Cry of the Augustinians - A Late Antiquity TL

[Richard Drummond]

"Kỳrie eléēson"
- Lord have mercy​

The last of the Theodosians, Theodosius II spent almost his entire life as emperor having been proclaimed Augustus as an infant in 402 by his father, Arcadius, only ruling as the sole emperor upon his father’s death in 408. With the sole emperor only seven years old, Praetorian Prefect Anthemius took the reigns of government and it was under his supervision that the famed Theodosian Walls. His regency lasted until 414 when Pulcheria, Theodosius II’s older sister, was proclaimed Augusta. Her regency would last for two years until 416 though she would remain a major influence upon her younger brother.

Pulcheria’s influence, however, would decline when Theodosius married Aelius Eudocia in June 421. Together they would have two daughters, Licinia Eudoxia and Flaccilla, and a son called Arcadius. However, their separation around 443, with Eudocia moving to Jerusalem where she favoured monastic Monophysitism, allowed for Pulcheria to reassume her influential role. She would have to share this influence with the eunuch Chrysaphius.

One of the major results of Pulcheria’s influence was the Roman-Sasanian War of 421-422 against Bahram V. Yazdegerd had been Theodosius’s guardian as per Arcadius’ decisions. Nonetheless, increased interest in Christianity also convinced Theodosius to go to war against the Sassanians in a war then ended in a territorial status quo. However, the Sassanians agreed to tolerate Christians while the Romans would tolerate Zoroastrians in return.

Bahram V’s persecution of Christians had been a continuation of Yazdegerd’s persecution late in his reign before his death. In 419, Christians led by Abda, the bishop of Ohrmazd-Ardashir, destroyed a Zoroastrian temple. Yazdegerd responded by executing Abda and his entourage but would only begin active persecution when Christians elsewhere put out a sacred fire and celebrated mass at a Zoroastrian temple. The Zoroastrian priesthood pressured Yazdegerd into active persecution and thus he appointed Mihr Narseh of the Surens as his wuzurg framadar (minister). However, his brief persecution failed to mar his reputation in Christian sources.

During Bahram V’s persecution, many fled into Roman territory where Atticus, the Bishop of Constantinople, welcomed them informing Theodosius of their persecution. Relations were already uneasy with the Sassanians due to their refusal to return Roman gold-diggers as well as their seizure of the properties of Roman merchants. Pulcheria’s religiosity only helped to drive Theodosius’ in the faith and these factors culminated in a declaration of war when Sassanian ambassadors reached Constantinople demanding the return of the Christian fugitives.

Ardaburius, commander-in-chief of the army, was tasked with the collecting of many troops for his campaign. Such were the numbers required that Theodosius allowed for some Pannonian Ostrogoths to settle in Thracia to defend the province from the Huns while the Thracians they replaced were sent to fight in the east. Ardaburius sent Anatolius to Persarmenia while he himself marched into Persian territory devastating Arzanene. He was engaged in battle by Narses, the Sassanian general, however, Ardaburius came out on top forcing them into a retreat. Narses thus planned to attack the undefended Roman province of Mesopotamia, but Ardaburius' foresight intercepted him.

Upon receiving reinforcements, he laid siege to the fortress of Nisibis and the Romans were able to disperse the Lakmid allies of Bahram V under Alamundarus (Al-Mundhir). However, the Huns of Rua were attacking the dioceses of Dacia and Thracia in the meantime and had even menaced Constantinople itself. Fearing a war on two fronts, Theodosius recalled Ardaburius when a large Persian army started making its way towards Nisibis. The Persian force laid siege to Theodosiopolis in Osroene which ended after 30 days when a stone-thrower named after Thomas the Apostle killed a lesser king of the Sassanid army.

Magister officiorum Helio would negotiate the peace that brought the way to an end establishing a status quo with both sides agreeing to reject Arab defectors from their opponent along with a guarantee to tolerate each other’s religion in their territories. As a gesture of Christian generosity, it is said that Acacius, the bishop of Amida, melted the consecrated gold and silver plate of his church to be able to buy the 7,000 Persian captives who ended up in the slave markets due to the war. These were then said to have been sent back in freedom to their homeland.

