If they will not meet us on the open sea (a Trent TL)

Preface

Saphroneth

Banned
Well, I say, if they will not meet us on the open sea, we must visit them in their own homes, and teach them that a war with England is not to be engaged in with impunity. (Sir James Graham, First Lord of the Admiralty 1852-1855, HC Deb 29 June 1854 vol 134 cc920-21)


A Trent TL.


Preface


This is a TL intended to look at the state of the US Navy, the Royal Navy and the technology of coastal and naval attack in the early 1860s. It looks at the ships and weapons available to both sides, the tactics and experience the Royal Navy had gained during their time in the Russian War and in experiments afterwards, and - perhaps most importantly - looks at whether the US Navy could meaningfully respond.

I’ve tried to be as fair as possible given the problems with the various forces. In some cases (such as the Armstrong gun) I’ve painted a weapon in a rosier light than would normally be seen because it is facing situations that play to its advantages; in others the opposite has happened. In at least one case I’ve let the Union deploy an entirely new weapons system in a bare month or two, though teething problems exist.


Politically speaking, I take it as read that the war happens (via the agency of a lack of Union climbdown after Trent) and that it continues at least until June. Obviously if peace unexpectedly breaks out events will stall at that point, and I’ve not written a peace conference.


I’ve also not followed the OTL strategies of the commanders, not quite. In some cases that’s because of the concept of the TL (this is a coastal attack TL as much as a blockade TL - though hopefully it also demonstrates that the resources were there to institute a fearsome blockade), in others it’s frankly to give the Union something of a chance (OTL there were conditional war orders; these are not in place TTL.)


The focus is almost exclusively on the actions of the Royal Navy and their repercussions. Partly this is because I feel that the days of wooden ships, iron men, shell guns and steam boilers below decks deserve better examination, and partly because - well, I find that easier to write!
Similarly, I have for the most part not tracked Union vessels below the size of sloop. They are all but meaningless in battles involving ships of the line and ironclads, and there's a lot of them but their combat power (as opposed to blockade power) is not worth the effort of keeping them straight. I have also not counted Mississippi gunboats, though this is because the TL barely enters the Mississippi, and the Lakes are peripheral to say the least.

It would perhaps be best to view this as the what-if that was in part in the minds of the decision makers at the time of Trent, though not in the precise details.



Additional note: the prefix USS does not appear in this TL. This is because it seems it was not used at this time, at least not consistently; as such I have left it off.
 
27 Dec 1861 - 30 Jan 1862

Saphroneth

Banned
27 December
Lyons is informed that Mason and Slidell will not be released from captivity. (PoD.)

29 December
Lyons leaves the US via New York on the sloop Rinaldo. (n.b. Detaining him would be contra to all diplomatic standards.)

3 January
First tranche of Canadian militia officially completes mobilization. 38,000 rank and file (>40,000 All Ranks) are mobilized, in addition to the 5,000 Class A active militia and additional newly raised volunteers. These troops are all armed with Enfield rifle-muskets, and begin drill and target practice with training from NCOs of the 30th and 47th Foot.
At about the same date, the US begin calling up additional volunteers to form into a field army in case it is necessary to invade Canada. The projections are for ~200,000 troops, though there are significant concerns about the number of small arms available - it was only a month ago that Cameron asked Northern governers not to send any more regiments unless called for (due to the shortage of small arms; most regments thus raised have been armed with smoothbores rather than rifles) - and about paying for these additional soldiers, since the crisis has already caused the banks of the Union to suspend specie payments.

5 January
Immortalite arrives at the Chesapeake. The captain discovers Lyons has quit the country, and in response lights her boilers and sails hard for Bermuda. The USN blockading squadron does not engage her - at this point the two nations are not at war - and in fact informed Immortalite of the movement of the ambassador.

8 Jan
Immortalite makes Bermuda, and conveys the news to Adm. Milne. Milne orders his ships to concentrate ahead of the declaration of war, and has their coal bunkers topped off from the Dromedary hulk as they come in. (Due to the geometry of the Bermuda harbour basin, the battleships cannot enter the basin to coal in bad weathers and must use lighters - fortunately the pause is long enough that Hero and Donegal have time to enter and coal fully.)

8/9 Jan
Overnight Cabinet session in the United Kingdom on whether to declare war. The decision is made in the affirmative.


9 Jan
A fast steamer leaves the UK carrying the news of the war to Bermuda. It will make the crossing in ten days.
Other steamers head for Jamaica, Halifax, South Africa, and the Pacific - among other destinations.


Tuscaroa is in harbour in Southampton when war is declared. She is originally not aware of the decision, being more concerned with keeping watch on the Nashville, but her captain (Tunis A.M. Craven) discovers the state of war when HMS Dauntless (guardship) steams up to her and levels her broadside.
Tuscaroa is captured without fuss and will become HMS Troubridge.

12 Jan
Orders are tendered in Britain for ironclads to pass through the Canadian canals and operate on the Great Lakes. Their maximum length, beam and draft are defined by the dimensions of the locks on the Welland Canal, and they are to deliver in 90 days. To speed construction they will use plates rejected from the Warrior - lower quality, but still rolled armour.

15 Jan
HMS Mersey takes on Prince Albert to carry him back to Bermuda and out of harms’ way. Dunlop is alerted that there may be a state of war soon existing.
HMS Orlando arrives in Halifax, joining Hydra and Orpheus.

16 Jan
More orders are tendered in the US for various ironclads - these include the Passaic class of five, the Casco class of eight and another four broadside ironclads (which will complete the 20-ironclad navy). First delivery is expected for the summer, pending availability of guns and armour plate.


17 Jan
It is noted that a worrying proportion of British subjects serving in the armies of the Union (approx. 30% of the total ~100,000) are thought likely to either desert or resign at the prospect of facing their fellow countrymen. This is not considered a major problem by the Department of War as, while these men tend to be reasonably skilled (indeed many of them are ex-British soldiers) the main constraint on the size of the Union armies is rapidly becoming not manpower but firearms. Every arms shipment is being used almost straightaway without any reserve building up,and the figure of 200,000 (i.e. 230,000 new recruits, requiring 200,000 new firearms over wastage) has not yet been achieved and does not look close to being achieved by the end of the month.

18 Jan
A second tranche of troops is ordered to Canada from the United Kingdom (the last of the 18 battalions already ordered to Canada will leave next week). The 1/8th, 2/18th, 2/19th, 2/21st, 2/25th, 26th, 29th, 31st, 32nd, 41st, 49th, 53rd, 1/60th, 61st, 78th, 84th and 86th are all ordered to make ready for movement - in addition, requests are made for militia battalions to go overseas and relieve British colonial garrisons. It is hoped that the Mediterranean alone - if stripped down to Crimean levels of regular battalions - can release a further 11 battalions of infantry.
Preliminary estimates conclude that as many as 8 divisons of infantry may be in Canada by the time of the thaw in April - all well armed and trained, being prewar Regulars and many of them with Crimean or Indian experience.


20 Jan
Milne recieves confirmation of the declaration of war, along with confidential orders - he is to aggressively raid the US east coast and destroy fortifications where possible, to attempt to draw off as much manpower as possible from the expected invasion of Canada. This is considered to be a more immediate priority than throwing a blockade across the coast - that can wait a month or two. (This strategic assessment is perhaps in error, as it was made without understanding of the critical shortage of small arms the Union is finding itself with)


21 Jan
Greyhound sets off to carry the war order to Rum Key. When it arrives there, Bulldog will carry it on to Dunlop.
The news of the declaration of war arrives in Halifax. It reaches Upper and Lower Canada, the Maritimes - and Washington - within hours by telegraph.

22 Jan
A paddle steamer sets off from the Potomac to Port Royal, carrying orders to recall the blockading squadrons in the South Atlantic and the Gulf.
In discussion with the captain of broadside ironclad HMS Terror, Frederick Hutton, Milne informs the captain that he will be expecting Terror to participate as soon as possible as he feels it will be impossible to reduce the US forts without her.
Hutton is proud of his vessel, but he was also proud of his previous - Neptune - and sailed her in the Baltic in the Russian War. He respectfully reminds Milne of the lessons of Bomarsund, in which sailing vessels with steam power sufficed to reduce the very modern fortifications in the Aland islands.
Milne considers this, and tells Hutton a final decision will be made tomorrow.


23 Jan
Agamemnon arrives at Bermuda, and quickly begins recoaling. Her arrival gives Milne three battleships - one short of the four he considers necessary.
Captain Hutton seeks out Milne, and hands him a report he has borrowed from one of his gunners. It is the Journal of the Royal Artillery, specifically a section on the artillery experiments performed against a Martello tower in early 1861.
Milne reads, impressed, and informes Hutton that he has made his decision - he will try one attempt without ironclads, and see how this eventuates.
Hutton is pleased to be vindicated, though admits he may have shot himself in the foot by making it less likely his ship will be used!

24 Jan
Aboukir arrives, and starts taking on as much coal as possible.


25 Jan
Milne sets sail for the Chesapeake. His fleet consists of Hero, Donegal, Agamemnon, Aboukir, Immortalite, Melopmene, Liffey, Spiteful, Rinaldo, Medea, Cygnet and Racer, plus colliers and support vessels, and HMS Terror is left in Bermuda as harbour defence vessel.
Diadem and Landrail will soon arrive in Bermuda, and will be redirected on to join Milne when possible.

26 Jan
HMS Orpheus and HMS Hydra sail into the undefended Saco Bay and drop the railroad bridge across the Saco River, thus isolating Maine and allowing Nova Scotia militia to in future capture the railway west towards the Windsor Corridor.


27 Jan
The HMS Imperieuse stops the Saginaw from leaving Hong Kong. The news of the declaration of war had come in on a steamer from India only a few hours before, and Imperieuse is to stop Saginaw leaving port by any means necessary.
Saginaw has three medium guns on the broadside; Imperieuse has 26. The US ship surrenders.



28 Jan
Dunlop - Sans Pareil, St George, Ariadne, Phaeton, Challenger, Jason, Desperate, Barracouta, Bulldog, Steady - leaves Vera Cruz.

29th
Milne's squadron arrives off the Chesapeake bay. His arrival makes it certain to the USN that the war is not a bluff, and in the face of superior firepower the vessels withdraw to protect the entrance to the Potomac.

30th
Minnesota and HMS Liffey exchange fire at long range. The Minnesota scores four hits with her 9” guns and one hit with her 8” guns, taking in return three 8” shells and two 32-lber hits. The RN shells are slightly more effective due to their better fuzing (with Moorsom fuzes detonating reliably inside the enemy ship, as opposed to the fixed-time Dahlgren fuzes) and larger bursting charges, but at the extreme range (over 2,000 yards) the main damage is to the sidewalls - neither ship has been disabled.
Minnesota withdraws when Hero fires a broadside which comes close to ranging her, throwing a further forty-plus projectiles in a single salvo - the Union vessel is now outweighed in broadside 2:1, and HMS Donegal is also visible moving in.
It is believed the Minnesota was attempting to break out, though this is unclear.
Ironically, this is perhaps the most favourable moment for the US ships to force a confrontation - both Agamemnon and Aboukir are still taking on coal to top up their bunkers - but the combined RN force still has approx. 80 heavy shell guns per broadside in addition to their 32-lbers.
Also on this date, the Monitor is launched.
 
Last edited:
31 Jan - 11 Feb 1862

Saphroneth

Banned
31st Jan
Dunlop arrives off Galveston Bay.
The blockading force consists of the Santee and the Rachel Seaman. Both are sailing ships, one a frigate and the other a schooner.
Dunlop has every advantage possible - the Sans Pareil alone outguns the entire blockading force. Unable to escape, the Santee focuses all her fire on the Ariadne (the Rachel Seaman is a complete non factor, disabled by shells before getting close enough to do meaningful damage with her two 32-lber guns). Her gundeck guns can only get the right elevation on the up-roll, which results in low accuracy, and the 32-lber guns can do only superficial damage at the long range. She scores one long ranged hit with her 8” shell guns and one hit between wind and wave with one of her 64-lber chaser guns, as well as two ineffectual hits with the 32-lbers - by which point she has been hit by at least six Armstrong rifle shells from Ariadne and Sans Pareil fuzing on Pillar fuzes, and other RN ships are swinging into position to rake her with their own Armstrongs. At this point, on fire and unable to effectively resist, she strikes.
Two of the RN’s Armstrong guns blew vent pieces during the action, though Dunlop suspects poor drill is at fault.
Fortunately the Santee does not explode, but she does burn to the waterline over the next few hours. Ariadne is quickly patched up by the carpenters, and Dunlop sets sail the next day.


2 Feb
An ominous day for the US - a French-flagged merchant ship sails into Hampton Roads, carrying 500 tons cargo (Minie Rifles, ammunition, boots, blankets and cloth) which it will exchange for cotton - and make a tidy profit on the deal.


3 Feb
Milne is substantially reinforced from a combination of ships ordered for America before the outbreak of war (similar to Orlando) and the rest of the vessels from the NA&WI station. Nile, Shannon, Severn, Diadem, Euryalus, Barrosa, Rosario, Devastation, Peterel, Vigilant, Lee, Amelia, Escort, Emerald all arrive, as well as three gunboats (Brazen, Beaver, Snapper).
This makes up his mind, and he determines to attack and neutralize Fort Monroe - partly because the Confederate forces containing it can be put to better use drawing off Union troops.


4 Feb
HMS Hydra stops and searches a US-flagged merchant ship off Narragansett bay. The ship contains only grain, and is let through - the British list of contraband does not include foodstuffs.
Also on this date, James Ripley telegraphs all contractors producing breech-loaders for the army to ask how many weapons they can deliver per week. The total - spread among Sharps, Starr, Gibbs, Merrill, Burnside, Gallagher and Smith - is approximately 1,600 per week.


