I strife to keep this TL updated regularly but there won't be an update this week: work is quite busy this week and I also have some other stuff I need to do instead of writing. Hopefully I'll have more time to write next week.
Horus Triumphant - an Alternate Antiquity timeline
- Thread starter phoenix101
- Start date
53. Carthage, Celts and Commerce
53. Carthage, Celts and Commerce
Its greatness lies in its wealth and in its location: it is because of those that Carthage was able to resist Alexander and his son. They cannot be seen independent of each other: it is because of its location that it dominates trade in the west, and that it has gained its wealth. Its political system is laudable, ensuring stable government by the wisest of men, the best of the citizenry. While there have been attempts by demagogues and would-be monarchs to establish a tyranny all these have been thwarted. Is it any wonder then that it has gained its current position of dominance?
- Excerpt from ‘The Histories’ by Apollophanes of Corcyra [1]
The conflicts that had devastated the Mediterranean since the late 270’s, the Italiote War, the various struggles for the Argead throne and the Celtic invasions of Italy and Greece had destroyed many cities, caused famine and plague and resulted in many deaths. With Rome vanquished, Italy pillaged and the Argead Empire broken up it was Carthage that benefited the most from the wars. After the crisis in 260 and the death of Eshmunhalos relative political stability had returned to the city: with Eshmunhalos’ faction purged it was Bodashtart’s supporters who dominated the politics of the city.
Bodashtart, while doubtlessly the first man among the Adirim, made sure he was not perceived to be as dominant as Eshmunhalos had been: several men openly opposed to him held high office throughout this period. Bodashtart’s support mostly came from the established elite: the already well-established rich merchants and the landholding aristocracy, men who could trace back their lineage to the age of Elishat [2] and to Tyre itself. His opponents were the heirs to Eshmunhalos’ populism: men who favoured expansion in Iberia, up-and-coming merchants and a large part of the urban poor. The factions were however not equal in power and influence: many of Eshmunhalos’ old allies were barred from government or in exile. Early on Bodashtart had placated his supporters among the rich and powerful: on his initiative a widely despised land tax on large estates instated by Eshmunhalos to sponsor the war effort was abolished. Nevertheless Bodashtart was savvy enough to recognise that supporting some of the populists’ causes could also benefit him: not long after abolishing the land tax Bodashtart supported an initiative that made the rab mehashbim, the ‘chief accountant’, an elected office. It was a longstanding wish of many among the populist faction, although Eshmunhalos never went through with it.
It turned out to be a shrewd move by Bodashtart: using his influence he made sure that only those loyal to him were eligible for the office. Only the most scrupulous and upright among the Carthaginian elite could hope to be granted the honour of becoming the rab mehashbim: such virtues were essential for an honest financial administration. Several audits were carried out at the orders of the Adirim: unsurprisingly they showed that the opponents of Bodashtart were often embezzling funds, received massive bribes or were committing fraud. What followed was a purge not by the sword but with the purse: embezzled funds were recovered, profitable estates seized and massive fines doled out to the offenders. To show some impartiality several close associates of Bodashtart, including his brother-in-law and an uncle, were also implicated: they too had to part with some of their more profitable belongings. Bodashtart however managed to keep the people of Carthage on his side: the measures against corruption had filled the treasury, and this allowed Bodashtart to abolish several tax measures once introduced by Eshmunhalos to fund the war, greatly enhancing his popularity. There even was enough left to sponsor his urban renewal projects: the construction of entire new neighbourhoods on the southern slopes of the Byrsa Hill took place during much of the latter 250’s. Thus was the situation in Carthage during the 250’s, and during much of the following century: with the ruling classes, the wealthy merchants and great landholders firm in the saddle.
But peace certainly did not reign everywhere. In Carthage’s African hinterland some marginal expansion took place, mostly in the valley of the Bagradas, where the last of the autonomous Libyan communities were forced to give up their land. Besides that in Africa it was mostly a time of peace and prosperity, the only notable military action being in 249, when Carthage intervened in a succession struggle of the Numidian Massylii. Already for some time the Massyllii had been Carthaginian allies: the Massyllii supplied the Carthaginians with cattle, horses and their peerless cavalry while the Massyllii elite had access to luxury goods from all over the Mediterranean and beyond through the Carthaginians. Since the early 260’s the King of the Massylli was a man named Mastanabal, a veteran of both the Massyllii’s own conflicts with their western neighbours, the Masaesylii, and of the Italiote War in Carthaginian service. Notably he fought at Arpi, facing off against Saka horsemen, earning for himself a reputation of competence and ruthlessness. After succeeding to the throne he wisely kept out of Carthage’s politics, he refused to aid Eshmunhalos during the late 260’s, and generally he was known as a wise and benevolent monarch. Age however was catching up with him, and increasingly feeble the King started to depend on one of his many sons, a charming and learned prince named Micipsa, who increasingly became his father’s second-in-command. This did not go unnoticed among Micipsa’s other brothers, most of all the eldest son and presumed heir, the rather brutish Juba.
Tensions thus ran high, and when Mastanabal passed away suddenly in 249 the Massyllii became embroiled in a succession struggle. Micipsa held the capital at Cirta, but Juba controlled most of the countryside. Originally it seemed the Carthaginians did not want to intervene, but this changed when Juba massacred a group of Carthaginian traders. His reasoning is unknown, perhaps he thought them spies, but this act caused an outrage among the population of Carthage. Hasdrubal of Zama, a close friend of Bodashtart and a former suffete, was appointed to lead the army. An experienced military commander he decided not to waste time by chasing after Juba, instead he marched straight to Cirta, where he relieved the besieged Micipsa. Now recognised by the Carthaginians as the rightful King of the Massyllii he must have understood that he was in effect a Carthaginian vassal, which would not help with his legitimacy. For now however he accepted it, and soon afterwards he joined up with Hasdrubal to defeat Juba, who had decided to wage a guerrilla war: launching raids into both Carthaginian territory and into lands loyal to Micipsa. It did not last long however: the instable and tyrannical Juba commanded little respect from his own men, who increasingly abandoned him. Early in 247 he attempted to flee to the court of Hiempsal, king of the Masaesyllii, who quickly had him executed and the head sent to Micipsa. Thus ended Carthage’s short, but in the end rather consequential, war in Africa.
