Into the Cincoverse - The Cinco de Mayo EU Thread and Wikibox Repository

10. 2015 Michigan State - The 2015 Spartans land here because, from a statistical standpoint, they were excellent but fall just shy of greatness; that said, they dropped only a game to Wisconsin, and that has to count for something. Their game with Ohio State in November, in Columbus, remains the stuff of legends, snapping the Buckeyes' winning streak stretching back to the previous season and essentially making it the Big Eight championship round; from there, these Spartans, led by the tandem of Riley Bullough and Connor Cook, dismantled unbeaten 2nd-ranked Iowa in the Rose Bowl. Why at the edge of the top ten, then? Because while they are a deserving group, they were much more anonymous than the 2013 squad that won the national title before them, and their wins over Dakota State and Temple in the playoffs were very narrow.
9. 1994 Penn State - The first 8+4 wild card playoff was a wild ride, as a scrappy DePaul squad fought their way to the Rose Bowl to face down mighty Penn State, a game that ended more or less how one would expect. Penn State gets ahead of some of the other undefeateds, but lower than others, because they did not get to face off against the team most considered the best in the country that year - Tom Osborne's finest Nebraska squad - but the level of talent on this Nits team is probably among the greatest assembled at that storied program, with one major exception. Penn State crushed the NEAL slate decisively that year and beat down good Arizona and Ohio State squads en route to a Rose Bowl against the team all of America wanted to see win. 1994 was an exciting start to the Wild Card era, even if its champion was one of the two teams most suspected all year long would end with the trophy held aloft.
8. 2012 Ohio State - Like the 2015 Spartans, the 2012 Ohio State squad lost only one game - in added time, late in the season on the road to two-time defending champions Wisconsin - but otherwise dominated their slate, with their only tight matches coming against a surprising Purdue group, two-time defending Big Eight champion Michigan State and against archrival Michigan at home with what would turn out to be one of Les Miles' better teams. This group belongs here because this was one of Tressel's better coaching jobs; a group nobody expected to be as good as it did, bursting out of nowhere with huge freshman contributions, dominating not just the backfield with electric players like Braxton Miller but also the otherworldly play of lock John Simon, the Heisman runner-up. Ohio State played daring, excellent rugby against a tough schedule with the Big Eight at its mightiest, and absolutely warrants its reputation as one of the better sides of the last twenty years, especially considering that the Buckeyes had missed the playoffs the year before and thus bounced back in excellent form to defeat a hot Arizona State group, Collin Klein's Kansas State juggernaut, and finally Urban Meyer's finest roster at Notre Dame in the Rose Bowl to give Jim Tressel his fourth and most well-earned championship.
7. 2005 Penn State - Another outstanding Penn State group that advanced undefeated through a good, though not otherwordly, NEAL slate that came down to a tight game with West Virginia in the penultimate game of the year with both sides undefeated. Dan Connor, Paul Posluzny, Ken Kaminsky, Michael Robinson - this was a tight, well-oiled machine put out onto the field just years after the Paterno era at Penn State went down in flames of mediocre play and an off-field scandal for the ages. The only unfortunate moment for these Nits was that they faced Urban Meyer's Notre Dame in the Rose Bowl, and not the USC Trojans side that had held a wire-to-wire ranking through the semifinal all year in easily the most disappointing season of the Mike Riley era.
6. 2013 Michigan State - Despite starting the season unranked, the Michigan State Spartans under Mark Dantonio put together one of the best seasons in the history of the sport, defeating then-top ranked Notre Dame, then-tenth ranked Michigan, and finally top-ranked Ohio State the next week, along with good Wisconsin and Minnesota sides and a tough non-conference matchup with a solid Nebraska group. In the playoffs, these same Spartans then took out defensive powerhouse Marshall and concluded the season beating probably the best Stanford team in history on a late stand in midfield to bring the school her first national championship since 1966. What really set this group apart though was its tactical mastery in facing down that slate and emerging from it undefeated and its statistical excellence - no other team in decades has topped all three categories in defensive play and won a national championship other than the legendary 1991 Washington Huskies.