5 Feb
Dunlop arrives off Ship Island. The blockading force here was not alerted of his approach until a day ago - as it happens, HMS Spiteful operating out of the Bahamas has captured the dispatch steamer sent to warn the gulf squadron. Since McKean is ailing (his replacement, Farragut, was to arrive around this time, but was unable to due to British ships blocking the entrance to the Chesapeake), control is de facto in the hands of his flag captain Theodorus Bailey.
Bailey’s forces are strung out across various inlets of the Mississippi. The sailing ships are unable to concentrate in time - Dunlop’s vessels have several knots on them - and the Vincennes, Preble and Samuel Rotan are lost for little return fire as Dunlop’s craft simply attack from windward.
Making matters worse, half of Dunlop’s fleet sailed along a course some distance from the coast, using a following wind, and are coming at Mobile Bay from the south-east - forcing that US squadron to fall back on Ship Island as well, and preventing easy escape.
The remainder of the USN fleet is able to concentrate, giving Bailey a large if motley fleet. The most powerful three vessels are the Niagara and Colorado, both pre-war heavy screw frigates (one armed with the bizarre armament of twelve 11” Dahlgren guns on pivots), and the Brooklyn, a sloop with an 11-gun broadside consisting of 9” and one 10” shell gun.
Aside from this, however, the rest of Bailey’s forces consist of gunboats with an average of five guns each (mostly 32 pounders).

Bailey attempts to tempt the Royal Navy force in towards the shore, where the unpredictable sandbanks would give his force an advantage, but unbeknownst to him Dunlop had sent the Greyhound upriver to New Orleans and hired on a pilot. The RN vessels remain in the relatively deep water sections of the channel, and head for the Niagara and Colorado (ships with a deep enough draft they cannot hide in the shallows) while firing on other USN vessels which come within their arcs.
All three of the prewar USN ships are mainly armed with heavy smoothbores, and while at first they have problems with accuracy (while the Royal Navy vessels have their Armstrongs to rely on - firing slowly to minimize the potential of a failure of drill) their accuracy increases as Sans Pareil at the head of the line gets closer.
One of Niagara’s salvos hits Sans Pareil right on the waterline, causing her to take on water and list somewhat to port.
Bailey is gratified by the results, until an explosion draws his attention - while his three heavy ships were concentrating on Sans Pareil and St George, the rest of the Royal Naval vessels were systematically destroying his gunboats. De Soto has just blown up, raining debris over the Winona, and a moment later Ariadne knocks the Unadilla class gunboat out of the fight as well with a salvo.
The Royal Navy liners turn to open their broadsides at 800 yards, and a storm of heavy firepower flashes back and forth between the two fleets. The USN at this point has an unusual problem - while the RN shells are using good, reliable percussion fuzes on both their smoothbore (8” and 10”) shell guns and their Armstrong rifles, the Dahlgren guns cannot be fuzed for less than three and a half seconds. At the range of this battle, that means the Dahlgren shells are detonating nearly a second after impact - the 11” rounds are actually passing right through the Royal Navy ships before exploding. The 8” rounds are a little more effective as they have more chance of being stopped by the far side of the ship.
By the end of the engagement, both Sans Pareil and St George are in need of repairs (with dozens dead and wounded) and the Jason is slowly sinking after a magazine explosion, with most of the rest of the squadron having taken more minor damage. Dunlop himself has a splinter wound from one of the 9” shells which hit his flagship.
The USN flotilla, however, has been effectively destroyed. Itasca and New London escaped out to sea, remaining at large, and the R R Cuyler will ultimately be hunted down by Confederate river gunboats.
The rest of the USN fleet has either exploded, burned to the waterline, been sunk, or (in the case of about half the losses, including both Brooklyn and Colorado) beached itself to prevent sinking. (New Orleans was burned by her crew, but the guns of the other two heavy ships will be captured by the Confederacy.)
Sans Pareil is quickly fothered, the water pumped out, and the carpenters get to work.
Meanwhile, with nowhere to go, the ships undergoing repairs on Ship Island are burned to prevent their capture. This denies the Confederacy the South Carolina and the Sciota.
The Marion escapes out to sea, and will raid British commerce for the next few months until captured (also warning the Pensacola, which retires on Port Royal). The Portsmouth, another sailing sloop, is not so lucky and is caught by HMS Ariadne.



7 Feb
Up in New England and points south, rearming is occurring at a frantic pace. Approximately 600 reserve guns were in storage at the start of the Civil War (including both fort guns and flank howitzers, though the former are mostly of older patterns such as 24-lbers and 32-lbers), but since a single fort can consume four hundred and sixty four guns (Fort Adams, of which 64 are mounted and a further 140 present - these are ¼ of the total reserve - and which fully armed would require 5,000 men to serve the guns) this does not go far.
Making matters worse is that a substantial fraction of the reserve guns have already been mounted - in the Washington defences.
Still, the delay is very useful for the US - Boston is completely undefended except by a bluff in the local papers, and it is only by a lucky chance that HMS Orpheus does not sail in to test the forts and discover the deception.


8 Feb
Milne launches the first stage of his attack on Fort Monroe. The weather is blustery, coming from the west, which does not have any particular impact on the combatants.
Milne has for the last week had the assistance of two CSA river pilots with good charts of the James River and Hampton Roads, and using these and those of his captains with experience from the Crimea he has identified a series of weaknesses in the fort.

The first target is Fort Calhoun, a one-tier fort which is undergoing an upgrade to the second tier. It has less than fifteen guns, none of which face south - and, worse, the casemates are open to the south. HMS Diadem, Escort, Emerald and Landrail take the fort with ease, ultimately sailing within 200 yards and facing no return fire (Fort Calhoun masks the fire of Fort Monroe from this angle).
As the night falls, some of the guns from Milne’s ships are being dismounted - to fit onto Fort Calhoun and attack Fort Monroe directly.

At ten in the morning of the same day, Goldsborough is recalled for a lack of aggression, and Captain (Flag Officer) Farragut takes his place. His remit is to drive off the British by any means necessary, and to act in conjunction with Fort Monroe to achieve this - the general belief of the cabinet is that the weapons of Fort Monroe will prove decisive.
Farragut begins working urgently, scouring the city of Washington for all the iron plate he can find. In some cases he requisitions iron rails intended to be used on railways, and in others he resorts to large quantities of chain to fit at the waterline. All this means weight, but he has a simple solution - he has the coal bunkers half-emptied, so his ships are travelling light, and the sailing vessels have submarine outriggers added consisting of small boats caulked and fastened below the waterline to lift them higher in the water.


9 Feb
Farragut’s modifications continue. They are done in a tearing hurry using all the workers available, including at least one army regiment pulled away from line duty to provide extra hands - both the sailing frigates get strapped with rails arranged crosswise to catch as many incoming shells as possible, while the Roanoke gets the few metal armour plates he has been able to scare up in addition to both steam frigates and the Hartford having waterline chain armour attached.
During this time the British fleet is mostly engaged in moving guns onto Fort Calhoun - fortunately for Farragut, as his ships are all vulnerable. Only one small vessel comes to investigate late in the day, and the Cumberland fires a broadside (assisted by a tug to pull her around) to discourage the British sloop.
The Mohican sails into Bermuda, intending to raid this important Royal Navy supply node. She is armed with 2 11” pivots and four other guns, which her captain considers quite adequate to deal with any ship smaller than herself.
She steams towards the hulks making up much of the base infrastructure, and as she does the guardship steams towards her.
Unfortunately for the Mohican, her captain makes a similar error to the one made by her fellow sloop the Dacotah. The guardship is a little smaller than she is, and carries more gun ports - and the judgement made by the Mohican’s captain (Sylvanus Gordon) is that this is a sloop similar to herself. As such, he fires a shot across her bows with a 32-lber - then opens fire with both his 11” Dahlgren pivots.
The cheer which goes up from Mohican’s crew is abruptly cut off when the shells shatter on impact with 4” thick rolled iron plate.
In reply, the guardship - HMS Terror - opens her port broadside and opens fire. Eight 68-lber shells shoot across the intervening space, smashing into the timber sides of the Mohican and detonating inside.
The battle goes on another five or ten minutes, but the outcome was never really in doubt - while Terror suffers some two dozen casualties due to projectile spall when Mohican belatedly begins using shot, the Mohican is quickly left a blazing wreck and her captain strikes.
A few minutes later, the Mohican explodes as the flames reach her powder store. Some of the flaming debris hits Terror, which is forced to cut away some of her rigging.


10 Feb
Farragut’s squadron is ready for the battle. The Congress, Cumberland, Zouave, Roanoke, Minnesota and Hartford are all present, and an attempt has been made to coordinate with the Port Royal fleet - though this has fallen through as the problems of coordinating a message via the eastern side of the Chesapeake (while staying out of range of the British fleet) has not allowed for precise enough coordination..
Meanwhile, Milne’s fleet is undergoing final preparations for the cannonade. There are now at least a dozen 110-lber or 68-lber mounted on Fort Calhoun, most of them taken from the battleships and frigates which can spare at least one gun each.
To support this, Milne has a very large bombarding force. No ironclads have yet arrived - Terror is still at Bermuda - but counting the vessels that have come in and the ones he set out with he disposes of Hero, Donegal, Agamemnon, Aboukir, Nile, Severn, Shannon, Mersey, Immortalite, Melopmene, Liffey, Spiteful, Rinaldo, Medea, Cygnet, Racer, Diadem, Landrail, Euryalus, Barrosa, Rosario, Devastation, Peterel, Vigilant, Lee, Amelia, Escort, Brazen, Beaver, Snapper and Emerald.

The battery on Fort Calhoun is the first to open fire, using heavy 68 pounder guns to batter the southern wall of Fort Monroe and 110 pounder rifles to aim directly for the embrasures. The 110-lber gun turns out to be immensely destructive against Fort Monroe - like most US coastal forts, it is built of masonry with 6 feet of thickness in the main walls, and the 110-lber can put shell three feet into solid masonry at this range (which then bursts to highly destructive shattering effect). When shot is fired, it goes straight through and into the embrasures and in some cases knocks out a gun with a single hit - the shot turns a conical section of wall approx. three feet wide into fragments of rubble which act like cannister.
The 68-lber rounds - fortunately for the US - do not prove so destructive. However, even with this small mercy, they are still powerful battering weapons, and the guns on Fort Calhoun are supplemented by a heavy cannonade from RN gunboats and even ships of the line. All are using their 110-lbers and other Armstrong rifles, and the damage mounts quickly.
There are around 25 old 32-lber guns firing south in the embrasures of Fort Monroe, and these achieve some damage in return - but the heavy rifled guns prove to be all but unstoppable. Within two hours, the south face of Monroe is effectively incapable of firing, with several embrasures collapsed and the rest choked with rubble and dead gunners. The price for the RN gunners was high - two guns, one 68-lber and one 110-lber, were hit during the exchange of fire, and two of the Armstrong guns have suffered blown vent pieces - but Milne considers it to be worthwhile.


With this achieved, RN vessels can operate freely between Fort Monroe and the Fort Calhoun battery. Before this can be taken advantage of, however, Farragut brings his ships in to fight.

Farragut has studied the hydrography of Chesapeake Bay carefully, and elects to take advantage of a feature known as the Middle Ground. Moving during a time of gradually ebbing tide, he moves most of his fleet (with tugs attached to the sailing vessels for maneouverability) to the eastern side of the bay, behind a large sandbar - the Middle Ground. This is intended to protect his ships from a direct attack by Royal Navy vessels, in the event he is seen - there are rain squalls moving in as the day wears on, so visibility is less than ideal.
Once in position, he sends the Hartford - the smallest of his steam vessels - through the maze of submarine sandbanks and channels, making for a notch in the southernmost bar which will permit relatively deep draft vessels. Hartford is making much smoke, a deliberate measure, and is clearly visible to the blockading pickets of the Royal Navy as it approaches the mouth of the bay.
Peterel carries the news to Milne, while the other pickets and their heavy support (Barrosa and Devastation with Shannon and Euryalus) get their steam up and move in.

While Hartford has been moving south, however, Farragut’s squadron has been following her. Burning Pennsylvania anthracite, with the steamers towing the sail vessels and with sails furled to reduce their profile - at least at first - they too make for the notch, aiming to gain local superiority against the RN frigates. Aided by the squalls and the tide, they slip over the bar and turn west to Hartford’s aid.

Hartford has been fighting well, engaging Barrosa in a medium-range fight where her 9” Dahlgren guns are more effective than the shell 68-lbers carried by Barrosa. The Royal Navy corvette is also having trouble with her pivot gun due to a drill problem, and the two vessels are both damaged but still fighting (with about three guns dismounted on each side and Barrosa taking on some water) when the HMS Euryalus joins the combat.
Euryalus adds another fourteen shell 68-lbers and 11 32-lbers to the battle, engaging Hartford from directly ahead - resulting in destructive raking fire which does significant damage to the American sloop.
Before this can become decisive, however, Farragut finally arrives. His flagship - Roanoke - fires a great broadside of her own at about 1,000 yards range (1 10”, 14 9” and 7 8”), which hit Barrosa heavily - half a dozen shells detonate inside her, dismounting or destroying three more guns and forcing her to turn about to bring her relatively unimpaired broadside into play.
Both American sail frigates fire as they bear at the Euryalus, and the Minnesota joins the battle as well - with the little Zouave using her small size and 30-lber rifle to attempt to attack the rudders of the British ships while they are busy with more important matters.

Milne becomes aware that the engagement to his east is larger than expected when the sound of gunfire - until then barely audible through the rain - intensifies suddenly. (This is the opening broadsides of the Cumberland and Congress, which take place at about the same time as one another.) Worried about the possibility of a US concentration on his seaward flank, he orders the assault on Fort Monroe abandoned for the day and sends half his liners (along with smaller vessels in proportion) to the mouth of the Chesapeake Bay itself.

