
 
My expectations for the failstate were low, but holy fuck!

Bet the Koreans will step in after the Han start hacking Manchus to death with machete's.

Will Li Honzhang pull a Paul Kagame, or will Beijing and the rest of Manchuria be occupied, annexed even, by Korea?
 
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My expectations for the failstate were low, but holy fuck!

Bet the Koreans will step in after the Han start hacking Manchus to death with machete's.

Will Li Honzhang pull a Paul Kagame, or will Beijing and the rest of Manchuria be occupied, annexed even, by Korea?
Well this is actually pretty in line with other occurrences in China at the time, as ethnic strife and massacres played a huge role in depopulating Shanxi and Gansu and the rebellions in the south. So fortunately this isn’t the beginning of a Manchu genocide, just an unstable Emperor egging on people who he wants to support him. It’s akin to the Tulsa riot.

That doesn’t mean Li Hongzhang won’t step in if necessary, however. He wants to work with the Emperor, but encouraging ethnic strife is exactly the opposite of what China needs right now. The military is generally behind him on this, and view what happened in Beijing as disgraceful and disturbing (mainly because it was an unorganized attack by civilians instead of done under military auspices; see the recent conflicts that ravaged China for examples of those). So long as Li Hongzhang is alive and supporting the Tongzhi Emperor, the threat of a military coup is very small.
 
Isn't it what is fast disappearing on the man considering his refusal to return to Beijing, supposedly for the rest of his life?
Just because he doesn't wanna be in the same city doesn't mean he isn't supporting him. Switching horses midstream is a bad idea, especially since he does have some good ideas.
 
Well then. However, even if he'll focus around reforming Zhili-Shanxi and beyond, anti-Manchu antipathy had definitely set-in and groundwork has already been laid for what effectively amounts to a imperial court-sponsored Han Power movement. Also, it is a duumvirate and not a definite rule by both the emperor and Li Hongzhang.

If it is not now, thirty years down the line, it will definitely become but a certainty. Now, if you'll have (yellow) newspapers, even radio introduced early in China, you'll have a very bad time.
 
Liked reading the new chapters. Please keep up the good work. Will there be new chapter(s) on this ATL China after this one? Or will have new chapter(s) on Japan and/or Korea? Or will we have a chapter or several on other parts of the Asia-Pacific regionsuch as Mongolia, Tibet, Indochina (especially Vietnam and Siam/Thailand, etc.), the Kingdom of Sarawak under the rule of the White Rajahs (i.e. the Brookes from the UK), the British Raj, the Dutch East Indies, the British Dominions of Australia and New Zealand, the Spanish Philippines, the Kingdom of Hawaii, the US West Coast, British Hong Kong, Portuguese Macau, etc.? Please let me know. Thanks again. :)
 
Liked reading the new chapters. Please keep up the good work. Will there be new chapter(s) on this ATL China after this one? Or will have new chapter(s) on Japan and/or Korea? Or will we have a chapter or several on other parts of the Asia-Pacific regionsuch as Mongolia, Tibet, Indochina (especially Vietnam and Siam/Thailand, etc.), the Kingdom of Sarawak under the rule of the White Rajahs (i.e. the Brookes from the UK), the British Raj, the Dutch East Indies, the British Dominions of Australia and New Zealand, the Spanish Philippines, the Kingdom of Hawaii, the US West Coast, British Hong Kong, Portuguese Macau, etc.? Please let me know. Thanks again. :)
The current plan is for the next couple chapters being about Japan before taking a look at Korea and China. The rest of the world will be covered before returning to Japan (don't worry, I won't be going too in depth, just enough to flesh out what is happening and why), which will hopefully take the TL into the 1900s.
I do have plans for Indochina and Hawaii that I look forward to writing, and neither of the outcomes are going to be pleasing to imperial powers.
 
Death of an Emperor

Death of an Emperor​


The 18th of July, 1879, would go down as the end of an era in Japanese history. On it, the Emperor of Japan would finally expire after a fight with tuberculosis lasting several years. Despite being fiercely opposed to Western ideas, the Emperor would be remembered favorably in Japanese popular memory due to never publicly opposing the Tohokai. The Emperor would be granted the posthumous name of Komei by the Diet.
Emperor Komei’s son, Mutsuhito, would ascend to the throne on the 25th of July, 1879, but the official enthronement ceremony would not occur until November 10th, 1879. The ceremony was attended by the Diet and numerous dignitaries from around the world. Chief among them were King Heonjong of Korea, Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom, Tsar Alexander II of Russia, and US Secretary of State William M. Evarts. Although both US President Rutherford Hayes and French President Mikhail Bakunin were both invited, Hayes sent Secretary of State Evarts in his place due to pressure from the Democrats and violent clashes in the South while Bakunin politely turned down the offer due to the presence of so many dignitaries from states that the Social Republic had… strained relations with and the republic’s low opinion of monarchs. Nonetheless, Bakunin made sure to send a congratulatory note to Mutsuhito as a show of goodwill to Japan.
The Japanese Diet convened after the ascension of the new Emperor in order to determine the beginning of a new era. The Diet decided to adopt a policy of one era name for each Emperor, preempting any potential that a new era would be declared each time a new Diet was assembled and devaluing its significance. After much discussion, it was decided that the era name would be Josei (成正), or “Beginning of Righteousness”, with the Emperor’s blessing. Starting on November 12th, Japan would officially enter the Josei Era under the reign of Emperor Mutsuhito.