5. 1996 Arizona State - The Arizona State Sun Devils developed a reputation in the 1980s of being a bridesmaid team; always close, never quite arriving in the promised land. The "Dirty Devils" of 1996 changed all that, forever, in careening their way through a tough Mountain West slate at a time when BYU was mighty (indeed the '96 Cougars were easily the best from that university in over a decade) and Arizona and Utah were rising, and of course Colorado was the defending national champion. The Devils destroyed all competition before them while developing a reputation for braggadocious play and leaning into their school's reputation as a sun-soaked, swimsuit-clad, hedonist playground in the desert, with scantily-clad or bodypainted ASU co-eds becoming a symbol not just of the school but of the a more socially and sexually open 90s at the height of the progressive Redford Revolution. The Sun Devils weren't just cool, sexy and a guilty pleasure to cheer for, however; they were legitimately one of the most talented teams in the history of the sport and their demolition of all teams that came before them continued into the Rose Bowl Playoff, where they dismantled Kansas State and Washington in successive weeks before defeating John Cooper's Ohio State decisively. This team is legendary not just for the color, but also for being legitimately in the presence of greatness.
4/3. 2022 Michigan/2023 Michigan - Yes, we're putting the back-to-back Michigan groups of the last two years back-to-back in this ranking, because they should be thought of as one unit rather than two, with minimal roster attrition between the two seasons (especially with Aidan Hutchinson already gone). These teams, together, have combined for one of the longest winning streaks in college rugby history, going undefeated not one but two years in a row after bouncing back from a Rose Bowl loss to scrappy Cincinnati. 26 straight wins and counting, a Big Eight record topped only by the Illini of the 1920s and the Golden Gophers of the 1930s, has already put Jim Harbaugh's group in the company of legends, that's before we take into consideration the stout defending, best points differential in college rugby two years running, and the dominance of players like Will Sainstrill and Donovan Edwards, the first-ever two-time Rose Bowl MVP. They have done it in an era of tough recruiting and taken two national championships off of a very good Washington Huskies program two years running. This group only fails to achieve one of the top two slots to avoid recency bias - a claim could be made that the last championships of the 8+4 era are its best, but we need more time to tell.
2. 2002 Ohio State - There may be some consternation about putting the 2002 Buckeyes this high, but consider the following. This was the group that kicked off Tressel's five-title dynasty. It was also his only undefeated squad, in his second year. And this group beat a Washington State group that would end the season ranked third twice - once in the early season, and again in the Rose Bowl. The Buckeyes dispatched two other top-five opponents midseason in taking down Michigan in a thriller (until 2006, 1 and 4 were the highest rankings these teams had had against each other midseason) after dismantling defending national champion Illinois the week before. Sure, this Ohio State group never got to face Heisman winner Brad Banks and his great Iowa team, but they beat a terrific Colorado (Rick Neuheisel's last) and then an even better Arizona State in quick succession. And, critically, this group never trailed by more than two points in any match all season long. By some statistics, this side belongs lower - but on the whole, they certainly warrant celebration as one of the best groups since the 1989 Irish.
1. 2018 Penn State - Who else? Third time was the charm as Penn State completed an undefeated season and saw two-time Heisman winner Saquon Barkley, the only man to ever earn that honor, finally win a Rose Bowl alongside Miles Sanders, the runner-up for 2018, and the standouts Trace McSorley, Micah Parsons, Cameron Brown, Sean Clifford and Journey Brown. These Nits were head and shoulders better than anyone else in the country, besting a great in-state league rival Temple twice and taking down both Washington schools in the playoffs to break hearts all over the West Coast. They could score in a blur, and they dominated the ruck, and they had the fewest red cards in the season to boot. But mostly, they were a sum of their parts, clicking together under Al Golden at the ideal time, coming together after two straight heartbreaking Rose Bowl losses, and even if they faced lower-seeded teams in the Playoffs, they won in one of the most arguably competitive years in recent memory as multiple teams saw their experienced rosters peak, but nobody quite peaked like a Penn State team that has as good a claim as any to belonging in the same category as the 1989 Irish, 1991 Huskies, 2002 Buckeyes and 2022-23 Wolverines.
 
Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey (ITESM; English: Monterrey Institute of Technology and Higher Education),

Do *any* of the collegiate sports cross the borders (Canada/Quebec/CSA/Sequoyah/Texas/Mexico) iTTL?
(And I've completely forgotten what happened to Alaska)
Ahhh I see what you're saying.

No, not at all. I debated it, but decided it was more interesting if not. Still on the fence about an exhibition match between the US/Canada/CS/Texan champions in rugby, but yet undecided on that.
I'm really interested to see what Congress' makeup looks like in the modern day, especially with smaller districts and ranked choice voting.
Major spoilers, but:

RCV and smaller districts actually create more opportunity for smaller parties. I'll reveal more when I get around to the post, but basically since the late 2000s neither the Democrats or Liberals have had much luck in forming outright majorities and have depended on confidence-and-supply or coalition governments. This has usually gone better for the Democrats since the Socialists and Greens are more aligned with their policy priorities, while the Liberals have a right-wing populist party larger than the S/G splinter that they have to deal with and which causes them more than a little trouble (this is part of what makes the Goodell admin go up in flames, though a small part).

But we'll get to that soon.
 
If you don't mind sure, but if it is a hassle no big deal.
Sure thing.

Northeast Athletic League (NEAL)

Penn State
Rutgers
Temple
Maryland
Connecticut
West Virginia
Marshall
Cincinnati

American Athletic League (don't love this name, but basically large Midwest/East Coast private schools)

Notre Dame
Northwestern
Chicago
Boston College
Pitt
Vandy (in Staten island)
Syracuse
Buffalo

Big East OR Catholic Athletic League

DePaul
Villanova
Prov
Saint Johns
Seton Hall
Xavier
Marquette
Creighton

Ivy League

Harvard
Yale
Cornell
Columbua
Dartmouth
Brown
Princeton
Penn

Big Eight

Ohio State
Michigan
Michigan State
Wisconsin
Indiana
Illinois
Purdue
Minnesota

Heartland League

Missouri
Kansas
Kansas State
Wichita State
Iowa State
Iowa
Nebraska
Dakota State

Mountain West League

Colorado State
Colorado
New Mexico
Arizona
Arizona State
Denver
Utah
Byu

Pacific Coast/Pacific Eight League

Washington
Washington State
Oregon
Oregon State
UCLA
USC
Stanford
Cal

---

Then, of course, there's the rest of "Division I" that doesn't play rugby via Rugby USA's Rose Bowl Playoff participant leagues. This is a mix of smaller OTL FBS conferences (think MAC schools, WAC, etc) and Division I FCS schools. I cooked up ten more leagues here. So the total IAA Division I is 18 leagues for most sports, but starting in 2024 will be twelve for their sponsored rugby championship, and six remaining in the Rose Bowl Group run by Rugby USA.
 
Ahhh I see what you're saying.

No, not at all. I debated it, but decided it was more interesting if not. Still on the fence about an exhibition match between the US/Canada/CS/Texan champions in rugby, but yet undecided on that.

Major spoilers, but:

RCV and smaller districts actually create more opportunity for smaller parties. I'll reveal more when I get around to the post, but basically since the late 2000s neither the Democrats or Liberals have had much luck in forming outright majorities and have depended on confidence-and-supply or coalition governments. This has usually gone better for the Democrats since the Socialists and Greens are more aligned with their policy priorities, while the Liberals have a right-wing populist party larger than the S/G splinter that they have to deal with and which causes them more than a little trouble (this is part of what makes the Goodell admin go up in flames, though a small part).

But we'll get to that soon.
(Replying to myself…)

Part of the issue here is how to make coalition governments in the US system actually work. Since Cabinets serve at the pleasure of the President, not the Parliament, organizing the House is basically what they’re for, or possibly policy concessions/committee assignments. So trying to work out what drama could unfold from that is a bit of the challenge.
 