A year after the war’s conclusion, Honorius passed away in the Occident. He was Theodosius’ uncle and his sister Galla Placidia fled with her young son Valentinian to Constantinople due to the proclamation of primicerius notariorum Joannes as Occidental Emperor. In 424, Theodosius went to war with Joannes, finally installing Valentinian III as Emperor of the Occident with his mother acting as regent. Licina Eudoxia was betrothed to the junior emperor to strengthen ties between the two halves of the empire. Meanwhile, Theodosius also paid attention to domestic issues.

In 425, he had founded the University of Constantinople where subjects included law, philosophy, medicine, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, music and rhetoric. Of the 31 chairs, 15 were in Latin and 16 in Greek. 4 years later in 429, he appointed a commission to collect all laws passed since the reign of Constantine I so that he may create a fully formalized system of law. This plan was never finished but a second commission was able to collect all of the legislation and publish them, after being brought up to date, as the Codex Theodosianus years later in 438. The Codex would form the basis of the Codex Stylianianus of Emperor Stylianus a century later.

Theodosius also campaigned elsewhere though these campaigns would usually be less successful than the war against the Sassanians. The major opposing force was the Huns who were at first internally divided allowing for the Orientals to overcome the invasions of Uldin. They strengthened their fortifications in Thrace and Illyria and agreed to pay 350 pounds of gold for a peace agreement. However, the rise of Bleda and Attila and their unification of the Huns in 434 saw the payment of gold doubled to 700 pounds. The other primary force fought by the Orientals along with the Occidentals were the Vandals who had completed their conquest by 439. Both emperors sent forces to Sicily, intending to launch an attack straight at Vandal ruled Carthage. The project, however, failed and both the Huns and Persians exploited the lack of significant forces along the border. In exchange for humiliating concessions, Anatolius negotiated a peace agreement with the Huns while skirmishes continued along the border on the east.

Theodosius’ reign, however, was not just limited to military conflict. Theodosius appointed Nestorius to be Archbishop of Constantinople in 428 after having met him as a monk while in Syria due to his reputation as a renowned preacher. He quickly became involved in the disputes of two factions differing in Christology and he tried to find a compromise. One faction emphasized that the Virgin Mary should be called Theotokos (“birth-giver of God”) as in Christ, God was born as a man. Those who rejected the title claimed that God could not have been born as he is an eternal being. Nestorius thus suggested Christotokos (“birth-giver of Christ”) as an alternative title but neither faction accepted it. Nestorius was accused of separating Christ’s divine and human nature, resulting in ‘two Christs’. This would form the origin of Nestorianism. Theodosius II initially supported this but Archbishop Cyril of Alexandria was a forceful opponent. At Nestorius’ request, the emperor convened a council in Ephesus in 431 affirming the title Theotokos and condemning Nestorius who returned to his monastery in Syria before eventually being exiled to a remote monastery in Egypt.

The theological dispute would break out again with the Constantinopolitan abbot Eutyches asserting the Monophysite view that Christ’s divine and human nature were one. Flavian, Archbishop of Constantinople condemned but he found a powerful friend in Dioscorus of Alexandria, Archbishop Cyril’s successor. In 449, another council was convened in Ephesus. Eutyches was restored by the council and Flavian was deposed and mistreated before his death shortly afterwards. Though many bishops protested against the outcome, the emperor supported it, and it took the Council of Chalcedon after Theodosius I’s death that the decision was reversed.

Theodosius II’s death would come in 451 when he was assassinated by conspirators led by the Isaurian magister militum per Orientem Zeno. This was one of two plots organized by pagan officers. The cause for the assassination was Theodosius II’s policies towards the Huns which Zeno fervently opposed due to his almost fanatic dislike of the Huns. The death of Theodosius opened up a succession crisis between Zeno and his supporters and his opponent, Aspar, who sought to place one of his subordinates, Anthemius [1], on the throne. He had organized a marriage between Anthemius and Theodosius’ sister, Pulcheria. The influential eunuch, Chrysaphius, found support in Zeno and backed him due to fears of execution by Aspar’s faction.