The death of Emperor Komei and the rise of Emperor Josei resulted in a resurgence of the monarchy on the Japanese political scene. Emperor Komei had mainly retired from politics after the Osaka Convention due to a loss of heart with the victory of Western values in Japan, but his son was of a different stock. Inspired by the fervor with which the government had pursued the betterment of the common people and horrified by the actions undertaken by the National Protection Army in his father’s name, Emperor Mutsuhito would take it upon himself to engage in philanthropic efforts to better his country. The Emperor would become adored by the rural population of Japan for his many visits to the countryside and devotion of the Imperial Family’s resources to combating poverty and providing tools to farmers.
Emperor Mutsuhito would also shock the world by proclaiming his intention to marry a commoner in 1880. The then-Crown Prince had managed to avoid an arranged marriage due to a mixture of the Revolution nearly destroying the aristocratic class and his father’s growing apathy toward the world. The decision came after the Emperor had spent several months in Tohoku, helping with the establishment of a new mine in the region. While there he had begun a relationship with Haruno Kinoshita. a foreman’s daughter, and proposed to her before returning to Kyoto.
Emperor Mutsuhito’s engagement would spark a political firestorm in Japan. What remained of the Samurai class decried the marriage as unbefitting a divine being such as the Emperor while more conservative elements in society attacked the Emperor as selfish for marrying for love instead of out of duty. The issue would even extend to the Diet, who nearly passed a bill censuring the Emperor for his selfishness until PM Toshio Minagawa personally begged them not to, claiming it was not their place to pass judgement on the Emperor’s personal affairs, resulting in the bill narrowly being voted down.
Emperor Mutsuhito’s decision was not universally unpopular, however. Especially in the younger generation and in urban areas, many in the lower classes believed that the Emperor was free to choose whomever he wished as a bride. The engagement not only played into Mutsuhito’s image as “the People’s Emperor,” it served as a symbol of the new Japan’s potential for many, a Japan where free people could choose how to live their lives rather than them being dictated by those with authority. The fact that she was a commoner instead of a rich merchant’s daughter also gave hope to the lower classes that even they could rise to join the most prestigious groups in the country. The Emperor’s popularity would experience a net rise due to the engagement, contrary to what many expected when the initial outcry occurred.
The scandal also saw the rise of Japan’s newspapers to national prominence for the first time. While previous policies and the declaration of war on China had spread through the country by word of mouth and messengers, for the first time the slowly growing newspapers of Japan found themselves sold out on regular occasions. Newspapers would even find their way into the countryside as people would buy bundles for their entire village on a weekly basis. Arguments over the future of Japanese culture and how much should be thrown to the wayside dominated headlines in newspapers dedicated to domestic issues while non-political ones utilized attention-grabbing headlines that made wild accusations at the Imperial Family and libelous articles slinging mud on the Emperor’s bride to bring in readers. The situation would become so bad that the Diet was forced to pass defamation laws to combat the spread of misinformation, proclaiming those that partook in it as anti-social forces. The resulting crackdown did much to drive back the wave of libel, but it showed that newspapers had the potential to hold immense influence on Japanese politics.
The most unexpected outcome of Emperor Mutsuhito’s marriage was the meteoric rise of feminism in Japan. The initial cracks in the traditional Japanese woman had come during the civil war, when the Call for National Mobilization had ended up including women in the Army of National Salvation. While the majority had served in support roles, several hundred had seen combat as soldiers and some 200 women died in uniform. These women were discharged after the surrender of the Bakufu and the military had neglected to authorize female recruits in the post-war reforms, but their service filled them and their families with immense pride.
Feminism had also seen a boost in post-war Japan with the growth of the Amaterasu Society. The Amaterasu Society had its roots in the growing Kokutai movement of pre-war Japan and from the writings of Mootori Norinaga, which emphasized the national character of Japan and supported the interpretation that the Japanese Emperor was directly descended from the Sun Goddess Amaterasu. Unlike its predecessors, however, the Amaterasu Society would mostly distance itself from the xenophobia of Kokutai and would instead concentrate on its emphasis on national pride. As part of this, the Amaterasu Society supported the idea of women’s equality with men under the argument that “If the Emperor’s divinity is brought about through a divine womb, why should Amaterasu’s mortal counterparts be considered lesser?” The Society would play a small, but vital, role in the nascent women’s rights movement by pushing for the integration of schools and the removal of legal and societal limitations on women.
Both of these movements would gain a powerful new ally in Empress-to-be Haruno as she struck back at her assailants. Haruno Kinoshita had been a relatively quiet woman who had spent most of her life meekly following what her father wanted, but managing to catch the eye of the Emperor had given her a gargantuan boost in confidence. She would interview with numerous newspapers and would declare that her detractors were “scared of a woman,” along with a litany of other counter-accusations that painted them in a negative light. Her extremely confrontational way of dealing with libel drew plenty of condemnations of her being unladylike, but it also tapped into a well of resentment against the rigid societal mores of Japanese culture. Up-and-coming politician Akihiko Hirata would write on the matter “Yesterday I saw a wife argue with her husband in the market about his attempt to arrange a marriage for their daughter. When the man moved to discipline her, she slapped him and called him a coward for seeking to strike his wife... It is as if a new spring has begun in Japan, a spring in which the new generation seeks to break the bonds of the old.”
Despite all opposition to their union, Emperor Mutsuhito and Empress Haruno would officially marry on February 3rd, 1881. The marriage would be met with widespread celebrations across the nation, with even the Diet being forced to congratulate the Imperial couple under popular pressure. While Empress Haruno would withdraw somewhat from public life, she would continue to serve as a symbol for the women’s rights movement in Japan and would aid her husband’s philanthropic efforts.