(Replying to myself…)

Part of the issue here is how to make coalition governments in the US system actually work. Since Cabinets serve at the pleasure of the President, not the Parliament, organizing the House is basically what they’re for, or possibly policy concessions/committee assignments. So trying to work out what drama could unfold from that is a bit of the challenge.
(reponding to his most recent in that thready) For Rugby, You mean the six Nations Championship? Canada, USA, CSA, Texas, IT and Mexico? (of course it will expand from 4 to 5 to 6, so CSA and IT may not be in it at the beginning. (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Six_Nations_Championship)
 
(Replying to myself…)

Part of the issue here is how to make coalition governments in the US system actually work. Since Cabinets serve at the pleasure of the President, not the Parliament, organizing the House is basically what they’re for, or possibly policy concessions/committee assignments. So trying to work out what drama could unfold from that is a bit of the challenge.
You could use some sort of warped Tenure of Office Act that not only forces Congressional approval to remove, but allows Congessional recall of the Cabinet Members without impeachment or a Vote of No Confidence officially terminates that person. All you would need is a majority of the Court to allow it.
 
(reponding to his most recent in that thready) For Rugby, You mean the six Nations Championship? Canada, USA, CSA, Texas, IT and Mexico? (of course it will expand from 4 to 5 to 6, so CSA and IT may not be in it at the beginning. (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Six_Nations_Championship)
Eh, maybe, we’ll see
You could use some sort of warped Tenure of Office Act that not only forces Congressional approval to remove, but allows Congessional recall of the Cabinet Members without impeachment or a Vote of No Confidence officially terminates that person. All you would need is a majority of the Court to allow it.
Would anything like that pass sans an Andrew Johnson to truly offend Congress’s proclivities?
 
Would anything like that pass sans an Andrew Johnson to truly offend Congress’s proclivities?
Honestly, why not just amend the constitution or a states convention and go full parliamentary since RCV will be added
You could use some sort of warped Tenure of Office Act that not only forces Congressional approval to remove, but allows Congessional recall of the Cabinet Members without impeachment or a Vote of No Confidence officially terminates that person. All you would need is a majority of the Court to allow it.
It too early to tell what amendments will to be added. But that would be a violation of Article II
 
Honestly, why not just amend the constitution or a states convention and go full parliamentary since RCV will be added

Why not just lop your foot off with a chainsaw, you're already removing the ingrown toenail?

Ranked choice voting can work with the American federal system - there are localities in the US which have adopted it even in OTL. To say that one must simply go parliamentary afterwards, just to get blended cabinets, is ... odd.

The fact of the matter is, that the US electoral system, with or without RCV, is going to be different than the vast majority of other republics in the world. And Americans in both the ATL and OTL are rather wedded to those differences.

If blended cabinets are a make it or break it for 21st century Democracy, for some reason, there's already an American tradition in place which will bring them about: fusion tickets. The Greens, for instance, agree not to run a presidential ticket in the upcoming (though they will run Congressional slates) and in exchange the Dems agree to nominate X cabinet officials from the Green Party. Fusions have been a part of American politics since the 19th century and, though they may appear unofficial and odd to an outside observer ... well, good. It gives the *US of the Cinqo-verse more color and differentiates them from other nations.


 
Eh, maybe, we’ll see

Would anything like that pass sans an Andrew Johnson to truly offend Congress’s proclivities?
It would depend on how far you wish to plumb the depths of incompetent or quasi-authoritarian Presidents. A situation with a bad President combined with a destabilized economic and political situation, and an acquiescent Supreme Court, can vomit out almost anything, Constitutionbe damned.
 
The Economist (February 2, 2024)
The Crucial Moment for Texas
February 2, 2024

Texas, land of vast open prairies and cattle ranches, once dotted with oil derricks and now with giant wind farms stretching across the horizon, has always been viewed as a land of opportunity, a place where people from all over the world, and particularly all over North America, can come and make something for themselves in the energy sector in Houston or the sleek skyscrapers of Dallas. Similar in population and GDP per capita to Canada, it sports a major, sophisticated economy that is well integrated with all three of its major neighbors in the United States, Mexico and the Confederate States, and during the 1990s was one of the darlings of the FDI world as it developed an image of business-friendly cowboys with low corporate and personal tax rates and huge opportunities for diversification and growth. It also, under the Texas United party led by two-time former President Rick Perry, has a reputation for autocratic cronyism and a staunch (though in recent years receding) social and cultural conservatism.

