6th July 2003:
Cendana Street was the site of an unexpected visit today as Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri was seen emerging out of a car. With a serene smile, Megawati only said to the gathered press that she was there on a non-political visit before disappearing inside the residence. An hour or so later, Megawati emerged out of the house with Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto and looking very much like old friends.
“
Mbak Mega and I didn’t talk about the politics”, Tutut said “We just discussed the ups and downs of life, that’s all.”
When asked who did she intend to support at the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress, Tutut said that right now she was only intending to see out her final week as chairwoman of the PKPB peacefully. And that her final political activity will be to take part at the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress.
7th July 2003:
Protocol meant that President Try Sutrisno was always the last one to arrive at such meetings and that when he does arrive everyone would stand up. The President took his seat at the head of the table and it was only once he has sat down that Vice President JB Sumarlin and the other attendees of the DKN could sit down.
The President looked around at the officials who had gathered in the room, military and civilian alike. In addition to the DKN’s members, Minister of Legal Affairs Oka Mahendra, Minister of Information, Post, and Telecommunications Dahlan Iskan, Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Arief Koeshariadi, and Attorney General Muchtar Arifin had also been asked along to attend.
“I declare this meeting open and I have nothing further to say as I believe we’ve got a lot to get through”, said the President curtly making everyone in the room suddenly wonder what the meeting was about “Chief of BAKIN, the floor is yours.”
Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo spoke and began to brief the entire meeting about intelligence that had been gathered over the past 14 months. That the OPM is active in the Pacific Island and is, at the very least, raising funds for something; that the GAM has received military training in Libya and had taken part in military operations to defend the Central African Republican government; and that those elements of Fretilin which are not in Indonesia has received military training in Angola and taken part in military operations in the Angolan Civil War. In the case of the GAM and Fretilin there are indications that they will be departing or have already departed from their respective places of training. Ari also reported about his recent trip to Aceh, Irian Jaya and East Timor where he had not found any traces of activities in the three provinces.
The President looked around at the other meeting participants. There were those who had only just heard it for the first time and those who looked like they had encountered bits and pieces of information in the recent past.
“BAKIN’s conclusion is that all three separatist organizations are now actively planning something”, Ari said as he finished his presentation “And that while they are now still far away from Indonesia, we are certain that they will arrive here soon and implement whatever it is that they are planning.”
Bowing his head in the President’s direction, Ari took his seat.
“Thank you very much to the Chief of BAKIN for the briefing”, the President said “In the five and half years that I’ve held this office, I have not been faced with a separatist rebellion. Part of that is probably just circumstances but part of that is deliberate. I wanted to give more autonomy, more economic development and more revenue in their direction than my predecessor, so that there is no reason left for them to plan anything against this Republic much less want to leave it.
But here we are…the dormant situation in Aceh, Irian Jaya, and East Timor are in all likelihood coming to an end. We’re going to go back to a situation that I thought we would never face again with the three hot spots in the archipelago becoming active again.
Having heard the Chief of BAKIN’s briefing and having said all that, I want to ask your considerations and opinions on this matter.”
“I don’t want to sound like I’m invalidating months and months of intelligence gathering”, said Minister of Foreign Affairs Marzuki Darusman “But diplomatically, it’s difficult to do anything with the information we’ve just been presented with. We had a meeting about vague information that elements of the OPM are raising funds in Oceania last year and my stance is the same as last year: if we use this information and try to do something about it, it won’t look good. It’ll just look like we’re picking fights with Libya, Central Africa, Angola, and Mozambique.”
“Well, domestically if we just start conducting arrests and crackdowns in those three provinces off the back of this intel”, Minister of Home Affairs Sintong Panjaitan said “We would’ve just given a propaganda victory to those three organizations. We would look like we’re conducting wholescale repression on them instead of what we had been actually doing the last few years with their Special Region status.”
“ABRI has plans for various contingencies including the possibility of the GAM, Fretilin and the OPM returning” replied Commander of ABRI TB Hasanuddin “But until we are certain what we can anticipate from them, it’s difficult to plan, prepare, and train for something specific.”
“Doesn’t mean we’ll just sit back and wait until we get punched in the face though, right?” State Secretary Edi asked sounding frustrated “There has to be something we can do as a first step.”
“We absolutely need to prepare for them; I for one am curious what weapons they will have…as well as who’s supplying them, because they would have to have gotten them from somewhere if ABRI posts has not been attacked” spoke up Minister of Defense and Security Wiranto “But on the other hand, I worry if we end up being the aggressor in this situation…what does that mean for the weapons systems we want to procure or are procuring to strengthen ABRI? If it’ll make it difficult to have weapons procured and delivered, we have to be cautious about what we do now.”
“Pardon me for being a smartass civilian but I think we need more information before we can know what steps we can take”, piped Minister of Information, Post, and Telecommunications Dahlan Iskan “There’s basically no intelligence from inside the country and little from outside of it so maybe we can dig around for more information.”