Japan would see the beginnings of an economic recession as it entered the 1880s. Although Chinese reparations served to provide the government with hard cash, its heavy use of fiat money finally caught up to it as inflation began to outpace the growing use of the Kin. Initially limited to the Kanto area due to it having the most money in circulation, the growing crisis was seeing the purchasing power of the Japanese citizen disappear as prices rose and family savings depleted. By late 1880, the problem was reaching potentially disastrous levels as the inflation began to spread nationwide.
Minister of Finance Sho Kawaguchi, who’s Japanese Prosperity Bureau had been reformed into the Ministry of Finance, stepped into the picture to attempt to solve the problem. As the introducer of the Kin, he was fiercely opposed to any attempts to put the nation on a gold or silver standard and was loath to admit he may have erred in his constant printing of money. Nonetheless, he ordered that printing of additional Kin to be halted, making sure not to comment on why so much money was in circulation in the first place, and, with Diet permission, proclaimed price caps on key goods and established a relief fund for struggling farmers.
This was insufficient to halt the growing economic downturn, however. Japan’s efforts to increase its exports had failed to reach the desired levels, resulting in a negative trade balance between itself and the outside world that exacerbated the problems stemming from inflation. By 1883, Japan had reached a full-blown depression as inflation outstripped wages and resulted in a decrease in savings. The Japanese government scrambled to react as poverty climbed throughout the nation. After several attempts to improve the situation, several of which were met with extreme resistance by Kawaguchi, the Diet finally became fed up with the lack of progress and moved to shake things up. Their first move in this would be to sack Sho Kawaguchi.
While Kawaguchi had managed to mitigate the depression by ensuring that help was available for those who required it, his steadfast refusal to consider deflationary measures arguably caused it in the first place. His replacement, Tadasuke Otomo, proved to be less ambitious than Kawaguchi, but he was a man willing to put aside his pride to undertake necessary reforms. Otomo removed money from the supply through a series of buybacks and government bonds while expanding the amount of items price caps were applied to. In 1884, Otomo would work in coordination with the Diet to help establish a social safety net to avoid the impoverishment of the common man as well as generous subsidies for the struggling agricultural sector. In order to cover these expenses, the Diet raised tariffs on all nations except Korea, Ryukyu, and the United States.