By all accounts, Texas could - and should - have an economy the size of Australia's (and in due time, perhaps a similar population, too). Like Canada, Argentina and Australia, it is rich in natural resources, has excellent public and private research universities and a well-educated populace, is increasingly a magnet for foreign immigration (particularly from Latin America) and until recently was relatively cheap to relocate to, especially for Americans bringing their over-strong dollar down south. But in recent years, several factors have acted to halt what was once seen as Texas' inexorable rise, and indeed now it appears the country may be in the midst of an upper-middle income trap.

Texas is, after Canada and Mexico, the continent's third-largest petroleum producer, narrowly ahead of the USA and CSA, but the softness of oil prices and demand since the mid-2010s has forced massive consolidation in the Texas oil sector and left cities such as Houston that are dependent on corporate windfall revenues struggling. Starting with the revenue bonanza from the 1988-91 oil crisis, Texas has been overly dependent on an elevated price of petroleum, and efforts towards economic diversification have been piecemeal; the coziness of Texas United and other rightist parties such as the Christian nationalist One Texas or right-populist Texas Marches Forward (which is founded and led by an oil billionaire, Stephen G. Martin) have made it hard to shake the country's addiction to oil markets. A property boom has also now run out of steam, with suburban developments in wheat fields abandoned before they're built and a half-finished skyscraper in Houston a grim symbol of economic malaise.

Texans have noticed and it was for that reason that they emphatically elected an outsider in former daytime soap actor and comedian Matthew McConaughey in the 2020 election's runoff, and nearly saw Martin edge out Perry for the second runoff slot in the first round. Like similar centrist or center-left counterparts in Australia or Canada who also defeated right-wing opponents to enter power that same year, McConaughey's party - Alright, Texas! - pledged a flurry of new investment in Texan roads, bridges, airports, factories and schools, in addition to a genuine anti-corruption drive. This has not been easy; Alright, Texas! does not have a majority in either house of the Congress of Texas and its position indeed became worse in the March 2023 midterm elections as it lost seven seats and failed to pick up the mayoralties of Dallas and Houston. While major infrastructure projects such as the Trans-Texas Corridor and the Texas Central Railroad high speed service between the "Texas Triangle's" two major eastern legs look to wrap up before McConaughey's term ends in December 2025, it is a far cry from the swaggering new day he promised on the campaign trail three years ago.

The challenges facing McConaughey are substantial - Texas has had a higher unemployment rate for the last seven years than the North American average and is almost twice as high as the Texas average from 1997-17. GDP per capita has declined two years in a row, even as interest rates are kept low to spur investment and the currency, the Texas dollar, continues to atrophy against the US dollar and the Mexican peso, its two most important benchmarks as part of its "floating basket." House prices rose last year off their 30% drawdown nadir from the 2017 peak, suggesting that the long Texan real estate depression might be coming to an end (low interest rates and subsidies surely help here) but the construction and commercial property sectors are unlikely to ever recover to their heady days at the height of the building bubble a decade ago. Depressed oil prices that remain well below their secular highs in 2001 and 2010 have strained municipal and national budgets, while high and onerous property taxes used to keep income taxes well below OECD and North American averages have stymied further development in urban cores; despite an ambitious deployment of wind turbine technology, Texas is also still dependent fossil fuels for its electric needs after it was forced to close its sole nuclear power station last year over continued design issues, and its buildout of cheap solar has been slow considering its ample solar resources, further raising electricity prices to the point that the cost of power has become a joke in Texas, mocking the idea that an energy production power would have such high wholesale and home prices.