After roughly an hour of combat, Farragut’s battle has largely played out. The makeshift armour fitted to the two sailing frigates has not proved effective - Cumberland is afire after a particularly effective broadside from the Shannon, burning fiercely enough that her captain is abandoning ship, and Congress is badly damaged enough to no longer be an effective fighting unit as the Shannon hit her with a raking broadside. The plates fitted to Roanoke have been substantially more helpful - stopping at least three potentially destructive shells from penetrating - and one round which would have hit Minnesota’s machinery was stopped by her chain armour, though both screw frigates are badly knocked about and the Hartford is unable to make steam.
The Zouave has vanished - probably the recipient of a broadside from one of the frigates or from Barrosa.
For the Royal Navy’s part, their own ships are a mixed bag. Shannon is still capable of fighting, though with her funnel heavily damaged and the loss of one mast she is unlikely to be able to pursue the American ships. Euryalus is effectively out of the battle, Barrosa has run aground to prevent herself sinking and the Devastation’s relatively few guns are reduced to the point of no longer being able to fight.
In the clearing air, Farragut can see HMS Agamemnon bearing down on him at a distance of about four miles, and turns to leave. Congress is taken in tow by the Roanoke, and Minnesota takes the Hartford in tow in a hurry before the four vessels sail north for the notch.

Unfortunately for Farragut, the Congress has lost her bulges and has taken on enough water that, combined with the iron rail armour, she is riding at least three feet lower than she should. Rather than lose one of the relatively few large ships the United States has, the Congress hurriedly ditches most of her guns - leaving her armed with a few 8” guns - and both Roanoke and Minnesota together tow her over the bar.

The difficulty of navigating this sand and mud-strewn section of the Chesapeake Bay means that Milne’s ships can only fire a few long range rounds at Farragut as he retreats - holing the Hartford below the waterline with a lucky rifle round, but otherwise unable to properly punish the attackers.

Farragut writes in his diary that - had he had the choice - he would have rather escaped out to sea and refitted at New Yok, but Lincoln and his cabinet had commanded that he remain in the Chesapeake to protect the approaches to the Potomac.


11 Feb
Milne returns to Fort Monroe, moving a force of five ships and half a dozen gunboats in close to the southern wall (which is still unable to fire on his vessels) and using their rifles and shell guns to bombard the water battery on the eastern side of the fort.
As they begin to engage - at a shallow angle - the 15” “Lincoln gun” near the lighthouse opens fire. This is the prototype 15” Rodman gun, hurriedly remounted, and its first round is a hit on HMS Aboukir - doing considerable damage, but not as much as it could simply because the round goes straight in and out the other side. (This is the problem with the lack of percussion fuzes again). Nevertheless, the 350-lb shell is almost as effective as a solid shot in this regard, sending jagged splinters through the gundeck of Aboukir and killing or wounding well over a dozen men. The 15” gun gets off only one additional round, as it quickly becomes a target for the broadsides of the entire squadron, and this second round is considerably more destructive (ironically due to a loading error reducing the powder charge) - it hits the Melopmene and penetrates her sidewall, but does not pass out the other side. When this shell detonates, it kills or wounds several dozen sailors and starts fires - she is forced to flood her magazine and can play no further part in the bombardment, being replaced by her sister Immortalite.
A few of the 32-lber guns on the barbette tier of the bastions of Fort Monroe can also bear on this angle, and they start engaging the British squadron with shell fire. These guns will keep firing for up to two hours until neutralized by 110-lber or 68-lber fire, as they are trickier targets from a rocking gunboat (especially in the choppy water developing, as the unsettled weather from yesterday continues).
Most of the British attention is focused on the water battery, however. From this angle the British fire is enfilade fire, their shells coming in over the moat and hitting the embrasures in their open backs. The angle makes them harder to hit than the Fort Calhoun guns, and there are more of them (10” smoothbores), but this time there are two battleships and two heavy frigates firing. The water battery lasts about an hour and a half, absorbing thousands of shells (and at least two small magazine explosions) but is finally neutralized.
Over the course of the battle some hot shot has also been fired from Fort Monroe, but the British are used to facing this and have countermeasures in place. (Their own Martin shell is a response to these countermeasures.)

It is now around midday, and Milne’s bombardment moves into the third phase. This involves as many of his ships as possible forming a line along Hampton Roads itself and bombarding the fort face mercilessly with their heavy guns. Counting the Nile, Hero, Aboukir and Donegal, the liners alone have around 50-60 shell guns pointed at Fort Monroe.
General Butler endures this treatment until 4 pm, whereupon he surrenders and strikes his colours - by this point the southern wall is nothing more than rubble and rounds are striking the northeast face of the fort from behind, and if this continues much longer his ability to stand off even infantry attack will be destroyed.

The terms of the surrender take another hour at least to work out, and the logistics will take a further three days to satisfactorily conclude. In the end the British are to take the escaped slaves (which are considerable in number) off in several of Milne’s empty or nearly-empty supply ships (as well as the Melponeme), to be temporarily housed on Bermuda and offered a choice between resettlement elsewhere or being returned to the United States at the close of hostilities, and white troops are remanded into Confederate custody. Owing to the timing of the attack, this is not just the garrison of the fort itself but also Burnside’s division - thus the number of captives is around 12,000 Union troops.

A Union dispatch steamer slips out after dark, burning anthracite. It carries orders to the Port Royal force to not engage with the Royal Navy fleet which now have the run of the Chesapeake - instead they are to immediately evacuate Port Royal and return to New York to defend this critical city.
 
13-19 Feb 1862

Saphroneth

Banned
13th Feb
Dunlop compels the surrender of the Florida forts. 2,500 Union soldiers are taken into captivity.
This also frees up several thousand Confederate soldiers from garrisoning the coastline.


14th Feb
A resupply conboy arrives at Bermuda, carrying food, munitions and coal. It is escorted by Falcon and Coquette, rushed out of reserve.



15th Feb
Mississippi sights sail off Hispanola, and turns to investigate. Her engine works up to full power, and she shapes a course to intercept.
Before long the other ship is hull-up, revealing her to be a paddle steamer flying the Red Ensign. The Mississippi's captain considers the possibility this is a Royal Navy vessel, but the way the paddle steamer turns to evade (attempting to run to the east, out to sea) suggests otherwise.
Overhauling her is slow going, taking around two to three hours due to the low power of the Mississippi's engines, and it is late afternoon before Mississippi fires a shot across the bows to finally encourage the paddle steamer to allow herself to be boarded. With six guns trained on her - all large smoothbore shell guns - the British merchantman strikes her colours.
The merchant ship turns out to be the Flora, carrying a cargo of clothing and grain. Mississippi's captain examines her papers, and then informs the hapless master of Flora that his ship is forfeit for carrying contraband in time of war. Further, as he is unable to bring her in for the actions of the prize court (something about which the whole crew of Mississippi is unhappy), he orders the crew taken off and the Flora sunk.

At around the same time, Milne’s preparations for his next strategic move are complete. He detaches sufficient forces to blockade the Chesapeake (Agamemnon, Mersey, Immortalite and gunboats Brazen, Beaver, Snapper), intending to return for Washington DC later if need be, and sets sail.
As his vessels round the mouth of the Chesapeake, sail is sighted on the eastern horizon - this is Dacre, out of Lisbon, with a considerable reinforcement consisting of Edgar, Queen, Algiers, Doris, Amphion and gunboats (Traveller, Grinder, Blazer, Cracker, Fancy, Swinger, Pincher, Badger).
Also along is an important vessel for Milne - the Warrior, the single most powerful ship in the world - fast, heavily armed, and very well protected.
This reinforcement alone outguns most of the USN, and Milne decides to split his forces somewhat - Melpomene goes to Bermuda to redirect the Terror and the trooper Dacre has informed him is on the way, and to have her powder replaced and repairs done. Medea accompanies her, along with the ships full of ex-slave prisoners and other damaged ships (Barrosa and Euryalus in particular), and will then sail to inform Dunlop of the need to reduce Port Royal (which is, of course, already evacuating - not that Milne knows this) and then sail north.
This leaves Warrior, Edgar, Queen, Algiers, Hero, Donegal, Aboukir, Nile, Severn, Doris, Shannon, Mersey, Immortalite, Liffey, Spiteful, Rinaldo, Cygnet, Racer, Diadem, Landrail, Rosario, Peterel, Vigilant, Lee, Amelia, Escort, Amphion and Emerald, as well as several other gunboats and the Terror on the way..
Given the magnitude of his force, Milne elects to split his forces. He will take both ironclads (Warrior and Terror) along with Hero, Donegal, Nile, Doris, Shannon, Mersey, Liffey, Rinaldo, Diadem and Escort plus five gunboats and some support vessels to the Delaware.
Dacre (with Edgar, Queen, Algiers, Aboukir, Severn, Immortalite, Spiteful, Cygnet, Racer, Landrail, Rosario, Peterel, Vigilant, Lee, Amelia, Amphion and Emerald, plus remaining gunboats and the damaged ships to join once repaired) is to sail to New York and New England and establish a blockade in accordance with Washington’s recommendations. Where his force may be inadequate, he is to concentrate on New York and Boston first - these are the most important ports of the US and of the US Navy which are not already being handled by Milne. (Unlike in later decades, the establishment of a blockade can be per-port and does not have to be per-coastline.)


16th Feb
The evacuation of Port Royal is largely complete - soldiers are heavily crowded into the ships, as around 16,000 troops are required to be taken off. As many guns and supplies as possible were also loaded, but much of the dumps have to be burned or otherwise destroyed.
All four large sailing vessels (St Lawrence, Sabine, Dale and Jamestown) are more crowded with soldiers than with sailors, and are being towed by tugs, and all the logistics ships are also being used for this troop lift.
This was a hard decision to make for the commander, even with his orders from Lincoln, but over the night of the 13th he confirmed for himself - Port Royal is unable to sustain itself in the face of a British blockade, let alone attack, and were he to stay it would simply lead to the loss of four frigates, five sloops (about 20-25% of the USN) and 16,000 troops.



17 Feb
The HMS Orlando, supported by Orpheus plus two gunboats (Cheerful and Rambler) and the trooper Persia, arrives off Portland. Portland is defended by a single armed fort, fort Preble, which mounts 1 8” mortar and 12 24-lbers. Fort Scammell is unarmed.
(As it happens, the whole of the Maine-New Hampshire area has been written off by Totten as indefensible - no improvements have been made. Portland is the most defended location on the whole of the Maine coast.)
HMS Orlando has more 10” shell guns per broadside than Fort Preble has guns at all, and bombards Preble into surrender from beyond her range in less than an hour. While this was taking place, the gunboats were picking their way through the channels to the north and gaining other firing arcs - though this turned out to be unnecessary.
Orlando then sails into the harbour and runs out her guns, demanding and getting the surrender of the city (which is now completely undefended from the sea). Persia disembarks a battalion (the 100th) to garrison the city.
These events cause widespread outrage among the governors of coastal states and the mayors of coastal cities.




18 Feb

The Iroquois, now operating somewhat to the north of Bermuda out of Port Royal and having missed the recall order, sights sail on the horizon - two ships in company. She turns to shape a course to intercept, and does so over the course of the next two hours. Over this time the ships become steadily more apparent, one paddle wheeler and one screw, and both flying British naval ensigns.
At around four miles, the lookout confirms to the captain of Iroquois that the paddle wheeler is armed, lightly, though the larger screw vessel appears not to be a warship. Since she is large and apparently escorted, Iroquois' captain determines to neutralize the escort and then attack what appears to be a transport vessel - he is confident that the US Navy's superior skill in single ship actions will allow him to win much like in the War of 1812.
His identification is correct in that the paddle wheeler is the only armed ship - she is HMS Styx, a sloop of six guns, while the screw vessel is the trooper Imperador carrying the 45th Regiment of Foot to support Milne.
Styx separates from the trooper, shaping her own course towards Iroquois, and both ships clear for action stations - taking in sails, warming boilers, and generally getting the crew as ready as they can be to shell their opponents without being shelled themselves.
The Iroquois has four 32-lber guns and one 42-lber, as well as a 12-lber howitzer. Unfortunately for the American ship, however, her opponent is armed with four 42-lbers... and two 10" pivot shell guns.
Iroquois is the first to fire, at long range, firing her 12-lber howitzer and relying on the elevated trajectory to attempt to score a hit. This is successful on the third round, causing one casualty on Styx, and the 12-lber gun crew keep their gun in action as the ships close to around one mile.
At this range, the Iroquois begins firing the rest of her broadside. The range is quite long for so few guns, but Iroquois has good gun crews and a hit is scored on the first salvo.
Styx then returns fire, missing with all four shots, but the eruption of the 10" shells as they hit the water worries Iroquois' captain - they look too big for what he expects, which is weapons similar to his own.
After another hit is scored by Iroquois on the paddle wheel of Styx and a 42-lber shell strikes Iroquois abaft the foremast, the first 10" hit occurs. With the Moorsoom percussion fuzes fitted to the shells on Styx, the 10" round bursts just inside Iroquois and inflicts considerable damage. One of the 32-lber guns is temporarily unusable due to crew casualties, though the gun itself is mostly undamaged.
Iroquois' captain considers turning and speeding away, but he knows that this would not get him straightaway out of the range of the unexpectedly large guns aimed at him - he decides the best approach is to focus his fire near the 10" pivot mount itself. Owing to the slow reload rate of the 10", he manages several hits as the range drops, and the fore 10" gun on Styx is loading much slower due to surprise and casualties.
The aft 10" gun then scores a hit, this time amidships on the Iroquois directly below the smokestack - and the large splinters from the heavy round damage the boiler. Like most USN warships of this time, the upright Martin boiler is used and protrudes above the waterline, and shell fragments penetrate in three places.
Half the black gang is killed or seriously injured in moments as superheated steam escapes, and Iroquois is abruptly rendered dead in the water - and, worse, steam also escapes into the gundeck as the boiler ruptures completely. Iroquois is disabled in moments, though her 42-lber pivot is still able to fire.
Styx continues to fire until the 42-lber of Iroquois is out of action and the US vessel strikes, then comes alongside to render aid. Iroquois' captain surrenders his crippled ship - and, shortly afterwards, the Imperador returns, taking Iroquois in tow to Bermuda (which will ultimately delay her arrival with Milne for around a day.)



