Discussion in 'Alternate History Maps and Graphics' started by Glen, Mar 26, 2016.
@ksituan inspired me. Apologies for the poor translations.
A filled ballot paper for the Borelian National Assembly. This ballot was cast for the division of McLoughlin in Newhalem.
The electoral system used for the National Assembly of Borelia is mixed-member proportional. On the left side of the ballot, voters elect a representative for the single-member constituency in which they reside. Full preferential voting or instant-runoff voting is used, in which the voter ranks all presented candidates in order of preference. This will provide the most agreeable result for all voters.
On the right side of the ballot, voters elect the members of the proportional, or additional, seats in the Assembly. This is done via single transferable vote, a method of preferential voting used to elect multiple representatives. The additional member seats are compensatory in nature, meaning that the number of single-member divisions each party has won is taken into account when allocating additional member seats. Each seat held by a party counts as a full quota when calculating the additional member results.
From Liberty and Honor:
New Columbia's party system:
The Unionists, an anti-secessionist movement dating back to the 1870s, have held the most seats in the Popular House for the past century. Understanding staunch protection of minority rights as part and parcel of their nationalist design for the country, they would undoubtedly get along well with the OTL Quebec Liberals.
When the Unionists can't score an outright majority, the Liberal-Alliance tries its hardest to prevent their forming government. The Alliance component, being overwhelmingly larger, is a fluid electoral pact between an enormous collection of regional movements, the leadership thereof being determined by a hideous system of local and national conventions. (The Liberal Party proper is greatly diminished since lending its name to the L-A in the 1920s, but still wins a couple seats inside the more nostalgic midwestern cities.)
The 2019 Liberal-Alliance convention system returned Edward G. Freimanis of the Kanamonta Non-Partisan Society as national leader on the 22nd ballot, so it falls to him to campaign around the country as Premier-in-waiting should the L-A triumph in the general election.
Not seen here yet are the idealistic third parties (the largest being Social Credit), whose platforms are much, much more coherent than those offered by the vague Unionists or the disorganized Liberals. Sadly, no amount of party discipline can make Social Credit ideology understandable.
The following is the transcript of a segment of the PBS News America Votes broadcast, originally televised on election night, November 5, 2019.
ERIKA LÉPINE: “We finally have enough votes in to make a projection. Folks, it’s no surprise given what we’ve seen so far, but PBS News officially projects a Social Conservative majority. If these results hold up, this will be the first government formed by a right-wing party since 2002, and Robert Dayal will become the first American president of Indian descent. Since the right wing last held power, we’ve seen two Whig governments, a Farmer-Labor government, a Whig-Farmer-Labor coalition, a time when the Movement was the official opposition, and an election where the conservative vote was split three ways. The levers of power have eluded them through the years, but now, they've taken back power, and what a way to do it!”
LUIS WASHINGTON: “In just a few minutes, Dayal will address his supporters at the Social Conservative HQ in New York. But in the meantime, let’s talk about these results coming in. We have only about a third of the votes counted right now, but we’re already seeing battle lines for tonight being drawn. The Social Conservatives are well ahead of all other parties, while the Whigs and Farmer-Labor are neck-and-neck.”
LÉPINE: “I think it’s safe to say at this point in the night it’s going to be a fight for second place. This election started when the FLP broke off from the coalition, and the government lost a vote of no confidence. President Cunningham might go down in history for leading her party to a historic loss and a third place result. There's no good way this vote ends up for the Whigs, but avoiding that outcome would go a long way to shore up rank-and-file morale."
WASHINGTON: "Even if the Whigs end up with more seats than Farmer-Labor, I still don't see Cunningham having much of a future in the party."
LÉPINE: "I'll be honest, me neither. I suspect she'll be forced to resign as a first step to rebuilding."
WASHINGTON: "And on the other hand, it's a pretty good night for Farmer-Labor. If they outgain the Whigs and form the official opposition, this'll be their best result since 2009."