It was Ispania that remained the main objective for many of the Republic’s foreign ventures during this period, despite opposition by many in the Adirim. Nevertheless the expansion was popular among the common people: the Assembly almost always passed legislation meant for the improvement of the Iberian empire. Despite this enthusiasm however the scale of Carthaginian expansionism during the third century BCE remained compact: doubtlessly due to the influence of the Adirim. While some expeditions were sent, often at the request of local allies, those had as objective to plunder and to intimidate, not to conquer. It was thus during the late 250’s and early 240’s that Carthage’s armies ventured deep into Iberia: the Oretani saw their settlements sacked and burned, the Carpetani were defeated in battle and forced to pay tribute and the Vaccaei saw their treasures carried away. Ispania thus offered an outlet to ambitious generals who wanted to prove themselves, a place to settle veterans and exiles. To those ruined by Bodashtart’s audits, men who had seen most of their assets seized, it too provided an escape. Often they settled in places like Gadir or Malakka, independent cities in name, which still allowed them to participate in the wide-ranging commercial efforts of their fellow Phoenicians. Tarshish, as the south of Ispania became known, thus was of increasing importance to the Carthaginian Republic.
More popular among the Adirim than Iberian expansion were the attempts to safeguard Carthage’s position in the Mediterranean. While on land Bodashtart was reluctant to display force on sea he evidently was not: by 252 the Carthaginian fleet, the strength of which had not diminished since the Italiote War, had blocked the harbours of both Emporion and Massalia, important Greek poleis on the coasts of Iberia and Galatia [3]. Shocked by this sudden display of aggression the Greeks of Massalia attempted to break to blockade with catastrophic consequences: they lost most of their fleet. Emporion and Massalia both bowed to the inevitable and thus accepted Carthage’s terms: they became allies of Carthage and had to accept a rather unfavourable trade deal. The Carthaginians even secured the right to build a small trade quarters in the harbour of Massalia, enabling them to gain access to the markets of Galatia. On both Corsica and Sardinia the situation had not changed much: Phoenician settlements dotted the coastline and the fertile plains while the rough uplands were under native control. It was on Sicily that the contrast with the preceding decades was the starkest: once ravaged by war now it had known peace for over a decade. Its many cities and communities were in varying degrees subject to Carthage, which had finally achieved the Sicilian hegemony which had eluded it for so long. The pearl of the island remained, as ever, Syracuse. The rule of the Carthaginian backed tyrant Alkyoneus was generally accepted: under his rule the city had expanded, new temples were built and commerce flourished. Still there were those who begrudged him his position, who wished for Syracuse to be truly independent again, but those who wished for war were far and few in between, they only needed to look across the sea to see its horrors.
For in Italy war had not yet ceased, nor would it for some time. Internecine warfare between the various Celtic warbands, violence between Greeks and Lucanians, between the Saunitai and Marsi, and a myriad other tribes and cities dominated the 250’s as much as it had done the 260’s. Most important however was a conflict that raged from 252 onwards, for both its eventual consequences and the range of powers that eventually got involved. The Volcae were among the many tribes that rampaged across Italy during the 260’s, when a large group of them settled alongside the Tiber. There they lorded over the Latins and the remnants of the Romans, splintering into different factions and fighting among themselves. And it probably would have remained that way, as it did in Etruria, were it not for a warlord named Bellorix [4]: through tactical acumen and sheer brutality he managed to united the Volcae once again. He settled in the ruins of Rome: from the Arx, once the citadel of the Roman Republic, he now ruled Latium. He turned out to have a keen eye for statecraft and commerce: he ordered the harbour at Ostia restored and even signed a trade agreement with the Carthaginians; hardly the actions of an uncivilised man.
And yet his power also depended on his stature among his retainers and fellow chieftains: they would follow him only if he gained glory in battle and enabled them to plunder to their hearts’ content. And thus, on an annual basis, raids were launched southwards into the rich lands of Campania: local militias were swept aside, reinforcements sent by the Saunitai ambushed or simply ridden down. Capua was, during the years between 261 and 253, surrounded four times: each time the ransom for the city became higher. Gold, silver, bronze sculptures, priceless works of art, thoroughbred horses and many slaves were sent north. Pompeii was brutally sacked, Cumae, eldest of the Greek cities in Italy was despoiled, Saticula abandoned by its population when it became clear the Volcae were on the way. Sometimes however victory eluded the Volcae: near Nola in 254 they suffered a stinging defeat against the Saunitai, a harbinger of things to come.
Saunitis had suffered little under the Celtic advance: its impoverished hills and fierce inhabitants were not attractive targets for the marauding warbands. If anything the past decade had been a success for the Saunitai: without the Argeads or Romans they now could prey on their weaker neighbours. The Daunians, with their most important settlement at Luceria, were subjugated: their communities became part of the League of the Saunitai although their representatives were not allowed to vote. The same arrangement was made with many of the Campanian cities, who now suffered under the Celtic onslaught. In 252 it seems things were different: after defeating several Celtic raiding parties evidently the Saunitai thought they could defeat the Volcae in an all-out war. Assembled at Bovianon the gathered representatives voted for war, and that spring it must have seemed like all of the communities of Southern Italy had gathered to evict the invaders. The Campanians and Saunitai formed the main force, but even the Bruttians, Lucanians and the Italiote League had sent some forces. After some initial bickering the overall command fell to Statius Atinus, the Saunitai meddix, and after easily repulsing the raids into Campania they crossed into Latium in April 252.
It was near Praeneste that the combined hosts of the south encountered the Volcae under Bellorix. It would be a long day: but as the Campanian hoplites held firm, as the Saunitai fell upon the Volcae flanks, as Bellorix was cut down among his retainers, then the Saunitai and their confederates knew victory was theirs. Quickly the allies surged north: once again Rome was mercilessly sacked. Latium once again suffered the depredations of invasion: it mattered not that the new invaders were Italians instead of Greeks or Celts. Basking in the glow of victory Statius Atinus was the man of the hour; he dispensed the loot among the allies and was even subject of a panegyric written by a poet from Taras, who praised him as a Saunitai Leonidas (a strange comparison, since Atinus was evidently still alive). But as he was busy consolidating his position, besieging towns unwilling to surrender and plundering the countryside worrying news arrived. Viridomaros, king of the Senones and the Boii, heir to the famed Casticos, was on the march. Quickly Atinus rallied his forces, but with many of his contingents having returned home his army was paltry at best. To his credit he did attempt to stop the Senones; at Tibur the Saunitai were defeated decisively. War, so it seemed, would continue to plague Italy.