19 Feb
The Monitor target is completed in England. This has been built based on the descriptions given in the papers as to the design of the Ericsson Battery or Monitor - the least conventional of the US ironclad designs soon to enter commission. These papers describe the turret as protected by 9 layers of 1” plate, which is sufficiently thick that the Admiralty want to confirm their assessment that laminate is inferior to single thick plates (which is what their ironclads all use)
This description in the papers is in fact incorrect for at least two reasons - not only is the plate used in Monitor inferior in quality to the British plate (it is 5% silica, making it brittle) but it is 40lb plate making it 15/16 of an inch thick and the turret only has eight layers. As well as this, the Monitor target has been built with a slight inwards slant - there was argument over whether this slant was correct, inadequate or otherwise, and its inclusion technically makes the Monitor target a cupola.
All this means that the Monitor target is an overestimation of the durability of the true Monitor.
Cowper Coles is present, interested to see the comparison of his own cupola(currently fitted to Trusty) with the Monitor shield.
The first rounds fired are with 32 lber SBML guns, firing standard shot at battle range (500 yards), and the turret resists these shots easily.
The turret also resists Armstrong 40-lber rounds, both shot and shell, though the switch to steel rounds changes the result, as these much tougher rounds start causing penetrations of single plates.
The Monitor target is rotated somewhat and new rounds are prepared. This time, the 68-lber shell gun is used - firing 8” shell, which does not cause the turret undue distress. When firing shot this gun’s velocity is too low for damage.

At this point there is debate on which rounds to use next. The 110-lber is considered, as are the 10” shell gun and the 68-lber 95cwt. (The 68-lber 112 cwt is not currently mounted on any ships, though some are still around.)
The 110-lber is selected first, and the results are mixed - using 12-lb charges the turret is certainly not penetrated, even with steel shot, but individual layers are being pierced and cracked.
Cowper Coles is seen looking smug - his own cupola resisted this assault.
The target is rotated again - the roller path now facing slight resistance - and the 68-lber 95 cwt is employed.
The results of this are startling. With 16-lb charges the 68-lber is penetrating two layers at once, and using the “far” charge of 20-lb a steel shot penetrates 6” into the turret before being stopped. While this is not a complete penetration with a single round, it is very destructive - and the final test, a 68-lber steel round fired from 100 yards, strikes the turret so severely that spall showers the insides and a large dent is found protruding into the turret inner space.
The plating is clearly being heavily degraded by hits, and it is considered likely that not very many 68-lber rounds using the “far” charge would disable the real Monitor at a battle range. In particular, the roller path has jammed due to flexing.
On the basis of this, the Admiralty considers the 68-lber to be their primary piece against iron armour, and the 110-lber to be preferred against wooden ships or masonry. Memoranda conclude that the problem is the lower possible powder charge for the rifle, and studies are to be launched - firstly into a breech mechanism better able to endure the blast of a heavy load of powder, and secondly into a rifled muzzle loader with as thick a breech as possible.
For now the mixed armament is adequate, though William Palliser mentions his idea for a combined shot and shell to some involved persons; this will become the armour piercing shell that defines naval combat for at least the next sixty years..


(EDIT NOTE: Harrier was in the wrong place; replaced by Falcon.)
 
Last edited:
20 Feb - 2 Mar 1862

Saphroneth

Banned
20 Feb
Most of the volunteers are now in for the spring 1862 surge, and the normal desertions have taken place. As such, the initial target (200,000, expanded to 230,000) has been technically met, though the resultant deployable manpower is more like 150,000 and most of these troops will be in training for months. More worryingly, the supply of rifles is drying up (running a blockade run by the Royal Navy is considerably more of a hurdle than the US Navy for insurers, and the Enfield armoury and other British small arms companies are simply not selling to the Union for any price) and some of the guns being issued are so dire as to cause significant morale problems for those troops issued with them - unconverted flintlocks, some of them Brown Bess muskets captured in 1812-15, are making an appearance. Worse still, the troops are being paid in demand notes - specie is completely unavailable due to the blockade and the resultant run on the banks.
There are rumors in the camps that pikes have been considered for issue.
In response to the attack on Portland and with public opinion crying out for troops on the coast, the difficult decision is taken to strip the forces around Washington. While McClellan is not reduced to the point he cannot hold - Washington is strongly fortified, largely with the stockpile of spare naval guns which would otherwise go to some of the forts along the coast - several divisions are removed from his army, and begin the complicated task of rail movements to the Eastern Seaboard.
An invasion of Canada now seems a distant dream. Quite apart from anything else, to provide an invasion force of 150,000 men would take around 600 field guns and these are not currently available.
Across the border with British North America, the second tranche of militia have been called up. Enthusiasm was lower than for the first tranche, but another 40,000 were produced - bringing the total militia drilling in Canada and the Maritimes to a little north of 100,000. These men are all armed with Enfield rifles, and are undergoing extensive shooting drill.



21 Feb
Milne arrives at the mouth of the Delaware. Owing to the geography of the coast, it is only now he parts company from Dacre (who heads on to NY).
It is quite some way upriver to reach the only notable fortification (Fort Delaware on Pea Patch Island) and a couple of small US coasters and merchant ships are swept up over the course of the day - though others reach one of the smaller rivers draining into the bay and are safe.

22 Feb
Dunlop reaches Port Royal, discovering it abandoned. Accordingly, he puts into Charleston for resupply (mostly food and some coal) and gets cheers and accolades from the inhabitants - though the festivities are marred when the issue of slavery comes up, even obliquely.
Dunlop endeavours to keep the interaction strictly professional, and mostly succeeds.

23 Feb
Milne reaches Fort Delaware, on Pea Patch Island, and begins plans for an assault.
Fort Delaware is another of the US forts of this period fitted “for but not with” - it has dozens more gun circles on the barbette than it has guns, with 59 gun positions on the barbette alone and only 22 8” guns in the whole fort to fill them. (There are also embrasures, twenty flank howitzers, and five 10” guns.)
In addition, Fort Delaware has recieved a reinforcement - about 3,000 US infantry, five reduced Delaware regiments from the Army of the Potomac, have been placed here. This has caused problems as there are also considerable numbers of prisoners in Fort Delaware - mostly political prisoners, Confederate privateers and convicted Federal soldiers.
For most of the 23rd, Reedy island is used as a base for re-coaling.
Confederate planners begin preparations for an offensive in the spring. Their manpower reserves (and small arms reserves) have been significantly bolstered by the destruction of the Union incursions on the coast, including around 75,000 effectives from Magruder, Huger and the Carolinas-Georgia forces. This means they will be able to, theoretically, put 150,000 effectives in the field against Washington (allowing for ~50,000 absent).
While deploying these divisions as a single force is tempting, it is also considered whether it might be possible to launch a broad front attack - two or even three large armies on parallel routes.


24 Feb
The weather on the 24 Feb is so bad that Milne defers his attack for another day. The driving rain, occasional sleet and crackle of thunder fill the sky, and the combination of wind and current carry away Amphion’s first anchor.
Inside Fort Delaware, plans for the defence are being worked on. The boarded-up embrasures being used as prisons are neither available nor necessary, as there are not nearly the guns to fill them; instead, during the heavy rain and storm, Union soldiers work to shift the arcs of fire of the 8” guns on the barbette to the best possible effect. (Eight 8” guns are in south facing embrasures.)
In terrible weather, the Port Royal force runs into Dacre’s blockading squadron. Several ships are captured or forced to strike, others take punishing broadsides, and ultimately 5,000 American troops are captured. The remaining 11,000, as well as all the steam vessels, run under sail and steam to the east and make Long Island Sound (or, in the case of some of the troopers, simply run aground on Sandy Hook). This costs the United States the services of the Sabine and the Dale, as well as several smaller vessels.
Also on this date, Monitor enters commission.

25 Feb
The weather is bright and clear, with calm winds, and Milne orders the attack to go in.
The first vessel to do this is the Terror - accompanied by gunboats, with heavy frigates including Warrior and two liners (Nile and Donegal) standing off further from the fort at about 1,200 yards. The shelling begins at the middle of the flood tide, when the water is deepening fastest, to minimize the risk of grounding.
The ironclad Terror is a major target, and though her armour proves capable of preventing any damage from shells, solid shot from the 10” and 8” causes some spalling and working of the structure.
The Union guns, however, simply have too much to do. There are 24 heavy guns firing (all 22 8” and two of the 10” can bear), and these shell guns are outnumbered two or more to one simply by the shell guns of the enemy vessels. Terror and Warrior between them are pointing about twenty 68-lber 95cwt guns at Fort Delaware, and these are supplemented by fifteen 110-lbers all told (five from Warrior alone.)
The Armstrong fire does the same execution to Fort Delaware that it did to Fort Monroe, punching great holes in the masonry. This leads to the accidental deaths of some four dozen Confederate prisoners in the fort, and many more are wounded - some seriously.
While this cannonade is taking place, about forty ships’ boats pull for the shore - landing 1,500 men (including 500 Royal Marines and the entire 45th Regiment of Foot) over the course of half an hour or so. These men quickly shake out into skirmish line and advance, stopping about 400 yards from the fort, and begin to sight and fire their Enfield rifle-muskets.

This is not even long range for the British infantry - British infantry in the Crimea neutralized guns inside embrasures at longer range than this - and amid the hail of bombardment from the guns offshore it is nearly ten minutes before the patient sharpshooter work is noticed.
A sally is ordered, assisted by fire from the two flank-howitzers which can bear and the one 10” gun which can bear on the soldiers but not the ships.
About 2,500 Union troops sally from the fort, and advance over 300 yards of ground towards the British positions. In this time they take five punishing volleys, and begin to slow - then stop, going to ground in front of the British positions and exchanging fire with them. At a range of 100 yards, the British advantage in accuracy is less than it would be at longer range - but it still exists (the British have trained to shoot; indeed, this range is shorter than the range they start practice), and the American troops ultimately suffer 700 aggregate casualties for less than 200 British.
By high water, the fort has surrendered - defence is no longer tenable, as the American troops have retreated back into the fort, and the 110-lber guns are starting to pick the walls apart. Some gunboats have shifted to firing from the northwest arc of Fort Delaware, where there are no longer any guns able to bear.
As with Fort Monroe, the surrender arrangements are complicated (though for a different reason - all the prisoners must be accounted for) and negotiation takes most of the day.
The main damage from this battle is on Amphion (which took several shells and was forced to leave the bombardment) and the Terror, which held up well to shelling but suffered badly from spall. Around 25 casualties took place from the heavy 10” rounds, which would have likely been worse had the rounds been faster, and the remaining crew (with replacements from some of the other ships in the squadron) take pains to jury-rig a wooden backing from spare wood and planks. This is set up on the port side, which is less damaged - the intent is to use this side to engage forts from now on.



26 Feb
With Fort Delaware neutralized, the whole of the Delaware River is open. No other forts (apart from the old, unmodernized Fort Miffilin) exist.
While Milne has those of his ships which have taken damage repaired, the rest (or, rather, anything more shallow than a liner) head upstream. The frigates can reach Philadelphia with relative ease, and sloops and gunboats are unencumbered even at low tide.
Notably, Terror sails - towed by Emerald.

Over the next few days, these ships penetrate the Delaware river system - sailing past and shelling Wilmington, Philadelphia (destroying Fort Miffilin as a workable defensive point with considerable ease) and various other points on the riverbanks.
Of note is the attack on the Philadelphia Naval Yards - this sees the destruction by HMS Terror and HMS Escort of the New Ironsides, still more than two months from launchable condition, as well as three of the other US ironclads being built as part of the 20-ironclad navy. (The Montauk, Patapsco and Sangamon, two of which are not sufficiently far along to be visibly ironclads.) The St Louis, just recommissioned, attempts to defend the yard but has no chance against the Royal Navy squadron, which also wrecks all the slipyards and destroys stocks of timber.
An attack on the DuPont powder mills is considered - they are less than four miles from the Delaware - but it is thought it would take too many troops and that the element of surprise has been lost. Had it been mounted within the first week or two of the declaration of war, it is felt to have been certain of success - the Brandywine Creek itself would have provided an effective flank guard for the attack.

The last of the attacks takes place overnight on the 28 Feb - 1 Mar, and over the next twelve hours the vessels float back downriver with the assistance of both sails and current.


28 Feb
The Monitor, fully loaded with ammunition, attempts to steam south to attack Dacre’s blockading squadron. However, the rudder is discovered to be maladjusted - she is unable to hold a straight course, and is towed back to the New York Navy Yard to have the rudder adjusted.


1 Mar
Milne leaves blockaders (Donegal, Shannon, Diadem and three gunboats) and sails for New York.
On his way out of the Delaware Bay, he encounters Dunlop - also sailing north - and requests Dunlop detach the Challenger to aid the Delaware Bay blockade.
Also on this date, the government of the British Empire votes through an increase in taxes and tarrifs to fund the war. Income tax is raised from 9d to 12d in the pound (i.e. to 5%).