LÉPINE: "Hard to beat their performance in '09, but they can't not be satisfied looking at the results tonight. Their biggest challenge, I think, is going to be holding onto their seats come next election. A few more elections like this for them and they might have a shot at forming government!"
WASHINGTON: "That's been the goal, but now, let's talk a little bit about the Movement's performance tonight. They're losing most of their key districts in the Caribbean, but they're holding strong in the Canadas and Louisiana. I know Movement supporters haven’t been very optimistic about this election, but their losses seem imbalanced. They're losing Spanish speakers and retaining French speakers. Any idea why that is?”
LÉPINE: “You know, the Social Conservatives have spent quite a lot of effort trying to win over Spanish-speaking voters, and I think it's paying off. The Movement's taken a left-wing turn under Salazar and Gaulin. That message might work in the Canadas, but it leaves them open in the Caribbean and the Southwest."
WASHINGTON: "It was smart for the Social Conservatives to recognize that."
LÉPINE: "I know state-by-state polls are spotty at best, but they showed that the Movement was vulnerable. Plus, the Social Conservatives have always had a pretty strong foundation in Spanish-speaking regions, which helped clue them in on that line of attack."
WASHINGTON: “You know, the Social Conservatives have also had some trouble on their right flank. The United Democratic Party has campaigned hard against Dayal’s “Unite the Right” message, but it doesn’t look like they’ll be seriously threatening him. The UDP has three seats right now, two from West Florida and one from North Carolina. Not a bad night for them so far, but certainly not a great one.”
LÉPINE: “I don’t think there’s much of an appetite for even more right-wing splintering."
WASHINGTON: "Especially since the UDP is quite a bit to the right of the general public."
LÉPINE: "They’ll win seats off white identity politics and opposing open borders and free trade, but they won't do much beyond that. They’ll probably end up in 5th or 6th place, depending on if the Greens turn things around.”
WASHINGTON: “And it looks like Robert Dayal has emerged to address the crowd. Let’s pan over.”
European propaganda poster from the Eastern War (2001).
As the conflict with the Holy Russian Empire dragged into it's fourth year, tensions between the European Union's different ethnic groups, religious groups and nationalities began to escalate. The focus of propaganda shifted to a message of ethnic unity in the beginning of 2001 after a number of high profile incidents between different people groups. This specific poster was distributed across Britain, but similiar ones were made for each of Europe's 25 states in 60 different languages.
Government flowchart! This details the structure of the Galactic Republic.
The Galactic Republic, in the year 580 AFR, is just that - a republic - but it is by no means a functional democracy. Centuries of political monetization, nepotism, and revolving-door uprisings have forged a state based entirely on the concept of concentrating power in the hands of the few. While all citizens have a vote, the less affluent sectors of the Galaxy are less influential than their wealthier counterparts by design - and of course, the poorest citizens on these systems are themselves deliberately disenfranchised as well. In summation, the Republic canbest be described as a constitutional oligarchy - for while power is concentrated in the hands of the few, there are a number of powerful safeguards that prevent power from being concentrated in the hands of the one.
The “lowest” tier in the political ladder is that of the Public Assembly. A body of almost two thousand members, the Assembly is meant to be a public forum for the airing of local grievances and the sole voice of the poorest Galactic citizens. Itis split into two “colleges,” a College of the Tribunes and a College of the Quaestors. The College of the Tribunes are the closest the Republic gets to true democracy, where representative “tribunes” are elected from constituencies purely based on population rather than wealth or status. The College of the Quaestors, in contrast, is a group of 200 representatives divided among the four economic classes recognized as citizens in the Republic - the ancient Patrician families receive 20 seats, the fabulously wealthy Equitarians receive 80 seats, the middle-class Plebeians are awarded 80 as well, and the Proletarians - the majority of the population - are given 20. This has resulted in a body that concentrates representation in the hands of the wealthy and powerful - and it is no accident that this body is responsible for electing the members of the Senate.