Footnotes
Its greatness lies in its wealth and in its location: it is because of those that Carthage was able to resist Alexander and his son. They cannot be seen independent of each other: it is because of its location that it dominates trade in the west, and that it has gained its wealth. Its political system is laudable, ensuring stable government by the wisest of men, the best of the citizenry. While there have been attempts by demagogues and would-be monarchs to establish a tyranny all these have been thwarted. Is it any wonder then that it has gained its current position of dominance?
- Excerpt from ‘The Histories’ by Apollophanes of Corcyra [1]
The conflicts that had devastated the Mediterranean since the late 270’s, the Italiote War, the various struggles for the Argead throne and the Celtic invasions of Italy and Greece had destroyed many cities, caused famine and plague and resulted in many deaths. With Rome vanquished, Italy pillaged and the Argead Empire broken up it was Carthage that benefited the most from the wars. After the crisis in 260 and the death of Eshmunhalos relative political stability had returned to the city: with Eshmunhalos’ faction purged it was Bodashtart’s supporters who dominated the politics of the city.
Bodashtart, while doubtlessly the first man among the Adirim, made sure he was not perceived to be as dominant as Eshmunhalos had been: several men openly opposed to him held high office throughout this period. Bodashtart’s support mostly came from the established elite: the already well-established rich merchants and the landholding aristocracy, men who could trace back their lineage to the age of Elishat [2] and to Tyre itself. His opponents were the heirs to Eshmunhalos’ populism: men who favoured expansion in Iberia, up-and-coming merchants and a large part of the urban poor. The factions were however not equal in power and influence: many of Eshmunhalos’ old allies were barred from government or in exile. Early on Bodashtart had placated his supporters among the rich and powerful: on his initiative a widely despised land tax on large estates instated by Eshmunhalos to sponsor the war effort was abolished. Nevertheless Bodashtart was savvy enough to recognise that supporting some of the populists’ causes could also benefit him: not long after abolishing the land tax Bodashtart supported an initiative that made the rab mehashbim, the ‘chief accountant’, an elected office. It was a longstanding wish of many among the populist faction, although Eshmunhalos never went through with it.
It turned out to be a shrewd move by Bodashtart: using his influence he made sure that only those loyal to him were eligible for the office. Only the most scrupulous and upright among the Carthaginian elite could hope to be granted the honour of becoming the rab mehashbim: such virtues were essential for an honest financial administration. Several audits were carried out at the orders of the Adirim: unsurprisingly they showed that the opponents of Bodashtart were often embezzling funds, received massive bribes or were committing fraud. What followed was a purge not by the sword but with the purse: embezzled funds were recovered, profitable estates seized and massive fines doled out to the offenders. To show some impartiality several close associates of Bodashtart, including his brother-in-law and an uncle, were also implicated: they too had to part with some of their more profitable belongings. Bodashtart however managed to keep the people of Carthage on his side: the measures against corruption had filled the treasury, and this allowed Bodashtart to abolish several tax measures once introduced by Eshmunhalos to fund the war, greatly enhancing his popularity. There even was enough left to sponsor his urban renewal projects: the construction of entire new neighbourhoods on the southern slopes of the Byrsa Hill took place during much of the latter 250’s. Thus was the situation in Carthage during the 250’s, and during much of the following century: with the ruling classes, the wealthy merchants and great landholders firm in the saddle.
But peace certainly did not reign everywhere. In Carthage’s African hinterland some marginal expansion took place, mostly in the valley of the Bagradas, where the last of the autonomous Libyan communities were forced to give up their land. Besides that in Africa it was mostly a time of peace and prosperity, the only notable military action being in 249, when Carthage intervened in a succession struggle of the Numidian Massylii. Already for some time the Massyllii had been Carthaginian allies: the Massyllii supplied the Carthaginians with cattle, horses and their peerless cavalry while the Massyllii elite had access to luxury goods from all over the Mediterranean and beyond through the Carthaginians. Since the early 260’s the King of the Massylli was a man named Mastanabal, a veteran of both the Massyllii’s own conflicts with their western neighbours, the Masaesylii, and of the Italiote War in Carthaginian service. Notably he fought at Arpi, facing off against Saka horsemen, earning for himself a reputation of competence and ruthlessness. After succeeding to the throne he wisely kept out of Carthage’s politics, he refused to aid Eshmunhalos during the late 260’s, and generally he was known as a wise and benevolent monarch. Age however was catching up with him, and increasingly feeble the King started to depend on one of his many sons, a charming and learned prince named Micipsa, who increasingly became his father’s second-in-command. This did not go unnoticed among Micipsa’s other brothers, most of all the eldest son and presumed heir, the rather brutish Juba.
Tensions thus ran high, and when Mastanabal passed away suddenly in 249 the Massyllii became embroiled in a succession struggle. Micipsa held the capital at Cirta, but Juba controlled most of the countryside. Originally it seemed the Carthaginians did not want to intervene, but this changed when Juba massacred a group of Carthaginian traders. His reasoning is unknown, perhaps he thought them spies, but this act caused an outrage among the population of Carthage. Hasdrubal of Zama, a close friend of Bodashtart and a former suffete, was appointed to lead the army. An experienced military commander he decided not to waste time by chasing after Juba, instead he marched straight to Cirta, where he relieved the besieged Micipsa. Now recognised by the Carthaginians as the rightful King of the Massyllii he must have understood that he was in effect a Carthaginian vassal, which would not help with his legitimacy. For now however he accepted it, and soon afterwards he joined up with Hasdrubal to defeat Juba, who had decided to wage a guerrilla war: launching raids into both Carthaginian territory and into lands loyal to Micipsa. It did not last long however: the instable and tyrannical Juba commanded little respect from his own men, who increasingly abandoned him. Early in 247 he attempted to flee to the court of Hiempsal, king of the Masaesyllii, who quickly had him executed and the head sent to Micipsa. Thus ended Carthage’s short, but in the end rather consequential, war in Africa.