Pulcheria, the last of the Theodosians in the Orient, had a fascinating life herself. She was the second child of Arcadius and Aelia Eudoxia, born on 19 January 398. While her brother was just 13, she had herself declared regent at the mere age of 16 on the 4th July 414. Immediately after being crowned by her younger brother, she took initiatives to organize the court to emphasize Christian and intellectual values. Coins were struck in her honour and a portrait bust of her was placed in the Senate House along with those of Honorius and Theodosius II. She had many of her brother’s advisors fired and despite her young age, became the most important woman in the Orient. She seemingly turned the palace into a monastery as she imposed asceticism and worshipped with her brother several times a day with fasting every Wednesday and Friday. The women of the imperial family wore no cosmetics or fancy jewellery and wove fabric instead of spending time entertaining themselves.

As guardian of the emperor, Pulcheria took a vow of virginity which was copied by her sisters Arcadia and Marina. Her piety would get her into several Christological disputes. When Nestorius arrived in Constantinople, he had to deal with the arrogance of Saint Hypatius whose favour in the eyes of Pulcheria and the wider public kept him safe from lash back. Combatting Nestorius became a personal vendetta for Pulcheria as she believed herself to have the imperial right to dictate on matters of religion. Her power and influence would, however, take a massive blow with the death of her brother. She had made an attempt to immediately take power for herself but she lost to Zeno and was forced to flee the capital finding support and backing in Aspar who had her married to one of his subordinate generals, Anthemius. In front of the loyalist army that rose up against Zeno’s reign, Pulcheria bestowed Anthemius the diadem and purple military paludamentum of an emperor. She was the first woman to direct the coronation of an emperor since Agrippina Minor placed the laurel crown on the head of Nero, her son.

[1] Marcian was killed fighting in North Africa so Anthemius rises to replace him. He did not exist in OTL and is a unique character.

Summary:
431: A council is convened in Ephesus affirming the title of Theotokos and condemning Nestorianus who returned to his monastery in Syria.
438: The Codex Theodosianus is published.
443: Eudocia, the wife of Emperor Theodosius II, moves to Jerusalem where she favours monastic Monophysitism.
449: A council is convened in Ephesus restoring Eutyches and deposing Archbishop of Constantinople, Flavian who would die shortly afterwards.
451: Emperor Theodosius II is assassinated by conspirators led by the Isaurian, Zeno. A succession crisis breaks out between Zeno and Pulcheria who takes Aspar's subordinate Anthemius as her husband.
5xx: The Codex Stylianianus is published as a development upon Theodosius II's Codex Theodosianus.

List of Monarchs

Oriental Roman Emperors

Theodosian Dynasty (379-451)​

9. Theodosius I the Great: 19 January 379 - 17 January 395​

10. Arcadius: 17 January 395 - 1 May 408​

11. Theodosius II: 1 May 408 - 20 January 451​

Non-Dynastic​

12. Zeno: 20 January 451 - TBA​

13. Anthemius: 4 March 451 - TBA​

 

[StevenIronside]

Glad to see an update on this tl, so this isnt our timelines Anthemius then, thats kinda dissapointing. However great update!

 

[Richard Drummond]

Glad to see an update on this tl, so this isnt our timelines Anthemius then, thats kinda dissapointing. However great update!

Happy to hear you are enjoying it. The whole lockdown situation has been a bit of a miss but I would really love to get back to getting this alive.
I hadn't actually thought of Anthemius, thought his name sounded familiar. This Anthemius is just another soldier who rose to gain Aspar's favour in Marcian's place.

 

[Richard Drummond]

CHAPTER VIII: EMPEROR ZENO AND CIVIL WAR
With the Theodosians ousted from the imperial throne, the Oriental Empire found itself in a civil war between the self-proclaimed Zeno seated in Constantinople and the loyalist forces of Pulcheria and Anthemius who secured the support of Aspar. The crisis was for all intents and purposes; one fought between Zeno and Aspar. Both men were powerful military figures of non-Greek extraction, and the civil war has been seen as a conflict between these foreign factions for dominance over the Oriental empire.