In London, the news that Japan had raised tariffs on them was met with indignation. It was decried as an outrage and a violation of the 1845 Treaty of Edo as demands to do something poured in from businessmen with ties to Japan. Although the Japanese and their Korean allies were respected for their performance in the Manchuria War, London authorized the dispatch of the Pacific Station to compel Japan to reverse its decision.
Prime Minister Toshio Minagawa responded to the British arrival outside of Nagasaki by summoning the British Consul-General Harry Parkes to Kyoto to demand an explanation. Parkes explained London’s position on the matter of tariffs and that he was ordered to negotiate a settlement satisfactory to Her Majesty’s Government, or else they would be forced to take matters into their own hands. Minagawa was apoplectic, submitting a proposal to the Diet to expel all British nationals from Kyoto before ordering the RJA and RJN to mobilize for war.
The situation would be calmed down as the Korean and Japanese navies intercepted the British en route to Osaka, forcing them to stop or risk a shootout. Rear Admiral Algernon Lyons, Commander-in-Chief of the Pacific Station, was intimidated enough by the Japanese-Korean display of force that he elected to support proper negotiations over gunboat diplomacy. News of his decision, and his arrival in Kyoto, would reach the Diet’s emergency session before they could vote on Minagawa’s proposal, resulting in it being shelved for the time being.
Negotiations between the British and Japanese began on October 15th, 1884, with Korean observers. The mood was extremely tense, as the Japanese and Koreans felt ill willing to trust the people whose first instinct was to threaten their way to what they wanted. The British, for their part, felt that they were the aggrieved party and that the Japanese had no right to be angered by British actions.
The main source of disagreement came over the Treaty of Edo. The Japanese argued that since their government was established by explicitly overthrowing the Bakufu that had signed the treaty, the new Japan was not beholden to it. The British fired back that Emperor Komei himself had proclaimed the new government to be the successors to the Bakufu, a fact that they had also agreed to by signing the Treaty of Osaka with Tokugawa Yoshinobu. The Japanese would have none of it, declaring that the current government of Japan was under no obligation to respect treaties made by tyrants acting without the blessing of the people. The result was an impasse for several days as neither side budged.
The impasse was finally broken when Rear Admiral Lyons threatened to withdraw from negotiations and begin military operations against Japan. In response, Minagawa, who had joined negotiations after skipping the first few days to calm down, stated “You may sink our ships, strangle our commerce, and isolate us from the outside world, but to enforce your will on Japan you must occupy it and pacify each and every individual living in it. Do you truly believe you have the strength to do so? Each hamlet, each shack, each paddy will be home to resistance that will kill British soldiers. For every day you remain in our country, your soldiers will die.We will die to defend our freedom and sovereignty, will you die to suppress it?” The gazes of the other Japanese delegates all carried the same message: agreement. Not expecting such suicidal levels of defiance from the official government, the British delegation blinked.
With the British willing to begin proper negotiations, the Japanese swapped out their team and brought in people who hadn’t been butting heads with the British for the past week. This new team would be composed primarily of economists and would be led by Minister of Finance Otomo, who saw the negotiations as a unique opportunity. For years, Japan’s purchasing power abroad had been significantly hampered by the fact that the Kin was a fiat currency. Kawaguchi had attempted to fix this problem on several occasions without switching to a metal standard, but it had always failed. Now, Otomo sought to utilize one of his more outlandish plans to solve both the tariff issue and the purchasing power crisis.
Otomo’s proposal was incredibly simple: in exchange for tariffs on British goods being frozen at 8%, the Kin would be given a fixed exchange rate of 20:1 with the pound. The agreement would last for ten years, and could be extended should both sides agree to it.
The British were taken off guard by this unusual proposal. While none of them wanted war with Japan after Minagawa’s statement, they were uncomfortable with the idea of pegging the Kin to the pound. Attempts to negotiate were met with a willingness to discuss numbers, but not the scheme as a whole. Eventually the British caved, realizing that the only other alternatives were a war that they would likely lose or a humiliating acceptance of the higher tariff rate. The British agreed to the Anglo-Japanese Treaty of Commerce (1884) on October 28th, at which point it was submitted to the Diet. The Diet, eager to return home after a month-long emergency session, ratified the treaty the next day.
Although the incident would result in the nadir of Anglo-Japanese relations, Minagawa’s actions would be seen as a symbol of national pride. In Britain, both Parkes and Lyons attempted to salvage their reputations by portraying the Japanese leadership as irrational beasts with no concern for either their people’s prosperity or lives. They argued that this was the best outcome in that it protected British interests and averted a war that would have left the Japanese people devastated and destitute. In both nations the incident would result in an upswing of xenophobia toward the other, and would help provide fuel in Europe when talk of the Yellow Peril captured the headlines.


Author's Note: Unfortunately for a timeline like this, my Japanese is rudimentary and my kanji is practically nonexistent outside of a handful of characters. I have attempted to create a fitting and correct name for the Josei Era, but if I have gotten it wrong, feel free to correct me. Nothing gets better without critique, after all.
 
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Interesting. If there is ever a conflict with Russia (or any other European power) in the future then the British would likely be willing to allow use of the Suez and possibly ports for whatever fleets are sent to the Far East.
The emperor’s marriage to a commoner may send something of a shockwave among the young nobles and aristocrats around the world too. While I’m sure the old guard will pan such a decision, no doubt with a fair bit of racism, the idea may well be inspiring to those who don’t want to merely be used as political pawns for their parents/grandparents.
 
Liked reading this new chapter of yours. Looking forward to reading future chapters, especially your ATL Japan's efforts in making the Ryukyu Kingdom an integral part of Japan as well as this ATL Japan's efforts in colonising Ezo aka Hokkaido as well as the southern portion of Sakhalin Island aka Karafuto (and even get the northern portion of the island from the Russians via peaceful means), the entire Kurile island chain aka the Kuriles aka the Nemuro Subprovinces and even the Bonin Islands aka Ogasawara Islands. Also, is the Kingdom of Hawaii one of those countries not under the Japanese tariff put forth in this latest chapter?