It was Ispania that remained the main objective for many of the Republic’s foreign ventures during this period, despite opposition by many in the Adirim. Nevertheless the expansion was popular among the common people: the Assembly almost always passed legislation meant for the improvement of the Iberian empire. Despite this enthusiasm however the scale of Carthaginian expansionism during the third century BCE remained compact: doubtlessly due to the influence of the Adirim. While some expeditions were sent, often at the request of local allies, those had as objective to plunder and to intimidate, not to conquer. It was thus during the late 250’s and early 240’s that Carthage’s armies ventured deep into Iberia: the Oretani saw their settlements sacked and burned, the Carpetani were defeated in battle and forced to pay tribute and the Vaccaei saw their treasures carried away. Ispania thus offered an outlet to ambitious generals who wanted to prove themselves, a place to settle veterans and exiles. To those ruined by Bodashtart’s audits, men who had seen most of their assets seized, it too provided an escape. Often they settled in places like Gadir or Malakka, independent cities in name, which still allowed them to participate in the wide-ranging commercial efforts of their fellow Phoenicians. Tarshish, as the south of Ispania became known, thus was of increasing importance to the Carthaginian Republic.
More popular among the Adirim than Iberian expansion were the attempts to safeguard Carthage’s position in the Mediterranean. While on land Bodashtart was reluctant to display force on sea he evidently was not: by 252 the Carthaginian fleet, the strength of which had not diminished since the Italiote War, had blocked the harbours of both Emporion and Massalia, important Greek poleis on the coasts of Iberia and Galatia [3]. Shocked by this sudden display of aggression the Greeks of Massalia attempted to break to blockade with catastrophic consequences: they lost most of their fleet. Emporion and Massalia both bowed to the inevitable and thus accepted Carthage’s terms: they became allies of Carthage and had to accept a rather unfavourable trade deal. The Carthaginians even secured the right to build a small trade quarters in the harbour of Massalia, enabling them to gain access to the markets of Galatia. On both Corsica and Sardinia the situation had not changed much: Phoenician settlements dotted the coastline and the fertile plains while the rough uplands were under native control. It was on Sicily that the contrast with the preceding decades was the starkest: once ravaged by war now it had known peace for over a decade. Its many cities and communities were in varying degrees subject to Carthage, which had finally achieved the Sicilian hegemony which had eluded it for so long. The pearl of the island remained, as ever, Syracuse. The rule of the Carthaginian backed tyrant Alkyoneus was generally accepted: under his rule the city had expanded, new temples were built and commerce flourished. Still there were those who begrudged him his position, who wished for Syracuse to be truly independent again, but those who wished for war were far and few in between, they only needed to look across the sea to see its horrors.
For in Italy war had not yet ceased, nor would it for some time. Internecine warfare between the various Celtic warbands, violence between Greeks and Lucanians, between the Saunitai and Marsi, and a myriad other tribes and cities dominated the 250’s as much as it had done the 260’s. Most important however was a conflict that raged from 252 onwards, for both its eventual consequences and the range of powers that eventually got involved. The Volcae were among the many tribes that rampaged across Italy during the 260’s, when a large group of them settled alongside the Tiber. There they lorded over the Latins and the remnants of the Romans, splintering into different factions and fighting among themselves. And it probably would have remained that way, as it did in Etruria, were it not for a warlord named Bellorix [4]: through tactical acumen and sheer brutality he managed to united the Volcae once again. He settled in the ruins of Rome: from the Arx, once the citadel of the Roman Republic, he now ruled Latium. He turned out to have a keen eye for statecraft and commerce: he ordered the harbour at Ostia restored and even signed a trade agreement with the Carthaginians; hardly the actions of an uncivilised man.
And yet his power also depended on his stature among his retainers and fellow chieftains: they would follow him only if he gained glory in battle and enabled them to plunder to their hearts’ content. And thus, on an annual basis, raids were launched southwards into the rich lands of Campania: local militias were swept aside, reinforcements sent by the Saunitai ambushed or simply ridden down. Capua was, during the years between 261 and 253, surrounded four times: each time the ransom for the city became higher. Gold, silver, bronze sculptures, priceless works of art, thoroughbred horses and many slaves were sent north. Pompeii was brutally sacked, Cumae, eldest of the Greek cities in Italy was despoiled, Saticula abandoned by its population when it became clear the Volcae were on the way. Sometimes however victory eluded the Volcae: near Nola in 254 they suffered a stinging defeat against the Saunitai, a harbinger of things to come.
Saunitis had suffered little under the Celtic advance: its impoverished hills and fierce inhabitants were not attractive targets for the marauding warbands. If anything the past decade had been a success for the Saunitai: without the Argeads or Romans they now could prey on their weaker neighbours. The Daunians, with their most important settlement at Luceria, were subjugated: their communities became part of the League of the Saunitai although their representatives were not allowed to vote. The same arrangement was made with many of the Campanian cities, who now suffered under the Celtic onslaught. In 252 it seems things were different: after defeating several Celtic raiding parties evidently the Saunitai thought they could defeat the Volcae in an all-out war. Assembled at Bovianon the gathered representatives voted for war, and that spring it must have seemed like all of the communities of Southern Italy had gathered to evict the invaders. The Campanians and Saunitai formed the main force, but even the Bruttians, Lucanians and the Italiote League had sent some forces. After some initial bickering the overall command fell to Statius Atinus, the Saunitai meddix, and after easily repulsing the raids into Campania they crossed into Latium in April 252.
It was near Praeneste that the combined hosts of the south encountered the Volcae under Bellorix. It would be a long day: but as the Campanian hoplites held firm, as the Saunitai fell upon the Volcae flanks, as Bellorix was cut down among his retainers, then the Saunitai and their confederates knew victory was theirs. Quickly the allies surged north: once again Rome was mercilessly sacked. Latium once again suffered the depredations of invasion: it mattered not that the new invaders were Italians instead of Greeks or Celts. Basking in the glow of victory Statius Atinus was the man of the hour; he dispensed the loot among the allies and was even subject of a panegyric written by a poet from Taras, who praised him as a Saunitai Leonidas (a strange comparison, since Atinus was evidently still alive). But as he was busy consolidating his position, besieging towns unwilling to surrender and plundering the countryside worrying news arrived. Viridomaros, king of the Senones and the Boii, heir to the famed Casticos, was on the march. Quickly Atinus rallied his forces, but with many of his contingents having returned home his army was paltry at best. To his credit he did attempt to stop the Senones; at Tibur the Saunitai were defeated decisively. War, so it seemed, would continue to plague Italy.