2 Mar
On the west coast of the US, the RN Pacific Squadron sails up to San Francisco Bay. The squadron is led by Tom Maitland in Bacchante, with Topaze, Clio, Charybdis, Temagant, Tartar, Forward, Grappler, Rocket and Camelion.
To oppose them the US Navy has five functional ships - the Saranac, Lancaster, Wyoming, Narragansett and Cyane, as well as a number of guns mounted at Fort Point and Alcatraz island. While the mounting work has been considerably advanced (the US Navy men knew the war had been declared some weeks before the Royal Navy), there has not been time to build additional batteries for more than a few guns taken off the St Mary’s.
The first step by the Royal Navy is to land all their 110-lber guns and some 40-lber guns on the north side of the bay, on a bearing of around 305 degrees from Fort Point. Once thus emplaced, the guns can bombard Fort Point at a range of one and a half miles - with great accuracy over this range, indeed greater than the two guns at Fort Point which are able to reply to this range. As in the Eastern theatre, the rounds punch into Fort Point’s masonry and blow large chunks out of it, and to make matters worse this range is an awkward one for a 10” gun without percussion fuzes - the time fuzes available have a gradation of 2.5 seconds, during which time the round moves far enough to create blind areas.
Despite this, one direct hit is scored by one of the two 10” guns, which disables the Armstrong gun it hits. By the time of this hit, though, Fort Point is crumbling under the shattering effects of the shells.
Finally, the barbette itself collapses under the 10” guns, rendering them unfightable.
After another hour of bombardment (during which time there are two vent piece failures, replaced from spares) Maitland considers Fort Point sufficiently reduced and sails his ships into range.
The two dozen fightable guns that remain are opposed by over 100 British guns, which soon neutralize them.
Maitland begins considering the attack on Alcatraz Island, and it is noted late in the afternoon that the barracks appears vulnerable from a direction not covered by the batteries (which do not have all around coverage) - though a moment later someone points out that it is possible to reach Mare Island without going closer than two miles from Alcatraz.
 
Last edited:
3-6 Mar 1962

Saphroneth

Banned
3 Mar

Dahlgren obtains one freshly-proofed 11" gun to his own design (the same weapons as mounted in the Monitor and the heaviest US gun afloat) for testing. The target he has set up is 4.5" of forged iron (meaning iron plates fused together under a drop hammer) backed by 20" of oak - this is intended to represent the side of the HMS Warrior, though it is more accurately a representation of the HMS Erebus or the French Gloire than anything (Warrior uses somewhat superior rolled plate, as do the Terror and her sisters). The round used is cored wrought iron shot, 160 lbs, and the gun is overloaded with 30 lbs of powder (double the normal service charge, and half again the battering/far charge Dahlgren is considering permitting) and placed at a range of 20 yards.
The results are startling. The round does not penetrate at all, though it does cause some cracking of the armour plate.
Dahlgren is deeply troubled by this result, as it suggests that there is no weapon afloat that can penetrate the Warrior.
He tries again with a similar shot and a 40 lb charge, but the result is as expected - the gun explodes violently, sending fragments scattering in all directions.
Maitland sails Bacchante, Clio, Charybdis, Forward, Grappler and Rocket through Raccoon Strait. He comes under fire from the St Mary’s battery, shelling it to destruction, and then continues on to Mare Island. This is a journey of at least twenty miles.
When he is most of the way to Mare Island, there is a large explosion as the whole base is destroyed by gunpowder charges. This is a signal, and Saranac, Lancaster, Wyoming and Narragansett steam out from behind Treasure Island and make for the Golden Gate at full speed. The Topaze, Termagant, Tartar and Camelion remain to try and stop them.
Topaze falls in alongside Wyoming, and the two ships engage a few broadsides at ~800 yards range. This is the point of maximum effectiveness for the Wyoming’s two big guns, as the rounds penetrate but are slowed enough by the side of the heavy frigate that they do not exit before exploding.
Topaze takes around fifty casualties, a dozen of them fatal, but before twenty minutes are over her much heavier broadside (15 shell guns and 11 shot guns) has rendered the Wyoming disabled with over a hundred dead or wounded.
Tartar picks the Saranac to engage, and the unusually rifle-heavy armament of the Tartar is devastating to the American wooden sloop. Though Tartar takes around thirty casualties from the 8” rounds which do detonate, Saranac strikes after fifteen minutes with her mast shot away and on fire.
Narragansett is skilfully handled by her captain, who manages to use the big pivot gun to good effect and nearly lures Termagent onto the rocks - ultimately breaking past the older frigate, and nearly making it to the open sea until stopped by Topaze (who uses her unengaged broadside.)
Of the four American sloops, the Lancaster is arguably the best armed. At 2,350 tons she is almost the size of a frigate - indeed some paddle frigates are considerably less well equipped - and she has the good luck to engage Camelion, the smallest and least well armed of the four Royal Naval vessels. Camelion has the worse luck that her crew fumbles the 40-lber reloading drill several times, and she is left burning and listing by her foe - the Lancaster escapes into the open ocean, and the chaos of the engagement is such that she is hull down and out of sight before pursuit can be organized.
Lancaster will prey on British shipping in the Pacific until the end of the war.


4 Mar
Dahlgren reports his findings, and is informed of worse news - no 15” guns have yet been delivered aside from the Lincoln Gun. With that gun captured (and indeed in Confederate hands now) the only weapon in the Union which is likely to harm Warrior’s armoured side is an 8” Parrott rifle (the first) just cast at West Point Foundry.
Serious consideration is given to beaching Monitor for now and switching out her weaponry for this gun - and, ultimately, the decision is made in the affirmative. There is no time for testing this gun against Dahlgren’s Warrior target, instead it is shipped directly to New York and loaded into the Monitor - taking the next day or two.
Since there is only one gun, the Monitor will now be armed with mismatched 11” and 8” pieces. Several 8” rounds are available, both 200-lber and 150-lber shot (the Army and the Navy having had different roles in mind for this gun) and made of wrought iron.


5 Mar
Milne arrives off NY, joining Dacre. He sends several ships to close Long Island Sound, and prepares for operations against the Narrows forts.
Late on the same day, more reinforcements arrive - these ships have recoaled at Halifax before sailing south, and are from reserve. Duncan, Princess Royal, Meeanee, Defiance, Sutlej, Phoebe, Galatea, Rattlesnake, Stromboli, Victor and Sparrow turn up, as well as Thunderbolt, Thunder and Aetna - Milne now has no less than five ironclads to dispose of, two of them armed with 10” guns in place of their 68-lbers and one of them (Warrior) armed with Martin’s Shell.
The total fleet, counting the ships at Long Island Sound (marked with star) is as follows:

Ironclads
5 - Warrior, Terror, Thunderbolt, Aetna, Thunder

Liners (screw)
12 - Nile, Algiers, Queen*, Aboukir*, Princess Royal, Edgar, Duncan, Hero, Sans Pareil, St George, Meeanee, Defiance

Frigates (all screw)
12 - Amphion*, Doris, Emerald, Mersey, Ariadne*, Sutlej, Phoebe, Galatea, Liffey, Severn, Immortalite, Phaeton

Sloops
Paddle
3 - Stromboli, Spiteful, Barracouta

Screw
6 - Rinaldo, Racer, Rosario, Peterel, Desperate, Bulldog*

Corvettes
1 - Rattlesnake*

Gunboats/gunvessels
Approx. 15, including Victor, Sparrow, Escort, Cygnet, Landrail, Vigilant, Lee, Amelia, Steady.

To oppose this, every ship the USN has on the right side of the Americas (that is not bottled up in the Chesapeake) has been mustered.

Ironclads
1 - Monitor

Liners (sail)
1 - Vermont

Frigates (steam)
3 - Susquehanna, Powhatan, Wabash

(Sail)
1 - St Lawrence

Sloops (steam)
8 - Dacotah, Seminole, Pocahontas, Richmond, Pensacola, Kearsarge, Oneida, Wachusett

(Sail)
3 - Granite, Jamestown, Saratoga



6 Mar
Milne recoals and re-arms his ships from his support vessels, making use of Sandy Hook as a convenient anchorage (a fort is being built there, but it is not yet mounting any guns - in the face of the British fleet, it has been evacuated. The only difference this makes to Milne’s dispositions is that he anchors there instead of Long Beach - the area the fort covers is about seven miles wide and beyond the reach of any guns). Both sides discuss strategy.
For the US commanders, the delay is greeted with mild relief - Dahlgren’s guess at the potency of the 8” rifle has become a certainty, and the Monitor is expected to be ready some time on the 7th. The hope is that, if the British ships sail through the Narrows and come under heavy fire, they will be sufficiently degraded that the US force can drive them off - supported by Monitor, in whom most hopes are being placed.
In addition to the Monitor, however, several additional armoured vessels will be defending New York. The armour plate delivered for some of the ironclads being built in New York has been diverted, and all three steam frigates (Susquehanna, Powhatan, Wabash) now sport two layers of plate over their gunports and at the waterline. This is heavy, and - much as with the Chesapeake battle earlier in the war - ships have unloaded most of their coal to partially compensate.
The tougher sloops can only carry one thickness of iron, and the main hope for this plate is that it will divert shells. However, the weight is still extensive - pulling the sides down considerably - and the sloops and frigates thus up-armoured have been stripped of as many moderate-weight guns as possible. These guns have gone to the defences and to additional batteries in the narrows.
The Pensacola and Richmond are the two sloops with the most guns to give up, and these are the ones which contribute the most guns to the defences - three earthwork batteries of 6 9” is raised by both these sloops shedding half their guns. Susquehanna and Powhatan raise 14 9” between them, and Wabash unloads all 14 of her 8” guns.
Also defending New York are several brigades of US infantry - these are a mixture of comparatively seasoned troops (from the Army of the Potomac) and very newly raised formations. Many of the latter are using rifles which had been condemned earlier in the war - the weapon crunch the Union is facing is extreme enough that everything that shoots is crucial.

By contrast, Milne is quite confident. His fleet - and it is now a fleet - is seasoned enough in attacking forts that he can expect and get consistent performance from them, and he has an unprecedented five ironclads together in one place. (He has also been promised Defence, Resistance and Black Prince once they are ready, if need be.)
Examining the Narrows forts and the navigation charts, he has come up with his plan of attack. The key point is that most of the Narrows forts are designed to engage into the Narrows - and that ther is quite deep water on the south of the forts.
Consideration is given to running the forts with his ironclads, but Milne decides that it would be best to avoid this - at least unless it proves too hard to reduce them.
Milne’s greatest advantage, however, is his rifles. Hundreds of 110-lber and 40-lber guns are available (indeed 110-lber serial number 189 was one of those originally loaded into HMS Defence and the Warrior ships 40-lber serial number 204.) Of these guns, dozens have been fitted into his various liners, frigates and sloops (including a shipment that arrived with Duncan).
 
7 Mar 1862

Saphroneth

Banned
7 Mar
Enough guns have been found to fill all the complete gun positions, and to provide earthwork batteries - as such 32 9” and 14 8” are present in a total of eight earthwork batteries, four firing into the channel and four firing south (two each side).

When planning his attack, Milne has made reference to harbour charts, which has led him to the conclusion that the eastern batteries are the more vulnerable (the water is so deep that a line of battle ship can get within 500 yards).
Also of interest to him has been examination of the fuzes of the Dahlgren guns captured by his fleet over the previous month. It has become clear that the fuzes used are very rigid in their timings - for example, 3.5 seconds is the shortest time and corresponds to 900-1000 yards of flight.

At 9:30 AM, Milne’s liners and heavy frigates anchor 1,200 yards from the Brooklyn guns and open fire. The angle is awkward for guns to engage from the Staten Island side, and the range is long - 2,300 yards - so only occasional hits by 8” guns take place.
Shells come down on Fort Hamilton, which can reply with only six to seven 32-lbers (nigh useless at this range) and the 40-lber and 110-lber guns are putting shell through her walls. Some of these shells burst inside the wall (discommoding it and leading to crumbling) and others go straight through and burst on the other side (ironically causing less damage).
After half an hour of bombardment, Fort Hamilton is collapsing. Fire shifts to the earthwork batteries, which are actually more dangerous - most of the shells are set for 3.5 seconds and bursting before impact, or 7 seconds and having no noticeable effect, but some of the 7 second fuzed shells get lucky and detonate inside. This cannonade causes St George to retire with magazines closed against fire and does heavy damage to Severn, while more minor damage accumulates.
The guns from the western side are less lucky, owing to the longer range, and only one very damaging hit is scored - HMS Cygnet is lost when a lucky solid shot from an 8” gun (firing a heavy load of powder) punches through her boiler on the way out of the ship.

From 10:00 to 11:00 shell guns play on the earthwork batteries, whose accuracy quickly drops in the face of dozens of shells per broadside. Guns are dismounted or damaged by the shellfire, and in one case a shell hits the powder stockpile and causes a huge explosion.
Liffey has been holed by a solid shot and begins fothering, and Meeanee burns for several minutes before the fire is extinguished.

By 11:00 all the southward batteries on the Brooklyn side have been suppressed. Milne takes a few minutes to reorganize his fleet, then switches to the bombardment plan for Staten Island.

This time it is not possible to take up a distant position and reduce just the southward batteries, owing to a large mudbank marked on all the charts. Milne determines to directly engage the south facing wall of Fort Richmond (and Fort Lafayette), and to do it with his ironclads.

Warrior leads, closing in to 800 yards range of Fort Richmond and 600 yards of Fort Lafayette (the two are about 200 yards apart) and opens fire accompanied by Terror, Thunderbolt, Thunder and Aetna.
Warrior is promptly devastating. Her 110-lbers at this short range smash right through the casemates of Fort Tomkins and detonate inside, disabling a casemate with just one hit, and the 68-lbers (firing shot) cause heavy racking damage to Tomkins. The slower ironclad floating batteries engage Fort Lafayette with 68-lbers (Thunder and Terror) and the earthwork batteries with shell (Aetna and Thunderbolt).
The return fire is heavy, but mostly completely useless. The 32-lbers of Fort Tomkins cannot even induce serious spalling (though the Terror and Thunderbolt have jury-rigged wooden backing anyway) and the shells fired by the 8” guns cannot do serious damage to the batteries cleared for action (most of the shells break up on hitting the armour). The 9” guns of the earthwork batteries are somewhat more effective when firing shot, but less so than the 10” guns firing back at them (which are rapidly eroding the structure of the hastily built earthworks).
The sight of 8” shell shattering on the iron sides of HMS Warrior is incredibly demoralizing to the gunners of Fort Tomkins, who want to feel they are actually doing something useful, and before twenty minutes are up the fort has largely stopped firing. (The joke is made by one wag on Warrior that the US guns were giving an Imperial Salute.)
The most damaging hit of the battle on the British ironclads takes place when Warrior takes a shell from the narrows earthworks on the Brooklyn side - the range is almost ideal for the 7 second fuze, and this shell bursts in the unarmoured bow. It starts a small fire and disables one gun with twelve casualties (Warrior has guns outside the armoured battery, which are abandoned after this mishap). Further damage is prevented by the armoured bulkhead.
Some other hits on gunports cause a total of fourteen casualties on the five ironclads, four fatal.