Will we also see the different and respective reactions from the other countries/nations/colonies in the Asia-Pacific region to the change in Japanese Emperors, the Japanese putting a tariff/traiffs on products from many countries (with the exceptions of the Kingdom of Korea, the Ryukyu Kingdom, the USA, and possibly even the Kingdom of Hawaii), the rise of the feminist movement in Japan, etc., especially in Qing Dynasty China (including Manchuria and the International Settlement in the city of Shanghai), the Kingdom of Korea, the slowly but steadily integrating Ryukyu Kingdom aka Okinawa, the USA (especially the US West Coast region), the Kingdom of Hawaii, those nations from Central and South America that are facing the Pacific Ocean (i.e. Mexico, Panama, Peru, Argentina, Chile, etc.), the Spanish Philippines and other Spanish colonies in the region such as Guam, etc.), Portuguese Macau & East Timor, the Dutch East Indies aka Indonesia, the Russian Empire (especially parts of Siberia facing Asia and the Pacific), the French colonies (especially French Polynesia, etc.), the Indochina region (especially the Kingdom of Vietnam and the Kingdom of Siam aka Thailand, etc.), the Kingdom of Sarawak under the rule of the White Rajahs (i.e. the Brookes from the UK) in the island of Borneo, the British Dominions of Australia and New Zealand, British Malaya (which consists of the Straits Settlements including Malacca, Penang Island, and Singapore and the Malay Sultanates under the British Residency System), British Hong Kong, the British Raj aka Indian Subcontinent, etc.?

Also, will the USA under Charles Lee Moses aka Claude Lee Moses (who was the US consul general to British Hong Kong and later to the Sultanate of Brunei), Thomas Bradley Harris, and Joseph William Torrey aka the Yankee Rajah be more successful in setting up the US colony of Ellena in December 1865 in nothern Borneo (in what is now the Malaysian state of Sabah) with perhaps some support from businessmen/merchants from your ATL version of Japan and Kingdom of Korea, and the Ryukyu Kingdom, and perhaps the Kingdom of Hawaii and not die out some time in 1866? If so, how will the other powers in the region and in Borneo react to this more successful US colony of Ellena such as the Kingdom of Borneo under the White Rajahs/Brooke Family and their powerful backers/supporters in the form of the British Empire, the Dutch colonial authorities from the Dutch East Indies, and the Spanish colonial authorities from nearby Spanish Philippines?

Lastly, with the example of the US Purchase of Russian North America aka Alyeska ak Alaska in mind, will your ATL version of Japan be more successful in negotiating with the Russian Empire in getting the rest of Sakhalin Island and adding it to Karafuto as well as purchasing the entire Kurile island chain aka the Kuril Islands aka the Kuriles from Russia and turning it into the Nemuro Subprovinces to be administered from Ezo aka Hokkaido?

Please let me know your answers to each of my questions. Thanks again and have a Happy Halloween. :)
 