It is also the case that McConaughey has made himself unpopular with the Texan public through doing exactly the opposite of what he promised in terms of corruption; he has been tied to a number of Austin financiers who have showered his party with eyebrow-raising campaign contributions, most decisions in Austin seem to flow outwards from a small coterie of longtime friends with questionable political experience, and McConaughey's much-vaunted "New Morning" initiative to root out corruption has captured not only Texas United hacks but also longtime professional civil servants. It is for that reason that this month's visit from not only President Brian Sandoval but also, perhaps just as crucially, US Secretary of State Robert Zoellick is so crucial as Texas hosts for the first time since 2017 the North American Leaders Summit in San Antonio. Sandoval faces a tough reelection test this autumn as the North American economic recovery from the 2019-21 recession looks to be losing a bit of its steam, and Zoellick - regarded as the architect of the North American Free Travel Area and pushing it towards a hypothetical common market - is eager to, excuse the pun, rope in Texas before January 2025, when both he and his boss may be out of a job and NAFTA expansion is put on ice if a more free trade-skeptical Democrat is elected. McConaughey, a strong supporter of guiding Texas into NAFTA and a future NACM, likely also views this leadership summit as his best opportunity to strike a deal moving such a negotiation forward, even if conservative Texan parties have begun to turn against the idea that enjoyed a fair deal of support in the second Perry term of 2010-15. To do so, he will also need to impress Jaime "Bronco" Rodriguez, Mexico's pugilistic and populist Prime Minister, who is facing his own raft of scandals and deep unpopularity back home and who will be under an enormous amount of pressure to take a firm line against Texans whom Mexican media delight in mocking as uneducated yokels.

The elimination of all remaining duties and passport checks for Texans going into both Mexico and the United States would likely inform an economic boom, as it did in those countries since NAFTA was first placed into being in 2012 (Canada's experience is hard to divorce from the onset of the recession in 2019, but Quebec and the Atlantic Union seem to have come out well so far from the elimination of border checks and the near-zeroing out of customs on most, but not all, goods), and it could allow McConaughey to at last deliver on his promise of a new Texas that is as exciting as the Texas of the 1980s and 90s was to international investors and a Texas that regains some of its much-famed swagger. A failure to at least advance talks with the "Amigos," as McConaughey has taken to calling Sandoval and Rodriguez, and getting closer to moving towards NAFTA membership, would punctuate his term even with nearly two years left in it as a remarkable missed opportunity.
 
Texans have noticed and it was for that reason that they emphatically elected an outsider in former daytime soap actor and comedian Matthew McConaughey in the 2020 election's runoff, and nearly saw Martin edge out Perry for the second runoff slot in the first round. Like similar centrist or center-left counterparts in Australia or Canada who also defeated right-wing opponents to enter power that same year, McConaughey's party - Alright, Texas! - pledged a flurry of new investment in Texan roads, bridges, airports, factories and schools, in addition to a genuine anti-corruption drive.
Oh fuck yes. Amazing stuff as always.
 
The Crucial Moment for Texas
February 2, 2024

Texas, land of vast open prairies and cattle ranches, once dotted with oil derricks and now with giant wind farms stretching across the horizon, has always been viewed as a land of opportunity, a place where people from all over the world, and particularly all over North America, can come and make something for themselves in the energy sector in Houston or the sleek skyscrapers of Dallas. Similar in population and GDP per capita to Canada, it sports a major, sophisticated economy that is well integrated with all three of its major neighbors in the United States, Mexico and the Confederate States, and during the 1990s was one of the darlings of the FDI world as it developed an image of business-friendly cowboys with low corporate and personal tax rates and huge opportunities for diversification and growth. It also, under the Texas United party led by two-time former President Rick Perry, has a reputation for autocratic cronyism and a staunch (though in recent years receding) social and cultural conservatism.

By all accounts, Texas could - and should - have an economy the size of Australia's (and in due time, perhaps a similar population, too). Like Canada, Argentina and Australia, it is rich in natural resources, has excellent public and private research universities and a well-educated populace, is increasingly a magnet for foreign immigration (particularly from Latin America) and until recently was relatively cheap to relocate to, especially for Americans bringing their over-strong dollar down south. But in recent years, several factors have acted to halt what was once seen as Texas' inexorable rise, and indeed now it appears the country may be in the midst of an upper-middle income trap.

