1960s Heligoland : Pop Culture, Trouble, Oil and Gas :
As British Heligoland passed into the 1960s, it had become something of a political 'hot potato' due to its continuing uncertainty of political status. There was general refusal in Europe and particularly in Germany, to recognise the British nature of Heligoland. Many German politicians - prodded by the 'German Helgolander' lobby group - wanted Heligoland 'returned' to Germany, a matter opposed wholeheartedly by Conservatives and Liberals, but only weakly by the Labour party. Britain could point to longer occupation by Britain than Germany, whilst the very angry native Helgolanders held polls and votes that uniformly showed a 98% demand for recognition of their British nature. Like Gibraltar and the Falklands, the Heligoland population had no desire at all to come under the control of nations bound to make use of their 'Lunn' without reference to themselves. There was petition after petition for affiliation with Kent's Thanet district, to give them a voice in Parliament.
Much the strangest result of this - and the effective neutrality of the 'Lunn' outside the British naval and air bases - was something that occurred in 1959 in the wake of the five years' success of Radio Luxembourg's commercial radio service. Radio Free Heligoland broadcast pop music from 5th February 1960 on frequencies that covered Denmark, Southern Norway, western Sweden, northern Germany, the Benelux countries and Britain. A completely local idea, the transmission frequency avoided interference with aviation, marine and radar frequencies used by other equipment on Heligoland. It also thoroughly irritated the 'German Helgolanders', who predictably complained that the Radio Free Heligoland presenters broadcast propaganda opposed to a German integration of the island.
HM Government found themselves in a cleft stick; they could not acknowledge the irritating problem without admitting Heligoland completely into the British Isles, but the broadcasts appeared to break the monopoly of the BBC on public radio transmissions. To shut Radio Free Heligoland down would acknowledge Crown authority over the civil parts of Heligoland, which was the one thing the German government sought to avoid. Both the Bundesrepublik and HM Government could only stand by and watch the impudent Helgolanders continue to raise the awareness of their cause in the youth of eight and more countries. Youth loves rebels, so Free Heligoland and the Heliogoland flag became a popular poster in the bedrooms of millions of kids. And, inevitably, the interest of tourists in this tiny and impudent island mushroomed.
When the then-obscure 'The Beatles' band was playing in Liverpool and Hamburg in 1960, they attracted the dislike of a bunch of the more foolish proponents of German Heligoland. Lennon, McCartney, Harrison, Sutcliffe and Best, were invited by Radio Free Heligoland to visit the Lunn and perform in the Kurhaus, now re-named the 'Konvershus'. The result passed into pop history - the first pop festival on Heligoland, broadcast warts and all by Radio Free Heligoland. Local sponsors and the advertising companies made a fortune from that and subsequent events, which launched the career of possibly the most famous pop group in recording history. It made the Radio Free Heligoland station untouchable and Sutcliffe's terrible death from an aneurysm in 1962 was to earn him a grave in the Sankt Nikolas churchyard. Pete Best nearly lost his position in the band as drummer after their manager Epstein thought his drumming was too weak, but turned it round and saved an astonishing career.
To become the pop capital of Britain, jointly with liverpool, was enough to do the trick in 1963; almost the last task of Alec Douglas-Hume's Conservative government of 1963, was to put through the British Heligoland Incorporation Act, recognising that the inhabitants were British citizens and affiliating them to Thanet Constituency. The first MP for Thanet and Heligoland was the redoubtable Harold Tom Baillie-Grohmann, who agreed to serve for four years and then stood down at the next election. In his maiden speech he referred to the benefits of loyalty, duty and citizenship, saying that the popular music culture had questioned ideas and beliefs and had brought freedom to his constituents.
"...The defence of the realm depends on the will of the people and on just government." 'B-G' reminded the Commons. "Thanet and Heligoland are the two most-invaded parts of the British Isles and have seen war at the front line. We know that the price of peace is the readiness to stand up against tyranny and to be willing to fight for our rights. Let this Chamber not forget that diplomatic mistakes are paid for in blood. Heligoland is the free world's bastion against tyrants - long may it remain so, whether by amending constitutions, writing songs, spreading the truth by broadcasting and guiding ships and aircraft safely to their destinations."
His speech colored much of what followed; the Labour Party had won the election, but Radio Free Heligoland had shown up the importance of defending democracy and minorities from heavy-handed government interference - a salutary warning from the streets, to troublesome apparatchiks like Harold Wilson. Gaitskell died before the election took place, depriving the Labour Party of what could have been one of its greatest Prime Ministers since Clement Attlee, leaving men like Denis Callaghan and George Brown to slug it out with Wilson. One wit said it was a battle between a Pipe, Intellect and a Bottle, referring to Wilson's smoking, Callaghan's skill and Brown's interest in alcohol. Brown and Callaghan were both Gaitskellites, so after an inconclusive result, Callaghan agreed to support Brown as long as that Deputy Leader of the Labour Party cut down on his alcohol intake. George Brown was sufficiently motivated by the thought of Premiership to prefer it to the bottle and in fact lead the Labour into its most impressive result for decades. Cheerful, tubby, Brown set in motion a programme of measures in the Labour Party to make it both electable and (he hoped) proof against left-wing abuse; he admitted freely that what had motivated him was meeting Baillie-Grohmann and appreciating how the man had conquered illness and opposition. In fact, George Brown was a regular visitor to Heligoland thereafter, saying that it kept him aware of the need to defend Western socialism against communist infiltration and that the combination of sea, sand and youthful pop enthusiasm was 'more stimulating than a case of champagne'.