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I've been watching this TL. I like it. Can I take some ideas from this TL? :p
Feel free to. If we refused to let anybody borrow from each other, there would be precious little new to go around.
Liked reading this new chapter of yours. Looking forward to reading future chapters, especially your ATL Japan's efforts in making the Ryukyu Kingdom an integral part of Japan as well as this ATL Japan's efforts in colonising Ezo aka Hokkaido as well as the southern portion of Sakhalin Island aka Karafuto (and even get the northern portion of the island from the Russians via peaceful means), the entire Kurile island chain aka the Kuriles aka the Nemuro Subprovinces and even the Bonin Islands aka Ogasawara Islands. Also, is the Kingdom of Hawaii one of those countries not under the Japanese tariff put forth in this latest chapter?
Hokkaido's been slower due to the greater protection of the Ainu, but the island is still well on the way to becoming overwhelmingly Japanese. From the population I'm aware of (~20,000), there's very little chance for them to become the demographic heart of Hokkaido again.
As for Hawaii, they got an increase in tariff rates, but it was smaller than other nations. Japanese friendship with Hawaii exists, but deep economic ties and preferential treatment were always the result of Toshio Minagawa liking the place. While he's still very influential, he doesn't have the same pull as before. The result is a mellowing out of relations between Hawaii and Japan.
Will we also see the different and respective reactions from the other countries/nations/colonies in the Asia-Pacific region to the change in Japanese Emperors, the Japanese putting a tariff/traiffs on products from many countries (with the exceptions of the Kingdom of Korea, the Ryukyu Kingdom, the USA, and possibly even the Kingdom of Hawaii), the rise of the feminist movement in Japan, etc., especially in Qing Dynasty China (including Manchuria and the International Settlement in the city of Shanghai), the Kingdom of Korea, the slowly but steadily integrating Ryukyu Kingdom aka Okinawa, the USA (especially the US West Coast region), the Kingdom of Hawaii, those nations from Central and South America that are facing the Pacific Ocean (i.e. Mexico, Panama, Peru, Argentina, Chile, etc.), the Spanish Philippines and other Spanish colonies in the region such as Guam, etc.), Portuguese Macau & East Timor, the Dutch East Indies aka Indonesia, the Russian Empire (especially parts of Siberia facing Asia and the Pacific), the French colonies (especially French Polynesia, etc.), the Indochina region (especially the Kingdom of Vietnam and the Kingdom of Siam aka Thailand, etc.), the Kingdom of Sarawak under the rule of the White Rajahs (i.e. the Brookes from the UK) in the island of Borneo, the British Dominions of Australia and New Zealand, British Malaya (which consists of the Straits Settlements including Malacca, Penang Island, and Singapore and the Malay Sultanates under the British Residency System), British Hong Kong, the British Raj aka Indian Subcontinent, etc.?
Any reactions will come with the update involving the appropriate countries.
Also, will the USA under Charles Lee Moses aka Claude Lee Moses (who was the US consul general to British Hong Kong and later to the Sultanate of Brunei), Thomas Bradley Harris, and Joseph William Torrey aka the Yankee Rajah be more successful in setting up the US colony of Ellena in December 1865 in nothern Borneo (in what is now the Malaysian state of Sabah) with perhaps some support from businessmen/merchants from your ATL version of Japan and Kingdom of Korea, and the Ryukyu Kingdom, and perhaps the Kingdom of Hawaii and not die out some time in 1866? If so, how will the other powers in the region and in Borneo react to this more successful US colony of Ellena such as the Kingdom of Borneo under the White Rajahs/Brooke Family and their powerful backers/supporters in the form of the British Empire, the Dutch colonial authorities from the Dutch East Indies, and the Spanish colonial authorities from nearby Spanish Philippines?
No US colonies on Borneo. Even if the new Japan was interested in helping the US, they were kinda fighting a civil war in December 1865.
Lastly, with the example of the US Purchase of Russian North America aka Alyeska ak Alaska in mind, will your ATL version of Japan be more successful in negotiating with the Russian Empire in getting the rest of Sakhalin Island and adding it to Karafuto as well as purchasing the entire Kurile island chain aka the Kuril Islands aka the Kuriles from Russia and turning it into the Nemuro Subprovinces to be administered from Ezo aka Hokkaido?

Please let me know your answers to each of my questions. Thanks again and have a Happy Halloween. :)
Alaska still goes to the US. Butterflies outside of Japan are mainly limited to post-civil war for simplicity's sake, so Seward's Folly still goes through. As for Sakhalin, it is currently under Russian control. While Japan may technically claim them as part of the Ainu lands, the current government isn't willing to poke that bear.
I feel like you could have saved a bit of time by saying, “the other countries bordering the Pacific,” rather than listing every single one out individually.
It would be more convenient...
 
A Nation Comes of Age

A Nation Comes of Age​


The year of 1889 was a milestone in Japanese history as the first babies born after the end of the Japanese Civil War came of age. Growing up in an age of increased emphasis on self-expression, they represented the rise of a new Japanese culture that clashed hard with the values of the older generations. While the cultural emphasis on community was not completely discarded, the emphasis had shifted from moving in lockstep behind authority to coming to an agreement through debate. As the Hachijukuko (lit. Children of ‘89) prepared to vote in their first elections, the fact that democracy had survived for a generation was not lost on them. Just as they had come of age, so too did their nation reach maturity.

By 1890, Japan had spent eighteen years under democratic rule. Faith and participation in the system had risen significantly over the years, with the dismal turnout of the early elections being overshadowed as 1890 saw 80% of voters turning out for local and national elections. The reasons for this were numerous, but the most important one was the maturation of the political parties that had existed on the fringes of the political scene for decades, allowing them to mobilize their bases for what everyone saw as the most important election in Japanese history. While the Tohokai had managed to maintain their hold on power, the challenges from both the right and left became forces to reckon with, sweeping away the Tohokai stranglehold on the Diet from 575 out of 650 seats to 271. For the first time in its history, the Tohokai were forced to form a coalition to govern. The resulting coalition saw the Nihon Ronoto and the Shakai Minshuto join the Tohokai to create an economically left but socially centrist government.
The Tohokai collapse in the Diet was the subject of mixed feelings among its members. The Old Guard viewed it in a bittersweet light as proof that Japan was firmly on the path of democracy, even if it was a path that they would no longer control, while the newer members viewed it as proof of Toshio Minagawa’s lackluster leadership and the party’s unclear stances on things such as diplomacy and the ongoing cultural revolution in Japan. To them the party’s nature as a broad tent coalition of democrats was no longer adequate and the party needed to establish a concrete platform beyond “The betterment of Japan.” While the Old Guard saw this as less of a problem, they eventually agreed that in the 1894 elections the party would have a coherent platform even if it meant that some of its members defected to other parties.