Footnotes
- A TTL historian who, like Herodotos and OTL Polybios, writes an account of the events that occur during his lifetime, living around 200 BCE.
- AKA Dido, mythical foundress of Carthage.
- Known in OTL as Gaul, this is its Greek name.
- See update 41
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Carthage is doing well after the Italiote Wars and the defeat of Eshmunhalos, and they're continuing their advance into Ispania and Africa in a slow yet methodical manner. No doubt they will remain as the hegemon of the Western Med for years or even decades, but the presence of the populists will still remain a spectre within the Adirim, and the Carthaginians have good reason to fear an ambitious tyrant that will succeed where Eshmunhalos did not.
Italy remains in anarchy with the ravaging of Eturia by the Celts and now the disintegration of Bellorix and Latium by the Saunitai. It's likely we won't see a unified peninsula for a long while, but I believe the Saunitai have the best chances of doing so in the near future, considering they're the only native Italian tribe that did not suffer from the Celtic migration and have maintained most of the territories. Still, the rest of the Italians are not going to lie down against Samnite aggression with Viridomaros defeating the Saunitai during their latest incursion.
The Gauls are actually quite interesting because they are likely to unify against Carthaginian aggression, and I think they would be more successful in resisting them than the Romans. Even if they are occupied by Carthage, it's possible that their culture would be maintained or hybridized to the point where a native Celtic kingdom could still happen.
Italy remains in anarchy with the ravaging of Eturia by the Celts and now the disintegration of Bellorix and Latium by the Saunitai. It's likely we won't see a unified peninsula for a long while, but I believe the Saunitai have the best chances of doing so in the near future, considering they're the only native Italian tribe that did not suffer from the Celtic migration and have maintained most of the territories. Still, the rest of the Italians are not going to lie down against Samnite aggression with Viridomaros defeating the Saunitai during their latest incursion.
The Celts should be well established in Gaul and Britannia at this point, but I have doubts that the tribes, especially in Britannia, will consolidate into kingdoms, considering they never did so until Roman rule.
The Gauls are actually quite interesting because they are likely to unify against Carthaginian aggression, and I think they would be more successful in resisting them than the Romans. Even if they are occupied by Carthage, it's possible that their culture would be maintained or hybridized to the point where a native Celtic kingdom could still happen.
I mean they won't be crushed. I'd think a Gaulish empire would be ittl's Rome.
Nice to see how Carthage is doing. A slow and steady expansion seems to be to their benefit right now. Italy on the other hand is a mess a thousand years too early, a stomping ground for greater powers and barbarians.
Surely the 'un' there is misplaced? One does get the amusing image of Bodashtart appointing corruptible accountants on purpose as to expose and fine them on a regular basis, but I'd assume that's not the intent?
Surely the 'un' there is misplaced? One does get the amusing image of Bodashtart appointing corruptible accountants on purpose as to expose and fine them on a regular basis, but I'd assume that's not the intent?
It’d be funny if Italy unifies and stays as an empire thing in like 1000AD and stays that way.
It really depends on how the story develops, but a Gallic Empire wouldn't necessarily be as powerful as Rome, since there's surrounding kingdoms and tribes that won't fold to a Gaulish advance that easily like the Britons or the Celts/Germans. Plus there's Carthage which would be a huge roadblock towards a prospective Gallic general.
Or maybe it develops into a dual kingdom kind of scenario where it is split between a Samnite south and a Gallic north, which would be interesting.
Carthaginian aggression is, for now, unlikely: outside of southern Iberia it is mostly opportunities for trade that they are after. Even in the case of Carthaginian aggression I'm not sure if the Gauls would unite against them; OTL many Gallic tribes had amicable relations with Rome and it was only when things were already too late, with Vercingetorix, that they united. Of course things are different in this TL, perhaps they'll unify under different circumstances, or perhaps they don't unify at all. Gaul is honestly one of the areas of the TL I'm not really sure about myself, so speculation is always welcome!
Yeah it was, my mistake.
Until now not terribly different: the biggest difference is a nascent Argead dynastic cult combined with a syncretic faith around Zeus-Oromazdes.
OTL it was pretty important, until they foolishly changed sides during the Second Punic War. Without Rome who knows how important Capua can become?
Sorry, but the next update will probably be around Christmas or so. For the coming two weeks I don't have much time to write.
54. The Settling Dust
54. The Settling Dust
…with Ptolemaios confirmed as ruler over the East by Perdiccas the faction of Demetrios now was in a most curious position: they claimed that Demetrios, who was a captive in Epiros, was the rightful Great King, although they were not in possession of any of the dynastic seats. The only way that Perdiccas could possibly hope to live up to these pretentions was by reconquering the dynastic homeland, and thus the final battles of the War of the Argead Succession were not fought in Syria or Babylonia but in Macedonia itself.
- Excerpt from The lives of the Great Kings of Asia by Hermocles of Brentesion
Throughout history Macedonia was no stranger to war, and as ancestral homeland of the Argead dynasty it was perhaps only fitting that the last act of the War of Argead Succession would take place there. Although Hephaistion had made overtures of peace towards the Demetrians he was rebuffed; they regarded him as a traitor and usurper. With the war with Ptolemaios concluded it was now on Macedonia that Perdiccas would concentrate his efforts: the Demetrian claim to be a ‘Great King’ would surely be enhanced if they commanded Pella, once home to Philip Nikator and Alexander the Great.
However the coalition that had stood against Ptolemaios at the Halys would not necessarily take to the field against Hephaistion: while Philip of Tralles, once the nemesis of Antigonos and now the staunchest ally of his nephew, remained loyal Herakleides decided to remain aloof of the conflict. Having carved out an independent kingdom in Bithynia in Thrace he had nothing to gain from aiding the Demetrians in their conquest of Macedon, indeed a stronger Demetrian Kingdom could prove detrimental to his own independence. Despite Perdiccas’ offering several border towns, a marital alliance and a large sum of coins Herakleides remained adamant, and thus the Demetrians would be at it alone. It was in May 253 that a large fleet departed Ephesos, carrying a sizeable army under command of Perdiccas himself.