With the south sides of Forts Tomkins and Lafayette destroyed, the British fleet as a whole moves in. Sporadic fire comes from both sides of the narrows, and any position which fires is soon bombarded by dozens of shells - indeed, Fort Tomkins is completely levelled as it opens fire again after previously stopping. 40-pounder and 110-pounder shells shred the walls, blowing large chunks of masonry away with each hit, and soon the entire fort collapses (some of it into the sea).


It is now around 12:30, and the British take a break for lunch. Over lunch, Milne comments that Warrior and the other ironclads could have - after all - run the Narrows forts for no real damage.

Inside New York harbour, the attitude is one of - perhaps - fatalism. It is clear the Narrows forts have proven incapable, the presence of so many British ironclads is a shock, and at this point the main desire of the commanders is to do as much damage as possible.
Serious consideration is given to withdrawing from New York out Long Island Sound, but there are no better defended locations between here and Halifax - and at least two liners to deal with at the eastern entrance.
It is also noted that there is still the secret weapon.


At 2:15, Warrior sails into the Narrows. With all the gun batteries on both sides rendered incapable of meaningful resistance, she is effectively unaccosted. Behind her is Milne’s main force - Algiers, Edgar, Hero, Duncan, Emerald, Liffey, Immortalite, Defiance, St George and Sans Pareil.
On either flank are two more lines, this time of shallower and lighter ships. The left flank is led by Terror and Thunderbolt, with Rinaldo, Racer, Victor, Cygnet and Landrail following. The starboard coloumn is Thunder, Aetna, Peterel, Desperate, Vigilant, Lee and Amelia, and in addition a gunboat flotilla (Sparrow, Steady, Escort) is taking the Kills river system.

The first sign that things are not going precisely to plan is when, about two hundred yards past the narrowest point of the Narrows, a submarine explosion goes off just to the right of Warrior’s bow.
This is the Union secret weapon - mines (inspired by Fulton from the War of 1812) emplaced in a tearing hurry and deployed underwater in two lines. One line is controlled from the Staten Island side, the other (this one, the further south) from the Brooklyn side.
The whole field has been developed essentially from scratch in the Union in only a month and a half, and there are considerable problems with the functionality of the weapons system, but the one Warrior was holed by worked well enough.
Warrior is holed below the waterline, and begins taking on water. There is consternation in the fleet, and Milne orders an all stop to allow time to think. He is aware that minefields were swept in the Baltic, but is ignorant of the specifics of the process.
As he takes advice, the New York squadron of the USN comes into view - clearly aiming for the Warrior. This is a full court attack - the sailing ships are being towed, as is Monitor to get her closer.
Milne is aware that it would take too long to reverse Warrior, and that her turning circle is far too large to turn back the way she has come, so he gives a difficult order - all ahead half, everyone to follow the Warrior. The ironclad is to turn and give battle in one mile, since Milne is of the opinion that the mine belts will not be that thick.
In fact, the mine belts are around 200 yards apart with a fifty yard lateral spacing - and, unbeknownst to the British force, the mines are of extremely low quality, consisting of 50-lb gunpowder kegs in strings attached to a common wire leading ashore to a galvanic battery.
Making dozens of mines (around seventy) in a hurry with little to no practice has led to quality control problems, and in fact most of both mine belts are non functional. The sealing mechanism used (caulk) has proven to be generally inadequate, the gutta-percha coating for the wires is not thick enough, and the contacts have corroded - only a few of the mines are actually serviceable, indeed the intent with the Brooklyn battery was to blow the whole string and the one that holed Warrior was the only one which worked!
As such, Warrior cleares the mine belt without further incident, unaware of the fierce argument taking place on Staten Island. One of the mine engineers wants to blow the second row as Warrior reaches it, the other fears that this would give away their extremely poor control of the mines and simply lead to the British force coming faster.

Clear of the mines, Warrior turns to engage. The Monitor is masked by Dacotah, so she fires on the sloop first - using her Armstrong guns.
Notably, one of the Armstrong guns fires Martin’s Shell, a British weapon assigned exclusively to iron ships and fortifications (and which has just been made available for Armstrong guns). It consists of a hollow shell lined with horsehair, into which is poured molten iron - a slow process, meaning only one or two guns may be served with Martin’s Shell, but the benefits are considerable.
Firstly, the shell is easy to handle - it does heat up, but it takes at least a few minutes. And, secondly (and more importantly) the effects on a wooden hull are devastating.
Warrior’s first salvo of five leads to two hits with common shell (both of which burst on the armour, damaging the weak plate but not penetrating further), two misses, and a hit with the Martin’s Shell. This shell is as heavy as a solid shot, and breaks through the armour before coming apart in the sidewall.
The results are horrific. Around thirty pounds of molten iron splatters through the whole gundeck of Dacotah, setting fires in dozens of places, and within moments the sloop is burning heavily.
While this is taking place, the Monitor gets close in to Warrior - the latter is not using her full speed as the charts show the area is quite shallow. The captain of Monitor has decided to rake - electing to fire into Warrior’s bow - to maximize the effectiveness of his 11” Dahlgren gun, though he first employs the Parrott gun to aim at the fore end of the battery.
Propelled by 20 lbs of powder at 120 yards, the wrought-iron bolt hits at a 20 degree angle to the normal and, aided by the cold weather - reducing the durability of the iron armour - penetrates into the backing. Some cracking takes place, but the shot in fact goes almost unnoticed on Warrior for the simple reason that almost the entire US Navy is firing at them - Dahlgren shells and common shot coming in in salvos, most of them shattering on the side or otherwise having little effect (though the foremast is already damaged - if Warrior was under sail the stressed mast would have collapsed). There is a general focus on the stern, where the steering is, but even this part of Warrior is quite durable (half an inch of iron, and nearly thirty feet including a bulkhead).
Warrior’s return fire is much more destructive. Her first 68-lber broadside smashes plates clean off Susquehanna, and two Armstrong shells cause casualties on the gun deck. (The Martin shell misses.)

By this point, two more British ships have cleared the mine barrier (and Milne’s guess at the location of the mine barrier) and are opening their broadsides. Seminole is engaged by Algiers, taking about a dozen cannonballs and as many shell in the first salvo, and her one-inch plate starts to come apart under the bombardment (there is considerable shattering of the poor quality plate) before the Algiers turns to attempt to rake her opponent. Seminole returns fire with her 11” gun, but the first shot misses (though her 32-lbers have more luck).
The Edgar finds herself engaging Vermont, the USN sail liner, and the first broadside is more or less even. Edgar also comes under fire from the unengaged broadside of Seminole, and changes course to attempt to rake.
By now the battle is rapidly becoming more chaotic. Four plumes of water rise up as the Staten battery is detonated - these were emplaced later - and hole Liffey, which has lost position in the line and is alongside Hero.
Some officers with mine experience on the British fleet are starting to suspect that the American mines are not under individual control.

Monitor fires her smoothbore Dahlgren directly into the bow of the Warrior, expecting to cause a great deal of raking damage - though, unfortunately, this does not happen. There is a large hole torn by the round, but Warrior has a 4.5” bulkhead closing off the bow of her battery - the 68-lbers that would be here are no longer fought as they are not armoured.
Warrior’s captain hears the concussion, and realizes where Monitor has ended up - so orders an increase in speed. As he forges north into the main bay of New York itself, he pushes aside the much slower and lighter Monitor - which finds itself travelling down the port broadside of Warrior whether it likes it or not.
Warrior’s port 68-lber guns are quickly loaded with battering charges and armour-piercing bolts. The first few are not ready before Monitor has gone past, but then the concussive blasts come in quick succession.
Monitor has her turret turned away - as designed - but the machinery is temperamental and will not stop rotating. This is actually an advantage.
Everyone hits the floor of the turret as 68-lber rounds slam into it. The first round shatters through six plates, the second shatters five, and it is only the combination of hasty up-armouring (Monitor now carries 11 plates, making her ride dangerously low) and the rotation of the turret which prevents a wholesale breach as each round strikes a different section. Spall patters down, causing several injuries but none serious.
Eventually, after seven 68-lber hits (and four from the lighter 110-lber rifles), Monitor is out of the worst of it. Her gun captain comes warily to his feet, notices that the turret is about to face Warrior again, and fires the Parrott.
Dangerously overloaded with powder (20 lbs again), the Parrot rifle explodes, sending fragments skeening through the turret and killing or wounding half the gun crew.

Duncan has had fire focused on her, and is heavily damaged by now - all the large-calibre guns of the American vessels are causing accumulation of damage, and several fires have started. Duncan is also settling lower in the water, though it has come at a cost for the US fleet as all the sailing vessels (which briefly became floating batteries by dropping their anchors and fitting springs) have been rendered unfightable and only four ships are relatively unscathed - Wabash, Richmond and Wachusett, along with Oneida.
The captain of Wabash slides into position to rake Warrior from ahead, running into the same problem as the Monitor did (the bulkhead) and is then subjected to concentrated fire from four battleships and two frigates (along with one ironclad as Warrior turns to open her broadside). She never strikes, and goes under having absorbed hundreds of shell hits.
As frigates and gunboats concentrate fire on Richmond and Oneida, the Duncan explodes - the flames have reached her powder store, which was not sealed in time.

By now it is around 5 pm, and it is getting dark. Milne signals for his force to perform damage control, and to anchor in the middle of the basin away from the forts - he does not want to risk the minefield so late.

The total bill for the battle of New York is extreme. HMS Duncan was lost, as well as three gunboats, and almost every vessel in the attack force has either taken casualties, been damaged or both.
The US Navy has been essentially destroyed or captured (Wachusett retreating up the Hudson) but it has certainly taken a fight to put it down.
 
Last edited:
8 Mar-30 June 1862 (outline)

Saphroneth

Banned
8 Mar
Milne focuses mainly on damage control. No ships are in a sinking condition any more, but many of them have enough damage it is hard to tell what precisely each ship is capable of.
The Warrior is mostly unharmed, with a patch over her mine hole and pumps having removed much of the excess water, and Milne decides that she will go and engage the island forts from the south.
In the event, Warrior alone turns out to be overkill. The forts are armed with very little larger than a 42-pounder - Ellis island is unarmed, and in fact holds the powder magazine of the USN, while Bedloe’s Island has about 20 32-lbers that can engage in any one direction (all barbette) and the combined guns of Governor’s Island amount to a little more than this (with a few old 8” shell guns). Only Castle Williams mounts 42-lbers, and can engage with about 6 guns (2 42, 2 32 and 2 24-lber) in any one direction.
Warrior demolishes the batteries with ease, supported by the gunboats which are effectively intact, and by the end of the day Milne sends a demand to the Mayor of New York - if the city does not surrender in 24 hours he will bombard the Navy Yards.
This message is leaked to the population, and is somewhat garbled - it becomes “bombard the city” - and this causes widespread panic.


9 Mar
After overnight conferences via the telegraph with Washington, the Mayor of New York reluctantly surrenders the port. He does not surrender the city, however, and Milne is content with this - parties go ashore and conduct demolitions on ships under construction, leaving them in such a state that none of them can be expected to be finished within a month or two. The ironclads are singled out for especial attention - New York and New Jersey were building the vast majority of the 20-ironclad navy, and this is now wrecked.
Ominously for the Royal Navy, no guns are captured - every spare gun has been shipped to coastal batteries or land forts.


13 Mar
His ships recoaled and reprovisioned, and rearmed in the case of Aetna, Milne heads for Boston. He leaves behind several ships, including the Stromboli and Spiteful in New York itself and Princess Royal, Racer and Sutlej in the southern entrance to NY. The northern entrance (Long Island Sound) is reduced by Queen and Amphion as he heads past.



14 Mar
The ironclad CSS Virginia passes Kettle Bottom Shoal at high tide. This causes a panic in Washington, as (with the recent battle in New York) ironclad vessels are seen as unstoppable against forts and Fort Washington is lightly armed - unable to stop an ironclad.
Mattawoman Shoal has a limiting depth of 19.5 feet, 18 inches shallower than Virginia, but this is at low tide... and Virginia is clearly operating to pass the shoals at high tide. Worse, this gradual advance is parallelled on the riverbanks by the forces formerly holding Fort Monroe.
Also on this date, as part of a coordinated plan, Albert Johnston and Joseph Johnston both launch offensive operations. Each has been considerably reinforced (around 25,000 additional troops) by the dividend of troops from the clearing of the coastline, and the hope is to tug the Union in so many directions they are unable to effectively oppose them all.


16 Mar
Virginia engages Farragut’s squadron upriver of Smiths Point lower shoal, and effectively destroys his ships - the heavy Brooke rifles firing wrought iron bolts shatter Farragut’s improvised armour locally, and subsequent hot shot from the 9” smoothbores sets Minnesota afire. Congress takes less effort, being sail powered and unable to manoeuvre she is simply rammed, but Roanoke does considerably more damage - she has been fitted with an 11” pivot and wrought iron bolts, and achieves a penetration of Virginia’s armour before being disabled (and rammed, which causes Virginia’s ram to break off - ironically helping her slightly as it reduces her forward draught).
Hartford flees upriver, and some hours later - at the height of flood tide - Virginia follows. Her trip over the upper shoal of Smiths Point is relatively easy but Mattawoman Shoal is tricky to say the least, as the watercourse meanders and Virginia has at times only inches of clearance. She grounds at one point and must wait for the next high tide twelve hours hence, though since the tide sweep at this point is only a few feet the hull is not placed under undue stress. Late in the evening she floats off, and once past Mattawoman Shoal there is nothing between her and Washington.