To the far right of the Japanese spectrum lay the Kokumin Domei, a group dominated by old samurai families that channeled the frustration among the reactionary parts of the Japanese populace with the ongoing change in Japan. They would campaign on a platform involving the empowerment of the Prime Minister, increased military spending, a much more aggressive foreign policy, and the passage of legislation limiting the rights of women and the Ainu. While they were able to gain some support, their radical rhetoric portraying their cause in nigh apocalyptic terms and proposing outlandish ideas such as annexing Korea and Hawaii saw most voters avoid them in favor of more moderate parties. Nonetheless, they managed to secure 7 seats in the Diet in 1890.
The strongest party among the Japanese right was the Rikken Kokuminto, led by Ryoma Sakamoto. The party’s stronghold lay in Edo province, but it had a following nationwide. Evolving from the Restorationist movement’s moderation over the 1870s and 80s (true believers jumped ship to the Kokumin Domei), the party was in favor of an agrarian policy and the maintenance of male Japanese chauvinism. Newspapers loyal to the party had led the charge against Emperor Mutsuhito during the firestorm surrounding his marriage and fiercely opposed the women’s rights movement. Despite attempts to build bridges with the old samurai families and the bourgeois, the party’s populist rhetoric and support of farmers against predatory loans would alienate both factions. Their foreign policy was remarkably passive, advocating a continuation of the status quo and committing Japan only if its sovereignty was threatened. The party won 150 seats in the Diet.
The Rikken Kokuminto’s strongest ally in the Diet was the Rikken Minseito, a centrist party that broadly supported the Kokuminto on social issues. The party’s main strength came from Tohoku and Hokkaido, where the party appealed to rural interests and the establishment of a social safety net to win the vote of workers still struggling with the aftershocks of the depression from the first half of the decade. Compared to the Kokuminto, the Minseito concentrated on miners and other non-agricultural physical laborers, in addition to appealing to menial laborers working in the growing cities. The party claimed 88 seats in the Diet.
To the left of the Tohokai was the Nihon Ronoto, an agrarian party that campaigned on support for the farmers and the granting of further autonomy to villages. They opposed the growing role of government in the economy, believing that placing more power in the hands of the workers would result in greater efficiency as the workers became more motivated. They would campaign quite aggressively on the construction of more railways, viewing them as both an economic boon and a way to knit the country closer together. Their foreign policy was pro-Korean, but the party mainly concentrated itself with domestic affairs. Despite battling fiercely with the Kokuminto for the rural vote, the party’s stronghold in Shikoku would propel them to 43 seats in the Diet.
The final party in the Diet was the Shakai Minshuto, the Japanese socialist party. Although more moderate and far less aggressive than its comrades in France, in particular they viewed the monarchy as an immutable part of Japanese culture, they were still devoted to the idea of spreading the Revolution to Japan. The party would have a complicated relationship with the Nihon Ronoto due to both of them competing for the votes of the working class. Eventually an agreement would be reached in 1888 where the Nihon Ronoto would concentrate on the countryside while the Shakai Minshuto would pursue the urban vote. While this would keep their vote from being split, it would result in the two parties becoming ever more different, with the Shakai Minshuto developing into a strongly interventionist party that viewed the government as the shield of the workers rather than their oppressor. Strangely enough, the parties would find mutual ground over the expansion of the railways and their fervent support for protectionist tariffs.
In foreign policy, the Shakai Minshuto was by far the most active party outside the Kokumin Domei. They advocated for closer ties with France and to support anti-imperialist movements worldwide. It had been their efforts that had convinced the Tohokai to support the Hawaiian Monarchy during the Bayonet Constitution Crisis and recognize the new Social Republic of Vietnam. In the aftermath of the elections, they would make noises about the increasing number of Russian troops in Manchuria, encouraging coordination with Korea in providing a united response. While their active foreign policy wasn’t especially popular in Japan, their domestic policies would see them win 91 seats in the Diet.

The Tohokai’s leftist coalition would prove to be unwieldy as the Tohokai’s inexperience with coalition politics (their internal debates were almost always dominated by a small clique until recently) resulted in several bills of their being scuppered in the Diet. No less than three farmer’s relief bills would be voted down due to the Tohokai’s reluctance to negotiate with its partners. Nonetheless, the coalition continued to limp along, providing a government capable of ruling when necessary. In 1893 the government would pass the Military Expansion Act, which increased the size of the Revolutionary Japanese Army from 80,000 men to 150,000 and would place orders for three new steel battleships and a dozen cruisers, in response to the increasingly aggressive posturing by the Chinese and the expanded Russian garrison in Manchuria.
The Military Expansion Act would reignite the long-dormant debate over conscription. The main crux of the issue was whether or not conscription in times of peace violated the rights of citizens. In an alliance that surprised many foreign observers, the Nihon Ronoto Rikken Minseito would form a united front against conscription while the Rikken Kokuminto, Tohokai, and Shakai Minshuto united in support of it. Despite this general trend, however, numerous Diet members would cross party lines, resulting in a confusing situation where no one side could be sure they had the votes to win. Unable to come to a proper conclusion and the parties threatening to split due to internal disagreement, the Diet agreed to put the matter up for a referendum to be held in December.
The debate over conscription would deeply divide Japanese society. The generation that came of age after the end of the civil war were fervently opposed to it, viewing it as a violation of their rights, while the older generations supported the conscription as part of supporting the community. In particular, the Kansai region was fiercely supportive of conscription due to their pride in participating in the Call for National Mobilization and the resultant defeat of the Bakufu. As the youth of the nation took to the streets in the first nationwide protests, newspapers overwhelmingly turned out in support of conscription.
December 1893 lived in the shadow of the conscription debate. Even the eruption of Krakatoa, the snap elections in France, and the political chaos in China could not make their way to the front page for more than a minor reference as the entire nation prepared to go to the polls. By the time the polls closed at the end of the month, the tally had come in: 63% in favor of conscription, 37% against it.