“And where do you suppose the Chief of BAKIN should start with? GAM, Fretilin, or OPM?” asked Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Arief Koeshariadi “The first two are making their plans from Africa and the last one are making their plans somewhere in the Pacific; speaking as someone with nautical experience, that’s a very big place to hide in.”
“There’s something we can do”, said Minister of Legal Affairs Oka Mahendra “We’ve established that they’re outside the country, right? Why not put them on a blacklist and be on the lookout for them at various checkpoints airports, ports, land borders. If they come in, deny them entry and arrest them.”
“These guys are probably not travelling using their real names”, Sintong said “I’ll be surprised if they’re not using fake passports, IDs and other documents, actually.”
“We’ll have to make sure that immigrations, customs, and various entry checkpoints into the country are aware of not just their names but also their faces”, Oka countered.
“Sounds like a plan”, the President said “Any preparations we have to make to bring this travel ban about?”
“The Immigration Law says that if we want to deny entry to Indonesians wanting to go into the country requires me to consult with ABRI Headquarters, the Department of Home Affairs, the Department of Foreign Affairs, the Attorney General’s Office, and BAKIN”, Oka replied “But mostly, what I will be needing is the names and faces of those we want to prevent from coming into the country.”
“I’ll be sure to get you those, Mr. Minister of Legal Affairs”, Ari said.
There was silence at the table.
“I think as a first step against the threat that has been conveyed to us today, this is all well and good”, Sumarlin commented “But the I think the question that we need to answer is, ultimately what is our end goal and our ultimate aim when it comes to the GAM, the Fretilin, and the OPM?”
Almost reflexively, everyone turned in the President’s direction. The President took a few seconds to reflect and then answered.
“The total defeat of the OPM, the GAM, and the Fretilin, Mr. Vice President”, the President said “What I mean by that is we know that they’re defeated, they know that they’re defeated, and the world knows that they’re defeated. It is preferable to me, in much the same way as recent political developments, that they’re compelled to openly acknowledge their defeat to us so there are no more questions or disputes. If we claim victory but they’re still harassing military bases or police stations or we’re still chasing remnants of them around the mountains and jungles and villages 20-25 years from now, that will not be good enough.”
There was silence in the room as all present processed the President’s words.
“And I don’t wish to be melodramatic but this is what’s at stake. We are in the midst of leveraging three decades of economic development so that we can become firmly established as an emerging economic power, be more assertive in world affairs, and be able to strengthen our nation’s militarily. We’re in a situation where we’re concerned about China’s intentions towards our region and we have Australia behind us if we want to focus on China but the way our relation is with the Land Downunder, it’s not safe to turn our backs.
And they’ve picked precisely this moment to begin to be active again. We don’t know what they’re going to do, what they’re going to do, and where they will do it. We only know the following things: that they are coming and that they seem to have spent a considerable time making sure that this time around, they land a good hit on us.”
The only noise being heard in the room is the scratching of pens on notepads.
“I’m going to assume that their respective goals is to successfully break apart from this Republic”, the President said “But even if they do not achieve that, they will at the very least be a distraction. In economic relations, I wouldn’t be surprised if they will become real topic again among some of those seeking to trade with us, invest in us, or provide us with aid.
Geopolitically, we’ll have to spend some time away from ASEAN and other matters because we would have to address these separatists. All the while we’re seeing something that is not a good precedent in Yugoslavia; if you try to do something about people trying to secede from you, you get a “humanitarian intervention” thrown in your face.”
Silence dawned in the room.
“And if I may, Mr. President”, Sumarlin asked “This total defeat, is it to be achieved militarily?”
The President was silent for a while.
“If it can be achieved any other way, I’m all for it”, the President said “But I don’t think these guys have undergone military training or are preparing something from afar just so they can achieve their aims diplomatically.”
“Very well, Mr. President”, Sumarlin said as he nodded in Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti and Minister of Finance Boediono’s direction “We will make plans accordingly.”
“Do what you have to, but don’t make it too obvious or visible”, the President said before turning to the others “That goes for all of you too, let’s not look to the outside world like we’re planning anything to anticipate or respond to something because they will know.”
There was silence in the room again and TB Hasanuddin felt the President’s eyes scan in his direction.
“Commander, in the event of military engagement, how do you expect our personnel will perform?” asked the President.
“Well, Mr. President the information we’ve received, we will either be going against personnel trained in Libya with counterinsurgency experience in Central Africa or against personnel that have been trained and gotten field experience in the Angolan Civil War with the OPM’s training still unaccounted for”, Hasanuddin said “And our personnel…well…we saw our personnel’s capabilities at the last exercise and…erm…well…I don’t wish to be disparaging but…”
Wiranto looked at this with an expression of sympathy on his face.
“Permission to speak, Mr. President”, Wiranto said “I just want to put it on the record that our personnel will struggle because they have shown that they could not make it through a training exercise without getting diarrhea or dengue fever. It happened under my command, I take full…”
The President lifted his hand.