17 Mar
Milne reaches Boston. Detaching ships to form a blockade along the rest of the New England coast (for those ports not already dealt with by the Halifax squadron), he sends in the Terror, Thunder, Thunderbolt and Aetna to reduce the forts (with three gunboats, plus distant support if needed from Nile, Hero, Edgar and Algier)
Boston has been enormously improved in defence since the initial Trent Affair, being the prime recipient of any naval gun that can be scrounged up. As such, the barbettes of Fort Warren mount about sixteen 8” shell guns and 30 32-lbers, and the casemates mount another twenty 8” shell guns with a few 10” guns mixed in. Fort Independence mounts a similar mix of guns, biased towards light weapons - a total of 27 32-lbers mounted and 3 dismounted (for want of carriages), 27 24-lbers mounted and six dismounted, nine 8” guns and a pair of mortars.
This is an immense improvement over the state of defence in January - indeed, had the Federal government not rapidly changed their mind (having originally told the State of Massachusets to purchase their own guns) the total naval defence of Boston would have consisted of one old condemned gun at Fort Warren and a few totally obsolete guns at Fort Independence. Part of the cause for this about-face is the three ironclads building in Boston.

Georges Island (Fort Warren) is ignored, for very good reason - it is well reported in the newspapers of Boston that this is where Mason and Slidell are being held, and Milne considers that it would be extremely embarassing to kill or injure either of them during a war essentially started over their seizure. As such, while Milne writes some extremely forceful letters demanding they be either returned to British hands or removed from places of danger, he sends the four shallow-draft ironclads through the passage south of Deer Island at high water. This is over 3,000 yards from the side of the fort, and (as most of the heaviest guns are facing the sea) only five 8” guns and one 10” gun can bear at all. The bursting shells cause no casualties to the ironclads, though Cygnet takes twelve casualties and loses one of her light guns owing to a spectacularly unlucky hit.

Aetna leads the attack on Castle Island. She has been completely rearmed with 110-lber guns, mounting 16 of the breechloading rifles (eight per side) and proves to be extremely destructive against the masonry of Fort Independence. Firing once every two minutes, a deliberate drill intended to reduce the chances of a mishap, there are only a few problems occasioned throughout the one-hour bombardment. One key one which comes up is actually smoke - more gunsmoke escapes through the breech of an Armstrong gun than can possibly escape from a muzzle loader, so the starboard gunports are kept continually open to help vent this buildup.
The effect on Fort Independence is crippling. The masonry is taking around four hits per minute at very short range (closing to as little as 200 yards at points), and is also coming under fire from three other ironclads and a trio of gunboats. As such, by the end of the bombardment the whole eastern side of the fort is in a state of collapse, and most of the bastions are similarly ruined - nearly 200 7” shells have burst inside the wall, as well as the dozens of 68-lber hits.
Aetna’s casualties amount to four wounded, one from a vent piece failure and three from splinters making their way through one of the armoured gunports.


18 Mar
Virginia begins engaging Fort Washington. The river fort has nothing that can harm her, but she in turn has trouble damaging the fort.
More importantly, however, the morale effect is devastating in Washington. There are calls to evacuate the city as was done in 1814, and the ongoing Confederate offensives raise the specter of the capture of DC itself.
Troops are recalled from training camps and thrown into the defences, reinforcing them as much as possible - these are the last of the troops which had been planned to go to the northern frontier, and without them the best the Union can hope for - committed to the east and the south, without a navy, cut off from all sources of foreign rifles, and with only enough troops to hold a defensive crust against Canada - is to endure. The situation is dire enough that troops (and their guns) are recalled from points west of the Mississippi simply to allow some kind of reserve.




21 Mar
Milne reports that the blockade of the Union is complete. He has in fact made one major omission - the port of Mystic, Connecticut, has not been attacked or bombarded. This is important mainly as it is the site of the construction of the Galena, the one ironclad Milne has missed destroying in the slipyards.
In order to avoid this oversight being corrected, large defences are sunk in the mouth of the Mystic River.

14 April
Washington is invested and the bombardment begins. McClellan’s much reduced army is not within the city, having withdrawn to avoid being pinned, and the Union general plans a grand turning movement to attempt to cut the attackers off from their line of supply.



20 April
Galena finally sorties. She has been altered since her initial launch, recased with a single thickness armour plate intended for the New Ironsides (thus making her heavier and lower in the water, though the resultant resistance is a considerable improvement) and her guns have been exchanged for six reinforced 150-lber Parrott rifles.

She engages and drives off the blockading squadron sealing the eastern end of Long Island Sound, her rifles firing quite slowly but nevertheless doing considerable damage (the Union has been working on adjustible time fuzing, which makes the rifles much more lethal). Martin’s Shell has not yet been copied.

21 April
Galena and Defence engage one another. The British ironclad is not the best - designed as a diminuitive of Warrior, it has turned out slower, less well armed and with all the (few) problems of the Warrior magnified… but it is still armoured to the same degree as the Warrior and carries five 68-lber guns per broadside.
It is a cold day, again lowering the effectiveness of the armour.
Galena can penetrate Defence when her guns are overloaded and using wrought bolts; Defence can penetrate Galena with her guns under the same powder load and using wrought iron. Since the British ironclad is using cast-steel rounds (newly arrived from Britain), her penetration is slightly greater - though in both cases the penetrations that do occur are not very destructive, the rounds causing splintering in the backing but not much more.
This battle is indecisive. Lasting nearly an hour, the two ironclads hammer away at one another and achieve many penetrations but little damage. The most destructive hit by Galena is through an open gun port of Defence; Defence achieves most damage when destroying the mast of Galena and in putting some rounds through her thinner armour above the gunports (though no damage is done to the boiler).
After most of an hour, two of Galena’s guns have burst and she attempts to retire. Defence is faster, though hampered somewhat by her need to keep the unarmoured stern protected (Galena made a serious attempt to destroy the steering early in battle) and more importantly there are several British heavy ships also present. Their fire slows the Galena and hampers her, and the commander of Defence is encouraged by his gun crew to try Martin’s Shell.
When Defence comes back to the fight, she fires her Martin’s Shell rounds from ~400 yards (Galena is retreating into the shallows). The first round misses, but the second hits and partially penetrates into the backing.
At first it appears to have done no damage, but then Galena begins to smoke - her backing has caught fire, and it is not possible to quench the flames until they have raged for a considerable time. Large chunks of the armour on the port side fall away as the backing weakens and the Galena is ultimately driven ashore to avoid capsize.



30 June
Adjutant general’s report on the state of the Union’s small arms. A comparison to OTL, were it possible, would reveal the salient points:
In OTL the number of small arms in federal armouries at this date was 300,000.
Enfield deliveries stopped immediately upon the outbreak of war reduced the number of weapons recieved compared to OTL by about 80,000. Counting the weapons contracted for by the states, this is nearer 100,000.
Other foreign weapons purchased by the Union tallied OTL to 600,000, and most of the rifles arrived and were issued in 1862 (the State of New York alone armed 10 regiments with domestic weapons and 69 with imported rifles in 1862). As such, the Union army has less rifles and muskets equipped TTL than OTL, and has effectively no surplus - among other things this means that a far higher portion of the army is armed with muskets than even OTL.
In short, the Union is in a dire state.
 
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Saphroneth

Banned
I don't really have anything to say, other than, well done, this is an excellent TL.
Thank you, it's good to have the feedback.

There's at least two things I can think of which would have been even worse for the Union than what I've shown (calculating out the gunpowder usage - no DuPont Purchase in this TL - and having the blockade established earlier) but it turns out the British Empire has the capacity to wreak absolute havoc on pretty much the entire coast defence system as of the time of Trent.
I admit to being quite astonished by the sheer number of Armstrong guns that had been delivered by this time (I looked it up and 40-lber number 425 was issued to Black Price, as well as Defence getting 110-lber 189) and contrasting it to the number of 15" guns in the Union (tiny).

It does raise an interesting PoD which is the Confederacy getting their hands on forty or so 40-lbers being sold off cheap - that kind of a siege train would probably let them go straight through most masonry forts, especially if they get the rounds with Pillar fuzes too. (contact fuze.)
 

Saphroneth

Banned
Some further notes on the things the Union could have done.


Firstly - torpedo attacks are not really feasible here in most cases. It's usually a long way from the Union anchorages to the British ones, and we know from OTL that torpedo boat attacks are not easy (it took a lot of tries to get the OTL sinkings) and that it takes a while to deploy the spar torpedo. Sure, it's a bomb on a stick - but you need a good, reliable detonation mechanism which will function when immersed in water. (The Union doesn't have them at the start of the war, and I consider it unlikely they could rush deploy it - which would amount to independently inventing it - quickly enough to ruin the British attack on the Delaware. (The NY attack is basically immune to it since the anchorage is so far from the Union naval base.) Indeed, I think it unlikely they could deploy it before the summer (meaning July) even if the idea came up within a day of the PoD, and devising successful tactics would take longer.
(This isn't getting into how wooden ships are quite hard to sink, even if holed below the waterline - they are easy to fother and the structure of the ship is less dense than water, though the contents obviously change this. That would have come up had there been spar torpedoes, but my fairness to the Union does not extend to letting them deploy in two months a weapon which would not OTL be successfully deployed until the end of the year, against them!)

Secondly - mines. Mines, again, take a lot of development - early percussion mines often exploded due to the actions of wind and tide, the fuzes could and did degrade, there was a persistent pattern of hugely under-guessing the amount of explosive required to heavily damage a ship and you need one separate battery per mine or a very complex wiring system if you want to have a minefield with fine control. It's true that there'd been experiments in that direction in the US, by the time of this TL the inventor - Colt - was actually dead (he died a couple of weeks after the PoD) and his mines were not widely understood - he was very secretive. Indeed, the fuze did not outlive him as he didn't tell anyone about it, it was last seriously pushed in 1844, and the mines in question were not powerful (since they needed contact a truly dense minefield would have needed several hundred devices just to cover the NY defences - not only would enough mines capable of doing serious damage involve something like ten tons of powder but they're still vulnerable to being swept by methods the RN had invented seven years prior.)
In all honesty it's unlikely that a real Union battery would be even this effective if it were deployed this quickly! (If the institutional knowledge was there in the USN then the CSN would have done a rather better job given their year of extra research.) But, well, I was trying to be even handed.

And thirdly - armouring more ships. Honestly in this case I once again "let" the Union have a considerable amount of armouring which may not have been possible OTL (or they would presumably have done it). I don't know if fort armouring would have taken place, nor am I sure what it would have been.

Fourthly - Union strategy. Would their ships have gone out to raid? It's possible! It wouldn't have done much to the British war effort directly, and they'd have had a much harder time than the CS commerce raiders did (the CS can coal up in RN ports and are fighting an enemy with little worldwide presence; the RN already has dozens of warships on foreign station). I felt it more sensible for the USN to not just surrender their fleet yards without a fight, though that's debatable (though it would of course not have made the RN attacks shown fail if they'd been facing less ships.)
 

Saphroneth

Banned
And something on relative armour penetration of various weapons.

The first thing I'd like to draw attention to is that it is not correct to say that a wooden ship is not armoured. Three feet of oak made up the sides of some of the last wooden ships of the line, and that is absolutely armour - it's about as effective as a couple of inches of unbacked iron. Indeed, it behaves like the more familiar armour in several respects, to the point splinters can be seen as spall.
This is one of the reasons old battles were about raking fire or very close broadsides, which is that the weapons simply couldn't penetrate at longer ranges - a 32-lber can't penetrate a liner hull past about 600 yards. (This in turn is one reason razees were so effective, they amount to armoured frigates.)
Related to this is the reason why shell guns were so hard to make work. If one fires a shell gun with a timer fuze at a ship, then there are several possible outcomes.
If the shell is fired too fast, it will break up on hitting a thickly armoured (wooden) hull and will simply pass right through a thin one without being stopped - and with a time shell, that means it'll burst on the far side of the enemy ship. So you slow the penetration velocity right down, and that in turn means problems with hitting a thickly armoured ship - the shell can bounce, or can penetrate insufficiently far.
(The original specification for the 11" Dahlgren gun was penetration of wooden armour at range. One downside of this was that if fired against a lightly armoured target it could overpenetrate - and then the shell just passes out the far side before it goes off.)

When considered in this respect, one can see why shot remained a major factor at the time. Shot, unlike shell, is going to reliably do damage.


How does this then play into the various weapons on offer?
Well, ignoring the old 32-lber guns and the like, there's several weapons present meant to penetrate armour or otherwise do damage. These can be summed up as follows:

Muzzle loading low velocity smoothbore (e.g. Dahlgren, 10" shell gun, 8" shell gun etcetera)
Muzzle loading high velocity smoothbore (68-lber)
Muzzle loading rifle (e.g. Parrott rifle)
Breech loading rifle (e.g. Armstrong)

Each of these has their advantages and disadvantages.

The first thing to note is that large calibre low velocity weapons are not ideal. All else being equal, a heavier projectile will do more damage at the same speed, but the large calibre weapons like the Dahlgren sacrifice too much muzzle velocity and are slowed too much by the air to be effective at penetrating armour. (The 68-lber and the Dahlgren 11" have the same powder charge - 20 lbs - but the Dahlgren gun has a projectile weighing two and a half times as much, so the 68-lber has a much higher starting velocity. This means that the energy from that 20 lb powder charge is concentrated in a smaller space.)
This even results in problems for the 15" Dahlgren - again, it has too low a velocity (less powder per pound of solid shot than the 11"), and this is combined with a much larger surface area. The sheer force of the impact is effective at very close range, but before long the falloff of velocity makes it unable to penetrate heavy armour. This is sort of by design since USN thought at the time focused not on penetrating but "racking" - shaking the structure to bits - which is less effective overall.
This is one reason the 8" Parrott is the best AP weapon the USN has in this TL - it's burning as much powder as the 11" Dahlgren or the 68-lber and it's focused onto an 8" round, effectively identical in bore to the 68-lber, so while the velocity is lower than the 68-lber it's also delivering as much energy over about the same area.