Flavius Zeno, himself, was of Isaurian origin who had risen to the position of magister militum per Orientem in 447 outliving an anonymous brother. Almost immediately, he was tasked with the defence of the capital from the forces of Bleda the Hun and he was put at the head of an Isaurian unit. He successfully managed to hold back the Hunnic forces until Theodosius II surrendered due to fears of traitors within Constantinople. This move by Theodosius only helped to radicalize Zeno’s anti-Hun stance and drive more people into his camp three years later when Theodosius was himself assassinated. Nonetheless, Zeno was appointed consul for 448 as a reward for his efforts.

His time as magister militum saw opposition from the powerful eunuch Chrysaphius, the comes sacrarum largitionum, who wanted to obtain the Huns’ favour. The eunuch would eventually find refuge with Zeno upon the outbreak of civil war only to be executed in 452. Zeno, unlike many other noteworthy figures in the empire, did not receive the title of patricius. It is possible that had he not assassinated Theodosius, he would have been raised to the rank. Nonetheless, as emperor, he surpassed the need for the rank of patricius. As emperor, he now had to delegate to loyal followers, the most noteworthy being Apollonius, his magister militum, and Tarasis [1]. The former had already risen to Zeno’s favour before the seizure of the throne while Tarasis was simply a member of Zeno’s entourage who rapidly rose in ranking during the civil war.

His opponent was Flavius Ardabur Aspar, a patrician and magister militum of Alanic-Gothic descent. He commanded a Germanic army and was able to exert a great amount of influence from the 420s until his death during the reign of his own son, Ardaburius I. Aspar was the son of Ardaburius, consul in 427, and was a crucial figure in his father’s expedition in 424 to defeat the Occidental usurper Joannes ending with the installation of Valentinian III and his mother, Galla Placidia, in his place. Aspar was later a fundamental figure in negotiating a peace treaty with Gaiseric in Libya [North Africa]. It was here that Zeno’s successor, Anthemius, first rose to prominence. Aspar would attain a consulship a decade before Zeno in 438. However, unlike Zeno, he suffered from setbacks due to his adherence to Arianism explaining why he initially sought to play the role of kingmaker with his subordinate Anthemius.

As emperor, Zeno was in a challenging position. He was widely unpopular due to being a “barbarian”, and several plots against his life had to be brutally put down. Zeno, however, found support in the Church as the Chalcedonians feared the Arian faith of Aspar and how even the famously devout Pulcheria found herself siding with him causing quite the stir in Constantinople. With both factions resting on unstable foundations of support, outside forces were able to find themselves a niche in the fighting. The most noteworthy of such figures was Triarius, a member of the Gothic Amali dynasty who was related to the King of the Ostrogoths, Valamir. Triarius sided with Aspar, marrying his sister to him.

In 451 (4th March), Anthemius was proclaimed emperor in Asia Minor, and despite the forces of Triarius increasingly gaining ground in Thrace and Illyria, Zeno was able to hold onto Constantinople while his subordinates fought several indecisive battles and skirmishes against loyalist forces in Asia Minor, Oriens and Egypt where loyalties were divided with pagans often siding Zeno’s regime over the loyalists. In the following year, Zeno discovered a sizable plot against him which initiated a great purge that saw many civilian officials executed along Chrysaphius. They were accused of plotting to surrender the capital to the forces of Aspar. This was the cause of several anti-Isaurian riots over the following months. The situation for Zeno, however, was becoming increasingly bleak. Across the empire, his subordinates would be pushed out of Oriens and Egypt with the remaining forces coalescing in Isauria where the Isaurians closed themselves in their fortresses in the Isaurian mountains.

The Isaurians were continuously supplied from Antioch which Tarasis was able to hold on to until 453 when the city massacred its Isaurian garrison, opening up the gates to loyalist forces. The victorious forces paraded Tarasis’ head upon a spike and those who relied on him for their supplies in the Isaurian mountains increasingly turned to loot and plunder to make up for the reduced supplies. The fall of Antioch was the final straw along with the final defeat of the Isaurian fleet by the loyalists allowing for Aspar to land an army on the European side of the empire to aid Triarius. Triarius had encamped at the suburb of Hebdomon and was blockading the landward side of the city, and a worsening food shortage was the final straw for the Constantinopolitans who rose up in revolt against Zeno. Even the emperor’s troops saw large numbers of defections and the Imperial Palace was stormed.