With the will of the people taken into account, it was up to the Diet to decide how conscription would be implemented. After initial negotiations became bogged down, the Diet managed to wrangle together a plan in which both men and women, upon reaching the age of 20, would be subject to potential conscription for a period up to twelve months. These conscripts would be given a choice to serve in the Navy, in the Army, as a physical laborer, or in the bureaucracy. The ability to be drafted into non-military roles, pushed through by the Nihon Ronoto, was nearly a deal breaker until the Nihon Ronoto agreed to support a bill to increase and maintain infrastructure in the countryside. The National Conscription Act would come into effect on September 22, 1893, the 27th anniversary of the Call for National Mobilization. Some 50,000 conscripts would be called up in 1894 in the first draft under the new law.
 
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Is it safe to assume that some kind of ratio or cap is maintained to balance the needs of the different conscription options? Having civil servants and laborers is fine but you do need warm bodies in the seas and in the field to fight the enemy. I can just imagine a number of people opting to go for the option that is least likely to get them shot or blown up if given a choice.

Great update by the way. It’s not easy to make up multiple political parties and how they have to come together to form a cohesive government.
 
To be fair to the Hachijukuko, what is conscription for, or at least its rationale?
The inciting incident is so the army doesn’t run out of bodies (it did just nearly double in size, after all), but a significant undercurrent behind it is mimicking Europe and Korea and the idea of serving the nation. Even though the Tohokai have (completely accidentally) created a younger generation in favor of a relatively individualist mindset, the Japanese still come from a collectivist culture. It’s not as extreme due to no official propaganda telling them “you are worthless compared to the Emperor and the State, be prepared to sacrifice yourself for them without hesitation”, but it is still there.
I also don’t plan on completely changing Japan into an individualistic society. Collectivism isn’t inherently bad (I think we can all agree that caring about your community is better than leaving others to rot), and turning Japan away from it simply because they’re a democracy would feel quite condescending. Culture will change, but it will be an evolution from the past, not a compete break.
Is it safe to assume that some kind of ratio or cap is maintained to balance the needs of the different conscription options? Having civil servants and laborers is fine but you do need warm bodies in the seas and in the field to fight the enemy. I can just imagine a number of people opting to go for the option that is least likely to get them shot or blown up if given a choice.
Yeah, conscription works in a tiered system where there’s a limited amount of openings available per branch you can pick. If your number is drawn, you submit a form saying “Here’s the order of preference for which branch I will serve in” and when your card is drawn they go down it and put you in the first branch that has an opening.
For example, you decide your order of preference is: physical labor, navy, army, bureaucracy. All the spots for physical labor have been filled up, but there are still spots in the navy so that’s where you’re assigned to. The reasoning behind this is unmotivated people do a worse job, so you might as well try to make sure the conscripts are doing something they have an interest in.
Great update by the way. It’s not easy to make up multiple political parties and how they have to come together to form a cohesive government.
Thanks! While I did just yoink the names from OTL parties (where appropriate), I had fun coming up with their ideologies.
 
Ant changes in buddhism due to impact of Revolution?
Buddhism is in a much stronger position due to the government not decrying it as a foreign ideology in need of crushing. As part of this, tens of thousands of temples still exist that were destroyed OTL. Buddhism's influence has still been significantly reduced, though. The nationalization of the education system was in particular a heavy blow to them, resulting in Buddhism taking a more secular approach. There has also been a rise in nationalistic undercurrent for similar reasons as OTL. While this remains an undercurrent instead of becoming sycophantism as it was by the Showa period, Buddhism attempting to adapt to the new Japan has tried to emphasize its loyalty to Japan.
The official government position on it is the same with all non-Shinto religions. Don't act up and you'll get ignored. Prove you're a key part of local culture or have a culturally significant site and the government will probably help you out as part of a general trend of cultural preservation. Shinto gets special rules because of its Japanese origins, so it's viewed less as religion and more as cultural heritage.
 
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