Hephaistion had in the meantime not been inactive: he knew that whoever who would win the war in the east would come west to deal with him, as neither Ptolemaios nor the Demetrians would willingly accept his rule over Macedonia. A man in his late forties, a capable administrator and decent commander he had always been ambitious but certainly not vain, he knew very well which fights he could win, but as him claiming the throne of Macedonian throne showed he would not squander an opportunity if it presented itself. His brother Patroklos had risen fast and fell quickly; Hephaistion would make sure that his rule would be set on firmer foundations. As an Argead, a descendant of Philip Nikator, he appealed to the Macedonians: no longer would they be ruled from distant Babylon. He had shored up his credentials by his decisive defeat of the Tectosages, his epithet of ‘Soter’ i.e. ‘Saviour’ was certainly not unearned. The wealth captured from the Tectosages allowed him to generously pay his soldiers, while most of the captured Tectosages were sent to the mines at Pangaion, giving Hephaistion a steady income of gold and silver. Sacred artefacts looted from the tombs at Aigai he returned, showing to the Macedonian people his devotion to his illustrious predecessors, although wholesale restoration was for now beyond his capabilities. With a loyal army and a powerful kingdom at his command Hephaistion would be hard to dislodge.
He had also not confided himself to Macedonia proper; while Perdiccas was fighting against Ptolemaios in Anatolia Hephaistion had done the utmost to strengthen his position in Greece. In Thessaly he was quickly recognised as tagus, the elected leader of the Thessalian League. A crisis in Boeotia enabled him to intervene in Thebes: Aristarchos, practically the tyrant of the city and a long-time ally of Antigonos and Demetrios, had been evicted by a cabal of disgruntled aristocrats. With support of the Demetrian garrison of Athens Aristarchos soon was back in Boeotia, gaining control of the countryside and isolating Thebes. This presented a prime opportunity for Hephaistion: quickly he rode to the rescue of the oligarchs of Thebes: Aristarchos and his supporters were forced to take refuge in Athens. Hephaistion, after settling affairs in Thebes, gave pursuit: however he was unable to capture well-fortified Athens. He did not attempt to storm the city, he was well aware of the strength of its fortifications as he had himself commanded them for some time. When, early in 253, the news reached him of the truce between Perdiccas and Ptolemaios he returned to Macedonia, well-aware of what would come next.
Hephaistion was unable to contest the seas, the great naval centres of the Aegean: Athens, Rhodes, Corinth and the Ionian cities all remained under Demetrian control. Perdiccas thus was free to land his forces, which he did at Amphipolis in eastern Macedonia. He hoped to quickly capture the city, which controlled access to the mines at Pangaion, and then march out to Pella. Hephaistion had remained in Pella, which because of its relatively central location enabled him to act quickly against any landings. Amphipolis was well-garrisoned, Hephaistion was certainly aware of its importance, and managed to hold out against Perdiccas’ assault. The defence of the city was heroic, aware that Perdiccas was unlikely to grant them any quarter the entire city participated in the siege: the women of the city formed a fire brigade, the children aided in mining underneath Perdiccas’ approaching siege engines. Even the prostitutes of the city did their part: manning the ramparts they hurled abuse and flashed their privates whenever Perdiccas came in sight. In the end their effort paid off: after two weeks Hephaistion arrived with his army, and now it was Perdiccas who was caught between his enemies. Already Hephaistion’s outriders had burned a part of his fleet and much of his supplies: Perdiccas had no choice than to retreat.
Hephaistion Soter, King of Macedonia
However because he lacked a powerful fleet Hephaistion was unable to capitalise on his victory: Perdiccas retreated to Anatolia to regroup. And thus he commanded his army to march south again, to assail the Demetrian garrisons in Greece, which was the only way that he could force them to fight. Athens remained defiant, and Hephaistion remained unconvinced that he could capture the place, so he focused most of his attention on the other major Demetrian garrison at Corinth. There the king of Macedonia had a lucky break: despite the impressive fortifications of the Acrocorinth the garrison commander, a man named Krateros, had no great loyalty to the Demetrians and was easily bribed. Other Demetrian garrisons on the Peloponnese, like those at Sicyon and at Argos, also quickly changed sides and before long Hephaistion installed governments loyal to him in much of southern Greece.
Perhaps the most important of his Peloponnesian ventures was the crushing defeat of the Spartans, late in 253, just outside Argos. They had been stirring up trouble on the Peloponnese ever since the start of the Argead Succession War and especially the Messenians and Arcadians had suffered under their assaults. However they were unable to ascertain any kind of hegemony: the class of Spartiate citizens continued to diminish and without any kind of reform, which they abhorred, there simply wasn’t the manpower to subjugate the Peloponnese let alone defeat the Macedonians. Despite some opportunistic Demetrian support Hephaistion defeated them easily. He once again contained them to Laconia.
In the meantime things were starting to look grim for Perdiccas: in several Ionian cities long-simmering resentments against the high taxes and ongoing war started to boil over: strikes and protests broke out. In Smyrna insurgents managed to seize power and expelled the local garrison, the fleets of Knidos and Rhodes, backed by their respective governments, refused to sail out. Hoping to set an example Perdiccas ordered his admiral Artemidoros, who had been responsible for the successful defence of Cyprus against Ptolemaios, to occupy Rhodes. The Rhodians however were forewarned: Artemidoros’ surprise attack was foiled and he was forced into an ignominious retreat. Perdiccas however remained unwilling to sign peace, and if events had not forced him perhaps his stubbornness would have caused the Ionians to revolt.
Luck was not on the side of the Demetrian regent: Autumn storms smashed another one of his fleets, which was meant to reinforce Athens. In the meantime Hephaistion himself was also busy constructing a fleet, Macedonia possessed ample supplies for shipbuilding, which was another cause of concern for Perdiccas. The decisive blow of the war came early in 252, and it fell on the diplomatic front: Hephaistion had managed to convince the ever-opportunistic Herakleides to join him, promising him large parts of Anatolia. This was catastrophic for Perdiccas: the Ionian cities, and Athens too, depended on the grain from the regions around the Black Sea to feed them, the trade of which was now cut off by Herakleides and his Thracians. Decisive action was necessary: Perdiccas marched his army to the Hellespont and ferried it across, hoping to catch the newly allied Macedonians and Thracians by surprise. Hephaistion rushed east with his forces, and joined up with Herakleides, who confronted Perdiccas near Kallipolis. Practically the last battle of the First War of the Argead Succession, it ended in a draw, both sides were evenly matched.