The emperor was lynched by the mob and his corpse thrown over the city walls once Aspar had reached the capital with Anthemius by his side. The city welcomed their new rulers forgetting that they had formerly opposed the loyalist faction due to Aspar’s adherence to Arianism. Pulcheria’s charity and famed piety, however, did more than enough to counter this once Anthemius was seated for the first time in the Imperial Palace. But his power did not amount to much, the true ruler of the Orient being Aspar in his position as magister militum. Triarius, meanwhile, was rewarded for his contributions with a consulship for 454. Resistance in Isauria would continue with the leaderless forces devolving into brigandine bands that would finally be put down in 456.

[1] Tarasis is our timeline’s, Emperor Zeno.

Summary
438: Aspar attains the consulship in the Orient.
447: Isaurian general, Zeno, is made magister militum per Orientem.
448: Zeno is appointed consul for the year as a reward for his efforts in the Siege of Constantinople.
452: The eunuch Chrysaphius is executed by Zeno in a purge against dissenting forces within Constantinople.
453: Following the fall of Antioch to loyalist forces and the defeat of the Isaurian fleet, the populace of Constantinople overthrow and execute Emperor Zeno, opening the gates to Aspar and his claimant for the throne, Anthemius.
456: The last Isaurian rebel holdouts are crushed.

Emperors of the Oriental Roman Empire

Non-Dynastic​

12. Zeno: 20 January 451 - 19 June 453​

13. Anthemius: 4 March 451 - TBD​

 

[unix_fan]

Crushed isaurians, I like.

 

[Thomas1195]

Crushed isaurians, I like.

I think this would be bad for the Eastern Empire. IOTL, Leo used Zeno and the Isaurians to create a counterbalance against Aspar and his Arian Germanic clique, eventually marginalized them - IMO Aspar and Co IOTL, the Ricimer of the East, were not a positive force to the Empire, and ITTL, there would be no counterbalance against them. And later Zeno himself IOTL was able to send the Goths to Italy through diplomacy - a very sensible move that the Roman really needed at the time.

Also, Zeno was succeeded IOTL by one of the best Emperors ever, Anastasius.

 

[Richard Drummond]

Crushed isaurians, I like.

I think this would be bad for the Eastern Empire. IOTL, Leo used Zeno and the Isaurians to create a counterbalance against Aspar and his Arian Germanic clique, eventually marginalized them - IMO Aspar and Co IOTL, the Ricimer of the East, were not a positive force to the Empire, and ITTL, there would be no counterbalance against them. And later Zeno himself IOTL was able to send the Goths to Italy through diplomacy - a very sensible move that the Roman really needed at the time.

Also, Zeno was succeeded IOTL by one of the best Emperors ever, Anastasius.

The crushing of the Isaurians will indeed give the Germanics unchallenged power for a while. What we see happening now is the opening up of career opportunities in the Orient as per the example of Triarius. Though the immediate emperors won't match Anastasius in competence, there is great hope for the empire in the upcoming decades.

 

[Thomas1195]

The crushing of the Isaurians will indeed give the Germanics unchallenged power for a while. What we see happening now is the opening up of career opportunities in the Orient as per the example of Triarius. Though the immediate emperors won't match Anastasius in competence, there is great hope for the empire in the upcoming decades.

Eventually someone would have to send the Ostrogoths to Italy if the West falls. They are too big of a threat in the Balkans.

By the way, by delaying Anastasius, you would make an Italy Reconquest less likely, if the West still collapses. IMO, Justinian IOTL acted at the right time, but he did not carried out his plan well enough.

 

[Richard Drummond]

Eventually someone would have to send the Ostrogoths to Italy if the West falls. They are too big of a threat in the Balkans.

By the way, by delaying Anastasius, you would make an Italy Reconquest less likely, if the West still collapses. IMO, Justinian IOTL acted at the right time, but he did not carried out his plan well enough.