The next thing to note is that, again all things being equal, a rifle is more effective than a smoothbore. While there's an inevitable loss of power due to the lands of the rifling, this is more than made up for by the increase in accuracy, the reduced falloff in velocity at range and also by the "drilling" effect that happens when hitting something soft - one reason the 40-lber and 110-lber Armstrong guns were so devastating against forts in this TL is that when tested they really could go right through several feet of good masonry, even when firing shell, and when firing shot punch right through the other side. (This is extremely deadly to men in a casemate.)

The third thing to note is that a breech loader of the Armstrong pattern is not able to sustain the same breech pressures as a muzzle loading rifle. This is a problem as the result is a reduction in powder charges, and so the 110-lber is a much less effective anti armour weapon than the 68-lber (since the velocity is much lower - it's firing a heavier round with a smaller charge.) Though this is only noticeable against iron armour, as the Armstrong can still penetrate any reasonable wooden thickness.

And the fourth thing to note is that, against wooden (but not iron) armour, fuzes matter a lot. British guns at this time had good percussion fuzes, and so they could rely on their shells bursting inside the enemy ship; US guns were still using time fuzes. This makes British shellfire more efficient against wooden ships. (Iron armour is able to defeat most shells at this time, though Palliser is about to make an appearance and this is essentially the basic armour-piercing shell.)


The result of that is that the most efficient armament in this time period probably is the kind that HMS Warrior has. The heavy 68-lbers can punch through armour with bolts and can put plenty of contact-fuzed shell into other vessels, while the 110-lber breechloaders provide accurate long range fire and can demolish forts.

And, of course, Warrior also had a furnace for Martin's Shell.
 

Saphroneth

Banned
Something it was a privilege to discover during this TL was how many tests were done by different historical individuals at different times. Far from our picture of the past as a place where people guessed and followed pet theories, tests were certainly done. The Dahlgren test mentioned above actually took place, though much later in the year - indeed, it's one of the ways I put a little thumb on the scales in favour of the Union, since without it the Monitor's gun would have been completely unable to penetrate Warrior even with the muzzle pressed against the side of the ship.
https://books.google.co.uk/books?id...onepage&q=warrior target 11" dahlgren&f=false

Incidentally, the later test (against the same thickness of laminate) was a success for the 11" gun - thus, 4.5" laminate is considerably inferior to 4.5" single plate. I've seen reference to the idea that Monitor could penetrate Warrior, and I think it comes from a misinterpretation of this later test (which, when taken in context with the earlier one, shows that 4.5" of laminate can be penetrated by the 11" with a dangerous overload but that 4.5" forged can only be cracked with the same dangerous overload.)

The question of armour effectiveness (rolled v forged v laminate, plate quality) is a tough one. As far as I can tell, the effectiveness scales like this.


Least effective scheme: (thin) laminate.
Laminated plates are much easier to break through than forged plate, let alone rolled. It's also much easier to batter the sides, since a single plate can be broken at a time. Within the laminate scheme, though, thicker individual plates are superior (2 2" is superior to 4 1" though inferior to 1 4")
I've seen reference to the idea that the effectiveness of laminate is roughly on the order of the thickness of the individual plate times the square root of the number, though I'm not sure how that would work with plates of varying thickness. In this sense the Monitor's armour (8 layers) is roughly on the order of a 3" single plate. That said, extra protection is always at least somewhat helpful.

Worst material: cast iron.
Cast iron armour is awful. It's brittle, and as such the plate is much easier to shatter than equivalent thickness wrought iron. Worse, when hit it produces spall on the inside of the armour if it's not backed. (Monitor's armour was not very far from cast, and was 5% silica - making her rather dangerously vulnerable to plate shattering.)

Very helpful: backing.
Wooden backing is extremely useful at this time, as it provides a buttress for the armour and can absorb the energy. It's also helpful to minimize spalling (British tests in the 1850s showed that spall was dangerous from an unbacked iron plate, though it depended on the circumstances. They also showed that rubber backing was no real good - in this light it's interesting that Galena had some.) By some accounts the resistance of the Warrior was roughly doubled by the wooden backing - which makes intuitive sense, not least because it means that a bolt which does penetrate the armour doesn't get into the ship itself unless it can keep going.
Something I'm not sure of is whether the Monitor turret was backed. If it was, then the spalling shown in the TL would still happen, but it would be blocked by the wood (though that wood may splinter).


Good material: forged wrought iron.
Forging or hammering is basically using a drop hammer to produce thicker plates. This combines several plates into one, resulting in a considerable improvement in resistance to cracking or punching. This was what the Crimean Ironclads like Aetna had, and was what was on the New Ironsides.


Best material: rolled wrought iron.
Rolled iron plates first came in with the Terror and her sisters, and were superior to wrought iron. This process has some extra benefits too - it's very consistent (the plate is certain to be the right thickness) and it's not much of a leap from there to use a hot press instead of a cold press to shape the armour. (This means that it has a 'natural shape' of how it's applied to the ship, rather than a "natural shape" of flat.) Terror had rolled armour, as did Warrior, and furthermore they used only A1 quality plate - it was peacetime and they could pick and choose. As such the armour on Warrior et al is essentially ideal for the thickness until compound or Harvey came along.
 
Something it was a privilege to discover during this TL was how many tests were done by different historical individuals at different times. Far from our picture of the past as a place where people guessed and followed pet theories, tests were certainly done. The Dahlgren test mentioned above actually took place, though much later in the year - indeed, it's one of the ways I put a little thumb on the scales in favour of the Union, since without it the Monitor's gun would have been completely unable to penetrate Warrior even with the muzzle pressed against the side of the ship.
https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=6u1xSQKx6IkC&pg=PA176&lpg=PA176&dq=warrior+target+11"+dahlgren&source=bl&ots=PGAIgr5s9w&sig=rV-oPbD85yE1uywVS3IO_ldF7Gs&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjIgNqUi_XMAhUMKsAKHWymCokQ6AEIRDAG#v=onepage&q=warrior target 11" dahlgren&f=false

Incidentally, the later test (against the same thickness of laminate) was a success for the 11" gun - thus, 4.5" laminate is considerably inferior to 4.5" single plate. I've seen reference to the idea that Monitor could penetrate Warrior, and I think it comes from a misinterpretation of this later test (which, when taken in context with the earlier one, shows that 4.5" of laminate can be penetrated by the 11" with a dangerous overload but that 4.5" forged can only be cracked with the same dangerous overload.)

The question of armour effectiveness (rolled v forged v laminate, plate quality) is a tough one. As far as I can tell, the effectiveness scales like this.


Least effective scheme: (thin) laminate.
Laminated plates are much easier to break through than forged plate, let alone rolled. It's also much easier to batter the sides, since a single plate can be broken at a time. Within the laminate scheme, though, thicker individual plates are superior (2 2" is superior to 4 1" though inferior to 1 4")
I've seen reference to the idea that the effectiveness of laminate is roughly on the order of the thickness of the individual plate times the square root of the number, though I'm not sure how that would work with plates of varying thickness. In this sense the Monitor's armour (8 layers) is roughly on the order of a 3" single plate. That said, extra protection is always at least somewhat helpful.

Worst material: cast iron.
Cast iron armour is awful. It's brittle, and as such the plate is much easier to shatter than equivalent thickness wrought iron. Worse, when hit it produces spall on the inside of the armour if it's not backed. (Monitor's armour was not very far from cast, and was 5% silica - making her rather dangerously vulnerable to plate shattering.)

Very helpful: backing.
Wooden backing is extremely useful at this time, as it provides a buttress for the armour and can absorb the energy. It's also helpful to minimize spalling (British tests in the 1850s showed that spall was dangerous from an unbacked iron plate, though it depended on the circumstances. They also showed that rubber backing was no real good - in this light it's interesting that Galena had some.) By some accounts the resistance of the Warrior was roughly doubled by the wooden backing - which makes intuitive sense, not least because it means that a bolt which does penetrate the armour doesn't get into the ship itself unless it can keep going.
Something I'm not sure of is whether the Monitor turret was backed. If it was, then the spalling shown in the TL would still happen, but it would be blocked by the wood (though that wood may splinter).


Good material: forged wrought iron.
Forging or hammering is basically using a drop hammer to produce thicker plates. This combines several plates into one, resulting in a considerable improvement in resistance to cracking or punching. This was what the Crimean Ironclads like Aetna had, and was what was on the New Ironsides.


Best material: rolled wrought iron.
Rolled iron plates first came in with the Terror and her sisters, and were superior to wrought iron. This process has some extra benefits too - it's very consistent (the plate is certain to be the right thickness) and it's not much of a leap from there to use a hot press instead of a cold press to shape the armour. (This means that it has a 'natural shape' of how it's applied to the ship, rather than a "natural shape" of flat.) Terror had rolled armour, as did Warrior, and furthermore they used only A1 quality plate - it was peacetime and they could pick and choose. As such the armour on Warrior et al is essentially ideal for the thickness until compound or Harvey came along.

Just in case anyone is interested Peter Tsouras massively misquotes the tests from "Clad In Iron" in Britannia's Fist.

He skips the laminate vs forged and or rolled plate comparison. And the ineffectiveness of the 11" Dahlgren against 4.5" Plate, the 15" Dahlgren was a different matter and one of the reasons the Admiralty moved to using 5.5" plate, which would resist such fire.
 

Saphroneth

Banned
Just in case anyone is interested Peter Tsouras massively misquotes the tests from "Clad In Iron" in Britannia's Fist.

It is really quite astonishing someone can look at

11" with 30lb powder versus 4.5" of forged iron = no penetration
11" with 30lb powder versus 4.5" of laminate = penetration

and view it as evidence that the 11" gun could penetrate Warrior.


What's also interesting about these tests is that (in the case of the British ones, which I know about) they informed doctrine.
When the 15" gun in tests turned out to be able, when heavily loaded with powder and an AP bolt, to pierce Warrior at 500-600 yards - the Admiralty response was to say that they would not go closer than 800 yards to American forts while developing better guns and better armour. The priority being on remaining outside the range the enemy could harm is correct for forts; I'm not sure it's correct for ironclads and I'm not sure if it's what would be used. I imagine it depends on the precise situation.


This is one reason I had the tests here inform both British and American doctrine.

In a similar way, what I picture happening with British naval guns for the next several years is two strands of development. Armstrong breechloaders have turned out to be both unreliable and low powered against armour, but very useful against masonry and fast firing - so the first priority is a better anti armour gun (the OTL RML line) and the second is a workable, strong breech mechanism (which would TTL reach fruition as the Armstrong-Elswick breechloader mechanism, which is constructed such that the force of the propellant works to close rather than open the breech - the precise design is not one I have thought out but it would take a few years to deploy).
 

Saphroneth

Banned
Excellent! We have had a shortage of timelines about the Trent Affair!
My thanks.

Part of the idea of this TL was to convey a very simple thing.
Why Lincoln backed down.

I happen to think it unlikely Trent would lead to a war, but that precisely because the prospect of being at war with Britain was frankly scary at that time.
 

Saphroneth

Banned
I've started thinking about what a peace treaty would look like in this situation. I'm imagining the USA throwing in the towel sometime in July/August, after a McClellan campaign to relieve Washington DC which unravels and it becomes clear that it's not going to be possible to dislodge the CS siege or the British blockade - even if the other stops being a problem.
I'm picturing a three-cornered peace discussion, possibly one taking place in France.

My basic ideas to start with are:

1) British hovering to make sure everything's done fairly - shifting imperceptibly into making sure the CS doesn't bully the Union as much as anything.
2) Britain gets an apology and is pretty much happy with that.
3) Ballots in the Border States to determine where to draw the line; ends up splitting Kentucky, Missouri, Virginia and Maryland? Delaware too? (Amusing image: US state of Maryland, CS state of Maryland - neither wants to give up the name).
4) By the end of the conference, the British are already pivoting towards the Union, Because Palmerston.
 
It is really quite astonishing someone can look at

11" with 30lb powder versus 4.5" of forged iron = no penetration
11" with 30lb powder versus 4.5" of laminate = penetration

and view it as evidence that the 11" gun could penetrate Warrior.

The ironic part is that Tsouras's Trilogy is probably the best any American writer has managed on the subject, it seems that some people just cannot be objective. Any time a potential conflict with Britain is mentioned the possibility of the US losing, or even suffering a serious reverse, is degraded and out comes the exceptionalism and the demonisation.

For example he describes this British officer as having a weak chin and a thin moustache
wolseley1873_900.jpg


Seriously? That's a quite impressive piece of facial grooming and a pretty robust jawline.

And if you want a laugh at Tsouras expense, he actually portrays Bernard Cornwell's completely fictional character of Richard Sharpe as if he were a genuine historical figure!? Which goes to show how attached to reality it is.
You don't even need to negate its technical failings to criticise the books.

(I wonder if we could convince Bernard Cornwell to do a Trent Scenario Alt-Hist, he has written books where the US is portrayed in a positive light and others that are not so favourable, and he is a British Born Naturalised US Citizen, if anyone could be objective?)
 

Saphroneth

Banned
I seem to recall once having a bit of a monocle-pop moment when reading a review of Harrison's rather bad books, which said that Monitor could penetrate 4.5" of iron on 20" of wood and that this was heavier than Warrior.

Not only was the penetration test a failure, but of course it's exactly Warrior's armour.


Anyway. The peace conference is going to be a tricky one, and then I can start exploring the later development of the US-CS border tensions. Something else I could look into quite productively is what most British wars were actually like - that is, small to medium scale interventions. It could even be over debt repudiation.
 
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