Texas is, after Canada and Mexico, the continent's third-largest petroleum producer, narrowly ahead of the USA and CSA, but the softness of oil prices and demand since the mid-2010s has forced massive consolidation in the Texas oil sector and left cities such as Houston that are dependent on corporate windfall revenues struggling. Starting with the revenue bonanza from the 1988-91 oil crisis, Texas has been overly dependent on an elevated price of petroleum, and efforts towards economic diversification have been piecemeal; the coziness of Texas United and other rightist parties such as the Christian nationalist One Texas or right-populist Texas Marches Forward (which is founded and led by an oil billionaire, Stephen G. Martin) have made it hard to shake the country's addiction to oil markets. A property boom has also now run out of steam, with suburban developments in wheat fields abandoned before they're built and a half-finished skyscraper in Houston a grim symbol of economic malaise.

Texans have noticed and it was for that reason that they emphatically elected an outsider in former daytime soap actor and comedian Matthew McConaughey in the 2020 election's runoff, and nearly saw Martin edge out Perry for the second runoff slot in the first round. Like similar centrist or center-left counterparts in Australia or Canada who also defeated right-wing opponents to enter power that same year, McConaughey's party - Alright, Texas! - pledged a flurry of new investment in Texan roads, bridges, airports, factories and schools, in addition to a genuine anti-corruption drive. This has not been easy; Alright, Texas! does not have a majority in either house of the Congress of Texas and its position indeed became worse in the March 2023 midterm elections as it lost seven seats and failed to pick up the mayoralties of Dallas and Houston. While major infrastructure projects such as the Trans-Texas Corridor and the Texas Central Railroad high speed service between the "Texas Triangle's" two major eastern legs look to wrap up before McConaughey's term ends in December 2025, it is a far cry from the swaggering new day he promised on the campaign trail three years ago.

The challenges facing McConaughey are substantial - Texas has had a higher unemployment rate for the last seven years than the North American average and is almost twice as high as the Texas average from 1997-17. GDP per capita has declined two years in a row, even as interest rates are kept low to spur investment and the currency, the Texas dollar, continues to atrophy against the US dollar and the Mexican peso, its two most important benchmarks as part of its "floating basket." House prices rose last year off their 30% drawdown nadir from the 2017 peak, suggesting that the long Texan real estate depression might be coming to an end (low interest rates and subsidies surely help here) but the construction and commercial property sectors are unlikely to ever recover to their heady days at the height of the building bubble a decade ago. Depressed oil prices that remain well below their secular highs in 2001 and 2010 have strained municipal and national budgets, while high and onerous property taxes used to keep income taxes well below OECD and North American averages have stymied further development in urban cores; despite an ambitious deployment of wind turbine technology, Texas is also still dependent fossil fuels for its electric needs after it was forced to close its sole nuclear power station last year over continued design issues, and its buildout of cheap solar has been slow considering its ample solar resources, further raising electricity prices to the point that the cost of power has become a joke in Texas, mocking the idea that an energy production power would have such high wholesale and home prices.

It is also the case that McConaughey has made himself unpopular with the Texan public through doing exactly the opposite of what he promised in terms of corruption; he has been tied to a number of Austin financiers who have showered his party with eyebrow-raising campaign contributions, most decisions in Austin seem to flow outwards from a small coterie of longtime friends with questionable political experience, and McConaughey's much-vaunted "New Morning" initiative to root out corruption has captured not only Texas United hacks but also longtime professional civil servants. It is for that reason that this month's visit from not only President Brian Sandoval but also, perhaps just as crucially, US Secretary of State Robert Zoellick is so crucial as Texas hosts for the first time since 2017 the North American Leaders Summit in San Antonio. Sandoval faces a tough reelection test this autumn as the North American economic recovery from the 2019-21 recession looks to be losing a bit of its steam, and Zoellick - regarded as the architect of the North American Free Travel Area and pushing it towards a hypothetical common market - is eager to, excuse the pun, rope in Texas before January 2025, when both he and his boss may be out of a job and NAFTA expansion is put on ice if a more free trade-skeptical Democrat is elected. McConaughey, a strong supporter of guiding Texas into NAFTA and a future NACM, likely also views this leadership summit as his best opportunity to strike a deal moving such a negotiation forward, even if conservative Texan parties have begun to turn against the idea that enjoyed a fair deal of support in the second Perry term of 2010-15. To do so, he will also need to impress Jaime "Bronco" Rodriguez, Mexico's pugilistic and populist Prime Minister, who is facing his own raft of scandals and deep unpopularity back home and who will be under an enormous amount of pressure to take a firm line against Texans whom Mexican media delight in mocking as uneducated yokels.