The Oikomene is a large place. The Ostrogoths have many opportunities for a new home.
That's a good point. I don't want to spoil to much moving forwards but there are interesting times ahead for the Mediterranean.

 

[galileo-034]

I just read through this TL. It's very interesting.

I got the feeling, I couldn't say at which point though, that reminded me of another late antiquity TL I read a very long time ago and which must be burried somewhere in the catacombs of this forum. That TL was essentially about the idea of switching the fates of western and eastern empires, having East falling and West surviving.

 

[galileo-034]

Already, I imagine the survival of the Huns as a stable entity would spare the Romans a lot of troubles relating to migrations and keep the federates in line for most of the time, even if that means paying lot of tribute. I see the Huns before their collapse were a unifying factor, a common enemy that made everyone sticking to the relative protection of the Roman empire.

 

[Richard Drummond]

I just read through this TL. It's very interesting.

I got the feeling, I couldn't say at which point though, that reminded me of another late antiquity TL I read a very long time ago and which must be burried somewhere in the catacombs of this forum. That TL was essentially about the idea of switching the fates of western and eastern empires, having East falling and West surviving.

Already, I imagine the survival of the Huns as a stable entity would spare the Romans a lot of troubles relating to migrations and keep the federates in line for most of the time, even if that means paying lot of tribute. I see the Huns before their collapse were a unifying factor, a common enemy that made everyone sticking to the relative protection of the Roman empire.

Thank you, I hope you will continue to enjoy it. Regarding the TL you mention, this will not be following that path though it does sound worthy of a check.
Regarding the Huns, they are not a stable entity so to say. Rather, they are simply more stable than OTL's Hunnic Empire but that's more than enough to have some major changes.

 

[Thomas1195]

I just read through this TL. It's very interesting.

I got the feeling, I couldn't say at which point though, that reminded me of another late antiquity TL I read a very long time ago and which must be burried somewhere in the catacombs of this forum. That TL was essentially about the idea of switching the fates of western and eastern empires, having East falling and West surviving.

I cannot see the West surviving ITTL. Unless, Bonifacius somehow did get rid of Ricimer before his death.

 

[Richard Drummond]

"Qui desiderat pacem praeparet bellum"
- Vegetius​

The sacking of Ravenna by Bleda and death of Bonifatius had left the Occidental Empire with a new magister militum in the form of Sebastianus, Bonifatius’ son-in-law. He was able to rise to the position by exploiting the political influence his father-in-law had wielded in life. It, however, was obvious to all that he was not comparable to his predecessor in skill and although in more peaceful times Sebastianus would have been a good candidate for the position, these were not peaceful times. The empire was afraid and Valentinian III himself was forced to flee from Ravenna back to Rome. Meanwhile, the barbarian Huns returned back to their homes to celebrate victory against the empire. It did not take long for an alternative to emerge for the position of magister militum and in the following year on the 14th February, Sebastianus was replaced by Majorian; Valentinian III’s own son-in-law.

Majorian was a couple of years younger than his father-in-law having been born around 420 to an aristocratic family. His own grandfather, after whom he was named, had himself been magister militum during the reign of Theodosius I. Majorian was the son of his daughter who married an officer named Domninus. In perhaps an ironic twist, Domninus had ties with Flavius Aetius and sided with him during his civil war with Bonifatius following the latter’s withdrawal from Africa. Nonetheless, he reconciled with the new magister militum under whom Majorian began his military career. Said career experienced a sudden rise in notoriety when Majorian skillfully distinguished himself fighting against the Franks in 447.

From then, Majorian’s rise saw him promoted from an officer in the army to a possible marriage into the imperial itself. Valentinian III had a son and heir but the younger Valentinian was a sickly boy more content to deal with matters of the faith than actual governance. He had the necessary zeal to hate the Germanic barbarians and their Arian faith, yet he lacked any sign of showing that he would grow to be a martial man. So Valentinian III sought a family member who could protect the empire rather than an outsider like Bonifatius. Valentinian III could have tried to marry the magister militum’s family into his own but the aging man had no sons and although he had grandsons through his daughter, they were too young. And so Valentinian III proposed to marry his daughter Eudocia to the competent general, Majorian. This was an offer he immediately accepted and one which Bonifatius did not attempt to intervene in and so in 451, Majorian had become the emperor’s son-in-law married to a girl close to twenty years younger than him.