“I don’t want responsibility, I want improvements”, the President told Wiranto before turning to Hasanuddin “Right now, the goal of implementing the improvements recommended by the 2002 ABRI Joint Exercise Review is not merely to get better, it’s to prepare for to meet these guys on the battlefield and of course, you’re welcome if there are any additional training you want to add into the equation.”
“Sir, yes Sir”, said TB Hasanuddin.
“Another question, Lt. Gen. Amirul as the Chief of ABRI Intelligence Agency is coordinated by the Chief of BAKIN because he’s part of the intelligence community but he’s your direct subordinate which means he has reported to you about some of the things that had been discussed today, has he not?” asked the President.
“That’s correct, Sir”, replied Hasanuddin “Lt. Gen. Amirul kept me updated when he was well enough to come into the Headquarters.”
“Is there anyone else ABRI are aware of the intel from the ABRI Intelligence Agency aside from you?” asked the President.
“The Deputy Commander of ABRI, the Army, Navy, and Air Force Chiefs of Staff and the Chief of Police, the ABRI Chief of General Staff, the ABRI Chief of Socio-Political Affairs Staff, the Inspector General of ABRI, Mr. President and of course the present Chief of ABRI Intelligence Agency was brought up to speed upon taking over”, replied Hasanuddin.
“Let’s start bringing in more people into the loop”, the President said “The Army, Navy, Air Force Deputies Chief of Staff and the Deputy Chief of Police, the staff members at the ABRI, Army, Navy, Air Force, and Police Headquarters; the Education and Training Commands of the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Police; I'll add my Military Secretary as well…these can all start to be brought up to speed on things.”
“Yes, Mr. President”, said Hasanuddin.
“Anyone in command of combat personnel need to be brought into the loop as well”, the President continued “The Commander of Kostrad with his 3 divisions, the regional military commanders, and the Commander of Kopassus for the Army; the commanders of the 3 fleets, the Commander of the Kolinlamil and the Commander of the Marine Corps with his 3 troops for the Navy; the commander of the 3 Air Force operations commands, the Commander of the National Air Defense Command, and the Commander of the Air Force Special Forces for the Air Force; the chiefs of the regional police and the Commander of the Mobile Brigade for the Police. Bring them and only them into the loop at this time."
“Sir, yes Sir”, said Hasanuddin.
"For the Department of Defense and Security, the Departmental Secretary, Inspector, and Directors General can be briefed on this", the President said, turning to Wiranto "Don't forget the Lemhanas as well."
While Hasanuddin and Wiranto wrote down the President’s instructions, Edi looked around at the expressions around the table. Those with a military background got the message immediately and had a concerned expression on their faces with Sintong’s face seeming to scream “I wish I had known of this earlier”. Of the civilians, Sumarlin and Marzuki looked the most concerned. Sumarlin because he sat very close to the President and could see the grievous expression on his face as he said these things while Marzuki was clearly pondering the consequences of the coming three separatist rebellions for Indonesia’s present geopolitical jockeying. The remaining civilians, though realizing that the President was concerned about this, seemed to still see the threat being presented as a largely “abstract” one.
“Well, if there’s nothing else to discuss, let’s close the meeting”, the President said as he pushed his chair back and stood up; everyone else standing up out of respect. He nodded at all in the room before turning around to leave.
Sumarlin turned and followed the President out of the room while the rest of officials packed their paperwork and chatted amongst themselves. Ari gathered up his paperwork and went to approach Edi as the latter gathered their paperwork.
“That went all right, I suppose”, Ari said “Though the meeting is correct, there’s still a lot of information to dig up.”
“It got more people are thinking about these things instead of everything being on his shoulders, in that sense it went all right”, Edi replied “And yes, there’s still a lot of the puzzle for us to figure out but whatever it is that our enemies are preparing for us out there, we’re making our own preparations too and we’ll be ready for them, they can be sure of that.”
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Yeah, it’s a quiet Friday where I am. Very relaxed and once again this just wrote itself.
Megawati visiting Tutut is an echo of a part of her OTL personality that I’ve always found interesting: her empathy towards Soeharto after he had fallen from power. It’s not that she has forgotten what Soeharto has done to her or her father, but somehow she’s empathetic towards him. In OTL on 1st June 1998, which means just days after Soeharto fell from power, she’s recorded as calling on the public to stop insulting and castigating Soeharto (
https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...nghujat+soeharto&pg=PA115&printsec=frontcover).
And when she became president, she did not try and push for Soeharto to be put on trial and even considered pardoning him though there is question about whether or not this was Megawati or Yusril’s idea (
https://www.hukumonline.com/berita/a/tepatkah-abolisi-untuk-soeharto-hol4475/).
Indonesia has, under different names, a national security council but history suggests that it is rarely used. Soekarno used it in the lead-up to West Irian but other than that there’s no record of it being used to make policies and decisions (
https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dewan_Ketahanan_Nasional).
The law being cited is article 16 of the Immigration Law of 1992 (
https://bphn.go.id/data/documents/92uu009.pdf).