Peace however was not forged by a common agreement among the three rulers present, but by the intervention of a fourth. Aiakides of Epiros had remained at the side-lines of the war, unwilling to aid either party, but the recent Demetrian reversals seems to have concerned him. A resurgent Macedonia under Hephaistion was not in his best interest after all, and thus in the Spring of 252 the Epirote army crossed over into Macedonia. In the previous year Aiakides had been busy dealing with the Aitolians, who were as always busy with plundering and piracy. The war was concluded successfully: Epirote garrisons were installed at Thermon and Naupaktos, the Aitolian League reduced to little more than a Epirote vassal. Already alarmed by Hephaistion’s success on the Peloponnese Aiakides now made sure the balance of power was maintained: quickly he overran western Macedonia and he was preparing to march on Pella when an envoy send by Hephaistion reached him.
And thus an agreement was reached: Hephaistion was confirmed as king of Macedonia and his arrangements in Thebes and on the Peloponnese would remain in place; his troops would continue to occupy the Acrocorinth. Demetrios, who Aiakides decided to release, was confirmed as rightful ruler of his territories in Asia and he was allowed to retain his garrisons in Athens and at Chalcis on Euboea. Ptolemaios was not mentioned at all, but it was clear to all that he was now the ruler of the east, and although he would never stop claiming to be the King of the Macedonians there was nothing he could do about Hephaistion. Territorially not much changed, but the end of the war confirmed that unlike the east the west of the Argead Empire would not so easily be reunited.
…with Ptolemaios confirmed as ruler over the East by Perdiccas the faction of Demetrios now was in a most curious position: they claimed that Demetrios, who was a captive in Epiros, was the rightful Great King, although they were not in possession of any of the dynastic seats. The only way that Perdiccas could possibly hope to live up to these pretentions was by reconquering the dynastic homeland, and thus the final battles of the War of the Argead Succession were not fought in Syria or Babylonia but in Macedonia itself.
- Excerpt from The lives of the Great Kings of Asia by Hermocles of Brentesion
Throughout history Macedonia was no stranger to war, and as ancestral homeland of the Argead dynasty it was perhaps only fitting that the last act of the War of Argead Succession would take place there. Although Hephaistion had made overtures of peace towards the Demetrians he was rebuffed; they regarded him as a traitor and usurper. With the war with Ptolemaios concluded it was now on Macedonia that Perdiccas would concentrate his efforts: the Demetrian claim to be a ‘Great King’ would surely be enhanced if they commanded Pella, once home to Philip Nikator and Alexander the Great.
However the coalition that had stood against Ptolemaios at the Halys would not necessarily take to the field against Hephaistion: while Philip of Tralles, once the nemesis of Antigonos and now the staunchest ally of his nephew, remained loyal Herakleides decided to remain aloof of the conflict. Having carved out an independent kingdom in Bithynia in Thrace he had nothing to gain from aiding the Demetrians in their conquest of Macedon, indeed a stronger Demetrian Kingdom could prove detrimental to his own independence. Despite Perdiccas’ offering several border towns, a marital alliance and a large sum of coins Herakleides remained adamant, and thus the Demetrians would be at it alone. It was in May 253 that a large fleet departed Ephesos, carrying a sizeable army under command of Perdiccas himself.
Hephaistion had in the meantime not been inactive: he knew that whoever who would win the war in the east would come west to deal with him, as neither Ptolemaios nor the Demetrians would willingly accept his rule over Macedonia. A man in his late forties, a capable administrator and decent commander he had always been ambitious but certainly not vain, he knew very well which fights he could win, but as him claiming the throne of Macedonian throne showed he would not squander an opportunity if it presented itself. His brother Patroklos had risen fast and fell quickly; Hephaistion would make sure that his rule would be set on firmer foundations. As an Argead, a descendant of Philip Nikator, he appealed to the Macedonians: no longer would they be ruled from distant Babylon. He had shored up his credentials by his decisive defeat of the Tectosages, his epithet of ‘Soter’ i.e. ‘Saviour’ was certainly not unearned. The wealth captured from the Tectosages allowed him to generously pay his soldiers, while most of the captured Tectosages were sent to the mines at Pangaion, giving Hephaistion a steady income of gold and silver. Sacred artefacts looted from the tombs at Aigai he returned, showing to the Macedonian people his devotion to his illustrious predecessors, although wholesale restoration was for now beyond his capabilities. With a loyal army and a powerful kingdom at his command Hephaistion would be hard to dislodge.
He had also not confided himself to Macedonia proper; while Perdiccas was fighting against Ptolemaios in Anatolia Hephaistion had done the utmost to strengthen his position in Greece. In Thessaly he was quickly recognised as tagus, the elected leader of the Thessalian League. A crisis in Boeotia enabled him to intervene in Thebes: Aristarchos, practically the tyrant of the city and a long-time ally of Antigonos and Demetrios, had been evicted by a cabal of disgruntled aristocrats. With support of the Demetrian garrison of Athens Aristarchos soon was back in Boeotia, gaining control of the countryside and isolating Thebes. This presented a prime opportunity for Hephaistion: quickly he rode to the rescue of the oligarchs of Thebes: Aristarchos and his supporters were forced to take refuge in Athens. Hephaistion, after settling affairs in Thebes, gave pursuit: however he was unable to capture well-fortified Athens. He did not attempt to storm the city, he was well aware of the strength of its fortifications as he had himself commanded them for some time. When, early in 253, the news reached him of the truce between Perdiccas and Ptolemaios he returned to Macedonia, well-aware of what would come next.
Hephaistion was unable to contest the seas, the great naval centres of the Aegean: Athens, Rhodes, Corinth and the Ionian cities all remained under Demetrian control. Perdiccas thus was free to land his forces, which he did at Amphipolis in eastern Macedonia. He hoped to quickly capture the city, which controlled access to the mines at Pangaion, and then march out to Pella. Hephaistion had remained in Pella, which because of its relatively central location enabled him to act quickly against any landings. Amphipolis was well-garrisoned, Hephaistion was certainly aware of its importance, and managed to hold out against Perdiccas’ assault. The defence of the city was heroic, aware that Perdiccas was unlikely to grant them any quarter the entire city participated in the siege: the women of the city formed a fire brigade, the children aided in mining underneath Perdiccas’ approaching siege engines. Even the prostitutes of the city did their part: manning the ramparts they hurled abuse and flashed their privates whenever Perdiccas came in sight. In the end their effort paid off: after two weeks Hephaistion arrived with his army, and now it was Perdiccas who was caught between his enemies. Already Hephaistion’s outriders had burned a part of his fleet and much of his supplies: Perdiccas had no choice than to retreat.