This was how Majorian rose to become magister militum in his own right in 454. At the same time as him was a fellow general, Hugelicus who was fighting Huneric, King of the Vandals. Earlier in the year, on the 13th March, King Gaiseric had passed away with various causes attributed to his death be it assassination on the orders of Bonifatius or a terrible accident. The diversion of troops to southern Italy in preparation for such a campaign might have been the primary reason Bleda invaded Italy instead of liberating Justa Grata Honoria - who now lay dead having been executed on her brother’s orders for treason.

Hugelicus himself was an interesting figure although his own birthdate is unknown although it is presumed to be in the mid 420s. The names of his parents are also unknown although his father was a Gothic soldier and his mother presumably also a Goth. There had been attempts at connecting Hugelicus to the family of Theoderic I, however, any attempts are usually fabrications of genealogy; Hugelicus came from a lowly background rising through his own skill and personality. He joined Bonifatius’ army some time during the early 440s and rose through the ranks until he had gained the honour of being appointed by Bonifatius to command the planned invasion of Africa.

Hugelicus’ forces had a prominent component made up of foreign foederati be they Goths, Gepids, Rugians, Scirians, Hercules, Thuringians, Alans or Burgundians. His forces were bolstered by Germanic troops who left Bleda’s army as he turned from Ravenna. Anthemius of the Orient would also send some troops to aid their Occidental counterparts, however, the recent civil war against Zeno meant that this force was not major in size and instead, their contribution was mostly in the form of financial backing with the expedition’s fleet and naval crew being funded mostly by the Orient. Land operations would be under Hugelicus’ domain.

It was always Bonifatius’ dream to restore Roman Africa and have the Vandals in submission to the empire ever since he had been expelled from the region by Genseric. Lobbying Valentinian III for such an expedition was very easy, the region was good agricultural land and defeating the Vandals would free the Mediterranean from a naval threat and what was a den of piracy. It also provided open land to be granted to foederati in return for their service and this would come to be very important for Hugelicus’ whose original troops would be joined over time by various other groups including Bulgars, Gepids, Rugians and Thurginians.

The path to the Vandal War began just three days after the death of Genseric when the Vandal court in Carthage cried bloody murder accussing Valentinian III of plotting the death of the king of the Vandals and the Alans. The war began with skirmishes at Lilybaeum between Roman and Vandal troops while Hugelicus prepared his forces to launch an invasion of Vandal Libya itself. With war all but having broken out between the two powers, secondary armies were launched by the Romans towards Sardinia and Corsica. While troops were still being transported down to Sicilia, Hugelicus laid siege to Lilybaeum.

The Vandals had dug several trenches lined with wooden spikes around the city’s stone walls but had a lack of protections to stop their harbour from being blockaded by imperial ships. These ships, along with the troops on land were equipped with artillery pieces to take down the city walls. For over a month, the Roman forces bombarded the city while the soldiers themselves cleared out the spike-filled ditches or any other potential traps. Close to another month passed before battering rams were brought to the walls, taking down the city gates allowing for an infantry offensive into the city. Fighting in the streets saw the Romans push back the Vandals whose ranks began to break once the commanding general was killed in the midst of fighting with Hugelicus’ own bodyguard. With nowhere to run, the remaining Vandals were slaughtered en masse but the civilian wouldn’t have to wait long until they too were a victim to a massacre that had to be brought to an end by Hugelicus himself.

Back in Carthage, Huneric was only recently proclaimed king of the Vandals and Alans but his reign was already a shaky one. The Romans had just taken Lilybaeum and fleets were sailing towards the islands of Sardinia and Corsica. Meanwhile, activity on the border with the various small Mauri statelets had increased significantly with the death of the skilled commander Genseric. Internal divisions between the Arian Germanic elite and the local Mauri and Roman Chalcedonian populations had also seen a widening which was not aided by Huneric’s government-sponsored persecution. The beginning of war gave the disaffected the confidence to rise up and so following the fall of Lilybaeum, a number of revolts began breaking out all across Vandal Libya. Huneric reacted with immediate crackdowns on every revolt but this threatened to overstretch Vandal military capabilities.