The elimination of all remaining duties and passport checks for Texans going into both Mexico and the United States would likely inform an economic boom, as it did in those countries since NAFTA was first placed into being in 2012 (Canada's experience is hard to divorce from the onset of the recession in 2019, but Quebec and the Atlantic Union seem to have come out well so far from the elimination of border checks and the near-zeroing out of customs on most, but not all, goods), and it could allow McConaughey to at last deliver on his promise of a new Texas that is as exciting as the Texas of the 1980s and 90s was to international investors and a Texas that regains some of its much-famed swagger. A failure to at least advance talks with the "Amigos," as McConaughey has taken to calling Sandoval and Rodriguez, and getting closer to moving towards NAFTA membership, would punctuate his term even with nearly two years left in it as a remarkable missed opportunity.
Love having McConaughey TTL Texas version of OTL Zelenskyy; bonus for his party as Alright!

Love the fact that you have Mexico led by the guy who said crime would be solved by chopping off criminals’ hands and regularly tells his kids that Santa Claus isn’t real!
 
The comedian one, right?
The one in the Pink Panther, and Pink Panther II, which are probably, only movies of him I watched
Correct. Born in Waco, TX iOtL and for some reason the idea of him as a shady oil billionaire appealed to me
Oh fuck yes. Amazing stuff as always.
Thank you for giving me the idea!
Love having McConaughey TTL Texas version of OTL Zelenskyy; bonus for his party as Alright!

Love the fact that you have Mexico led by the guy who said crime would be solved by chopping off criminals’ hands and regularly tells his kids that Santa Claus isn’t real!
Pre-war Zelenskyy, at least. Haha and thank you!

Yeah, Jaime Rodriguez is exactly the kind of cartoonish whacko I love to play with, I’ll need to get around to a Mexico-specific update to really dig into him
 
Thank you for giving me the idea!
Anytime, always glad to help!
Sandoval faces a tough reelection test this autumn as the North American economic recovery from the 2019-21 recession looks to be losing a bit of its steam, and Zoellick - regarded as the architect of the North American Free Travel Area and pushing it towards a hypothetical common market - is eager to, excuse the pun, rope in Texas before January 2025, when both he and his boss may be out of a job and NAFTA expansion is put on ice if a more free trade-skeptical Democrat is elected.
Kinda like the idea that the two major parties segregate on trade. Liberals are, well, more liberal to the idea of free trade while Dems - reflecting their blue-collar base - are more protectionist. Interesting to see that the "free trade is good" consensus that hit both major parties from the early 1990s to the mid 2010s doesn't happen here.
 
Anytime, always glad to help!

Kinda like the idea that the two major parties segregate on trade. Liberals are, well, more liberal to the idea of free trade while Dems - reflecting their blue-collar base - are more protectionist. Interesting to see that the "free trade is good" consensus that hit both major parties from the early 1990s to the mid 2010s doesn't happen here.
Yup, free trade is definitely a big wedge, especially since it’s one of the Roger Goodell era’s big legacies. (I’ll need to touch on this soon I think)

This isn’t to say that Democrats aren’t open to bilateral piecemeal trade liberalization, they’re just much, much more skeptical of the broad brush “common market” plans. “Free association” with Canada and Quebec were agreed to under Schweitzer (2013-21), after all, but the agreement with Mexico is purely a passport union for a reason.
 
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Yup, free trade is definitely a big wedge, especially since it’s one of the Roger Goodell era’s big legacies. (I’ll need to touch on this soon I think)

This isn’t to say that Democrats aren’t open to bilateral piecemeal trade liberalization, they’re just much, much more of the broad brush “common market” plans. “Free association” with Canada and Quebec were agreed to under Schweitzer (2013-21), after all, but the agreement with Mexico is purely a passport union for a reason.
Honestly i could see america being more protectionist in this tl
 
We don’t know much about Australia in TTL’s present - but from the comparisons in this piece sounds like, much like Canada and Texas, it’s more of an upper-middle income economy with some political turbulence than OTL’s high-income success story.
 
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