While both houses of the Public Assembly are capable of proposing and voting on legislation, the Senate - the primary legislative organ of the Republic - is the final arbiter of all of it. Should the Senate vote against a piece of legislation passed by the Tribunes or the Quaestors, that is the end of it. It is also charged with electing the two Consuls of the Republic, appointing Proconsuls (governors of the Republic’s vast territories), and appointing military flag officers known as legates. Senators must be members of the Patrician and Equitarian classes, and serve for life. They are sacrosanct under the laws of the Republic’s state religion, and each Senator is awarded a personal guard of 50 palatine lictors for protection.
The Senate elects the Consuls from among their number, the two co-Heads of State of the Republic. To be a Consul is the greatest honor a Senator can be awarded, and after their two-year term is up, they occupy positions of great respect among their peers, and can be given positions as Proconsuls. The Consuls, as the chairpeople of the Senate, can not only convene, set the agenda for, and dismiss the Senate, they can also propose their own legislation for debate as well, and each one has a veto that cannot be overridden (although it is not used as often as one would think, as the other co-Consul has equal powers of veto and veto-based brinkmanship leads to a waste of both of their terms). The Senate can, in times of emergency, pass what is known as the “final enabling act,” where the consuls are - for a term of six months - awarded a temporary dictatorship. They are empowered to do whatever is necessary to defend the Republic, with no true checks on their power. However, this is considered so dangerous that it has only been done three times in the Republic’s 600-year history.
The Consuls share power with the Praetorium, the Republic’s collegiate head of government. Six praetors, each one in charge of a different “department,” head up the bureaucracy and execute the directives of the Senate. The position of First Praetor, a primo inter pares position, is rotated on a yearly basis; during a Praetorium’s six-year term, each Praetor will serve for one year. The Praetorium is elected directly by the College of Quaestors, and unlike the Consuls, they do not have to be Senators.
This structure, along with its other trappings such as the integration of the state religion and the power of the military, have created a government that quashes dissent from the mainstream political opinion and favors the interests of the wealthy. In this era of great change, something has to give - and with populism on the rise among the Proletarians and Plebeians, that something might come soon...
Singapore assembly by partisan composition as of 1965:
Progressive: 10 seats (P-O)
National Centrist Action: 16 seats (N-G)
National Conservative: 4 seats (C-O)
Singapore assembly by composition as of 1965:
Popular General: 14 seats (6P+ 6N + 2C)
Tax Base Corporate: 3 seats (2N + 1C)
Tax Base Individual: 2 seats (1N + 1C)
Trade Scientists: 3 seats (1P + 2N)
Trade Legal: 1 seat (1N)
Trade GCW: 1 seat (1P)
Trades General: 1 seat (1N)
Interest Humanists: 1 seat (1P)
Interest Scientific: 2 seats (1P + 1N)
Interests General: 2 seats (2N)
Districts of Singapore by district leader party as of 1965:
View attachment 460659
This has got to be one of my favorite graphics. Even something as minor as a test paper adds realism to creating a whole other universe.
I was a little lazy on the graphic, but it was just an idea I had so I made pretty quick
Just wanted to drop this off: I found an overlay pack of FlagMaker 2.0 overlays retrofitted for FlagMaker 1.7, for those who can't use the former for some reason and thus are forced to use the latter.
On that note: has anyone seen @timmy_khagann around lately? Because he hasn't been responding back to my PMs for a while.
Saturday at 7:30 PM
timmy_khagann liked MikeTurcotte's post in the thread 1944 US ISOT to the world of the Two Georges..
All, Quick note: The US resupply task force for Austria includes DD-557 (USS Johnston) commanded by one Ernest E. Evans as one of the...
From his profile
Thanks. Wonder why he hasn't replied back yet then...
Maybe he's ghosting you
Ghosting? I'm not familiar with that term...
When someone deliberately refuses to respond to or otherwise contact another person. They become like a "ghost"
It mostly applies to communication by text or online.
Ah... well, that doesn't make feel any better.
For what it's worth, it doesn't look like he's been very active - he's posted, sure, but only a few posts every few weeks. He might just be busy.
Separate names with a comma.