Even in death, the shrewd Gaitskell had his influence on the Labour Party, which (prodded by Brown) remained averse to entering into the European Economic Community. The Nordics and the British Isles formed the European Free Trade Association in 1960 and Brown developed it into a strong bloc, by offering trade links with the Commonwealth - and refusing them to non-EFTA states, including the EEC and the USA. This stroke of genius - or, according to some, folly - immediately massively increased EFTA markets and resources, to the fury of De Gaulle in France and the dismay of Germany. France - or, rather, De Gaulle - promptly declared that this was another example of 'Perfide Albion' and declared that France (De Gaulle) would veto any nation in EFTA that tried to join the EEC. This thoroughly irritated the Scandinavians, whose media spoke of 'French hegemony' in the EEC and suggested that Germany join EFTA. George Brown is said to have laughed when he got the news, whilst the Helgolanders went out of their way to be polite to German visitors and were even polite to the 'German Helgolanders'.
Development of onshore gas and oil fields by the Netherlands and Germany from the 1930s onwards had shown promise of gas and oil under the North Sea, the massive Dutch gas fields at Groningen in the Netherlands being developed by 1964. Early indications of gas and the oil deposits near Hamburg had triggered a lot of early postwar attempts by the German government to get Heligoland back, but the British Continental Shelf Act 1964 raised a storm of protest. A 1938 borehole down from Heligoland had shown neither oil nor gas, although it had revealed the salt plug whose movement had uplifted Heligoland; the point at issue was that Economic Zones were largely determined by calculations of mid-points from coastlines of the nations bordering the North Sea. Unless Heligoland was completely ignored, it would take away almost sixty percent of Germany's small North Sea sector, giving Britain the largest share of the North Sea. Britain's discovery of the Leman and Indefatigable fields was a further boost to Britain's economy and Germany's dismay, but the southern North Sea near Germany was sadly bare of geolgical formations that could contain oil or gas. One well revealed gas under pressure - but it was nitrogen and carbon dioxide, not a fuel gas.
George Brown, being a statesman when not drunk, discussed the oilfield licensing matter with the Heligoland Development Council and chaired a debate between them and representatives of the German, Danish and British governments. He came up with the concept of Joint Licencing Areas, with extraction royalties shared between Germans, Danes and Helgolanders, the Helgolanders getting 8% of the royalties on any developments. There was also agreement on a five-mile Exclusive Economic Zone off the shores of each nation and Heligoland, to protect some fishing and other matters, whilst Heligoland was to develop a service port for the oilfield support ships and helicopters. This stratagem neatly made dual-use of the airport and the almost-useless submarine pens, George Brown's economic gift to the Helgolanders. In his Memoirs, George Brown admitted to having discussed the matter beforehand with 'B-G', the two men almost ruthlessly manoeuvering Germany, the Netherlands and Denmark into agreement. For their part, the Danes discussed the erection of an offshore wind farm off Hallem on the tidal reefs, keeping well clear of the approaches to the airport and the harbours; with its steady winds, Heligoland was perfect as an experimental station for this new technology.
Internationally, Heligoland had little impact on the global scene; the British, the Danes and the Germans, had kept it very much in-house and disdained French and American offers of 'mediation'; the under-rated George Brown had made an impact, most notably in the field of defence. He had told Labour Party left wing activists to go to Heligoland and to the Iron Curtain front line, to compare the conditions and the threats, before coming to the Party Conferences with demands for disarmament. That rather stunted the attempts of Anthony Wedgewood Benn and Harold Wilson to gain credibility, Benn complaining that the Helgolanders and West Germans had been 'rude' to him by telling him to emigrate to Moscow. The other key influence was Dennis Healey; he and Brown agreed that Britain needed a credible independent deterrent, continuing the viuews of Aneurin Bevan, Attlee and Gaitskell, Britain maintaining its V-bomber force throughout the 1960s and belatedly considering acquisition of a submarine-based deterrent. The Valiant bombers were retired early with metal fatigue, but the Victor and delta-winged Vulcan were too useful to be replaced so early in their lives; uprated and modernised, re-built on occasion, the V-bombers were still in service in 2012, in many cases older by far than their aircrews.
Always innovative, Britain had managed to retain is technological edge at the cost of two failing car firms and a bicycle firm, all three refused financial bailouts but encouraged to accept American and Japanese takeover bids. The money instead went into the development of three rather esoteric projects - the Blue Streak IRBM and its Black Arrow and Centaur upper stages. American Polaris submarines being very expensive and 'tying us to the USA', as Healey pointed out, the Labour Party went for something more interesting - development of a Thor II ramjet-powered Blue Steel standoff bomb that turned into the White Hammer cruise missile, with pairs under the Vulcan and Victor. White Hammer's airframe was shrunk slightly for the White Sniper cruise missile, launchable from 21-inch torpedo tubes, but in practice the Navy preferred twelve vertical tubes pre-loaded and launched from an attack submarine. Sneered at by the USA as the 'Poor Man's Polaris', White Hammer and White Sniper proved to be very hard to intercept; they relied upon terrain-following radar and later on satellite navigation, 'to put the bomb in the politician's office' as Healey put it.