Hephaistion Soter, King of Macedonia
However because he lacked a powerful fleet Hephaistion was unable to capitalise on his victory: Perdiccas retreated to Anatolia to regroup. And thus he commanded his army to march south again, to assail the Demetrian garrisons in Greece, which was the only way that he could force them to fight. Athens remained defiant, and Hephaistion remained unconvinced that he could capture the place, so he focused most of his attention on the other major Demetrian garrison at Corinth. There the king of Macedonia had a lucky break: despite the impressive fortifications of the Acrocorinth the garrison commander, a man named Krateros, had no great loyalty to the Demetrians and was easily bribed. Other Demetrian garrisons on the Peloponnese, like those at Sicyon and at Argos, also quickly changed sides and before long Hephaistion installed governments loyal to him in much of southern Greece.
Perhaps the most important of his Peloponnesian ventures was the crushing defeat of the Spartans, late in 253, just outside Argos. They had been stirring up trouble on the Peloponnese ever since the start of the Argead Succession War and especially the Messenians and Arcadians had suffered under their assaults. However they were unable to ascertain any kind of hegemony: the class of Spartiate citizens continued to diminish and without any kind of reform, which they abhorred, there simply wasn’t the manpower to subjugate the Peloponnese let alone defeat the Macedonians. Despite some opportunistic Demetrian support Hephaistion defeated them easily. He once again contained them to Laconia.
In the meantime things were starting to look grim for Perdiccas: in several Ionian cities long-simmering resentments against the high taxes and ongoing war started to boil over: strikes and protests broke out. In Smyrna insurgents managed to seize power and expelled the local garrison, the fleets of Knidos and Rhodes, backed by their respective governments, refused to sail out. Hoping to set an example Perdiccas ordered his admiral Artemidoros, who had been responsible for the successful defence of Cyprus against Ptolemaios, to occupy Rhodes. The Rhodians however were forewarned: Artemidoros’ surprise attack was foiled and he was forced into an ignominious retreat. Perdiccas however remained unwilling to sign peace, and if events had not forced him perhaps his stubbornness would have caused the Ionians to revolt.
Luck was not on the side of the Demetrian regent: Autumn storms smashed another one of his fleets, which was meant to reinforce Athens. In the meantime Hephaistion himself was also busy constructing a fleet, Macedonia possessed ample supplies for shipbuilding, which was another cause of concern for Perdiccas. The decisive blow of the war came early in 252, and it fell on the diplomatic front: Hephaistion had managed to convince the ever-opportunistic Herakleides to join him, promising him large parts of Anatolia. This was catastrophic for Perdiccas: the Ionian cities, and Athens too, depended on the grain from the regions around the Black Sea to feed them, the trade of which was now cut off by Herakleides and his Thracians. Decisive action was necessary: Perdiccas marched his army to the Hellespont and ferried it across, hoping to catch the newly allied Macedonians and Thracians by surprise. Hephaistion rushed east with his forces, and joined up with Herakleides, who confronted Perdiccas near Kallipolis. Practically the last battle of the First War of the Argead Succession, it ended in a draw, both sides were evenly matched.
Peace however was not forged by a common agreement among the three rulers present, but by the intervention of a fourth. Aiakides of Epiros had remained at the side-lines of the war, unwilling to aid either party, but the recent Demetrian reversals seems to have concerned him. A resurgent Macedonia under Hephaistion was not in his best interest after all, and thus in the Spring of 252 the Epirote army crossed over into Macedonia. In the previous year Aiakides had been busy dealing with the Aitolians, who were as always busy with plundering and piracy. The war was concluded successfully: Epirote garrisons were installed at Thermon and Naupaktos, the Aitolian League reduced to little more than a Epirote vassal. Already alarmed by Hephaistion’s success on the Peloponnese Aiakides now made sure the balance of power was maintained: quickly he overran western Macedonia and he was preparing to march on Pella when an envoy send by Hephaistion reached him.
And thus an agreement was reached: Hephaistion was confirmed as king of Macedonia and his arrangements in Thebes and on the Peloponnese would remain in place; his troops would continue to occupy the Acrocorinth. Demetrios, who Aiakides decided to release, was confirmed as rightful ruler of his territories in Asia and he was allowed to retain his garrisons in Athens and at Chalcis on Euboea. Ptolemaios was not mentioned at all, but it was clear to all that he was now the ruler of the east, and although he would never stop claiming to be the King of the Macedonians there was nothing he could do about Hephaistion. Territorially not much changed, but the end of the war confirmed that unlike the east the west of the Argead Empire would not so easily be reunited.
Nice update! Great to see Aiakides playing the role of peace keeper here and not just trying to be another claimant to the throne. Demetrios seems to have been quite lucky to come through it all with his health and still a king. I'm especially interested in the future of his Phoenician territories, does he have enough of a fleet left to keep them under the thumb?
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So, this is in a lot of ways similar to the OTL diadochi, albeit with different players in different places, somewhat different borders and a later date of the arrangement coming to be. The biggest difference does appear to be that Egypt is ruled by a native pharaoh, as opposed to one of the claimants to the Argead empire. The second biggest perhaps that the alternate to the Selucid empire is the strongest claimant to the entire empire.
I mean, the Seleucids under Seleucus were also the OTL strongest claimant to the Macedonian empire
The end of the Argead Succession War is finally upon us, yet we're left at a peace that no one is particularly happy with, aside from a few people. Hephaistion definitely won out IMO, considering his rule over Macedonia has been secured while Demetrios is left with a much shakier holding in Asia and parts of Greece. Aiakides has also benefited from this peace since the Aitolian League has been curbed and he has kept Hephaistion in check. Still, I can't help but think that this arrangement will not last for very long with Hephaistion's ambitions over Athens and the rest of Asia, but I guess that's for the future.
That's true, but in this TL Ptolemaios is indisputably the most powerful claimant as Anatolia, Thrace, and Macedonia are split among other claimants that are unable to directly challenge him. At least Ptolemy was able to contend with Seleucus IIRC.