It was not just Libya which suffered from Chalcedonian uprisings, so too did Sardinia and Corsica. The islands were home to many exiles from Libya and these figures spoke out in support of the imperial invasion of the isles. There were only light garrisons in the islands due to the Vandal regime’s focus on their continental territories and the Vandal troops making up said garrison had to be reinforced by Mauri, Alan and even Visigothic auxiliaries. Forts and settlements across the two islands were left undermanned and ill-equipped. Meanwhile, they were up against a squadron of Occidental ships with men commanded by Hugelicus’ lieutenant, Marius Sabinus Concordius. He commanded 5,000 troops, 2,000 of whom were Frankish and Burgundian foederati.

Concordius sought to strike the heart of the Vandal administration of Sardinia in Caralis while a section of his men landed on the island of Corsica immediately sending out officers to raise and train a local army. Concordius himself laid siege to Caralis and blockaded the city’s harbor. Infantry surrounded the city blocking off all main roads - the Vandal garrison was trapped. After seeing men pulled away in order to handle the unfolding crisis back in Libya, the garrison had seen a boost in men as other garrisons across Sardinia were forced to retreat as local uprisings expelled the garrisons of local forts and towns as news spread of the coming of an imperial fleet. Perhaps worst of all the factors going against the island’s governor, Gerlach, was that many of his troops were conscripts, mercenaries and raw recruits. The Romans, on the other hand, were veterans from the various conflicts fought in Gaul and elsewhere. As of yet, the imperial forces had yet to be joined by recruited foederati searching for land following the Battle of the Padus and the sack of Ravenna.

The Romans were let into the city by the inhabitants of the city and what followed was a battle in the streets being the Romans and the Vandals with the latter steadily pushed backwards. Unable to retreat by sea or land, Gerlach retreated to his villa with his surviving troops once a detachment of cavalry had landed in the harbour and the ships docked within. It would not, however, be the Romans who dealt the final blow to the Vandals as it was instead Visigothic mercenaries who turned against the former paymaster handing Gerlach’s head to Concordius. With the battle over, the population welcomed Concordius and his men as liberators and for a few days, he remained in the city organizing a local government while his soldiers celebrated. The Gothic mercenaries were granted service in Hugelicus’ army and lands in Dalmatia where they would man the fortifications against the Huns.

The defeat of the Vandals at Caralis saw an explosion of local uprisings against Vandal rule by those who were formerly hesitant within Sardinia and Corsica. These bands of rebels dominated the interiors of both islands while the Romans themselves sought to establish control over the coasts. A quick difference between these two territories developed - those under imperial occupation and those controlled by various gangs of rebels. The former were ordered and saw shipments from the continent to gain the favour of the new subjects while the latter suffered from lawlessness, chaos and disorder. With time, the zone of disorder decreased as imperial forces moved into the interior putting down bands and hanging brigands who had themselves spent previous weeks lynching collaborators with the Vandal regime.

While the Romans fought for Sardinia and Corsica, the Vandal fleet of over 100 vessels made its way to Melita, catching the local garrison off guard. The few Roman fleets in the island’s harbour were captured by the Vandals and the island, along with Ephestia and Gaulos due to little resistance from the small garrisons left on the small islands. The local commander was an officer of aristocratic origins, Volubianus Cerialis. 6,000 Vandals and Alan soldiers were sent to land on the islands completely overwhelming the Roman forces on the island who numbered no more than 1,500. The defeat had dealt a blow to Roman morale but the death of Volubianus Cerialis defending the islands granted the opportunity for a martyr which helped restore the morale. Nonetheless, the Vandals had pulled off a successful covert action by diverting part of the defensive perimeter to deal a blow even in face of defeats in Sardinia and Corsica. As well as that, Melita was a strategic island to control in the face of Oriental involvement. It, however, weakened the Vandal hold in Libya which became more vulnerable to not just Mauri incursions on the borders, but also revolts from the internal Roman and Romanized population. It was for this reason that most of the expedition’s troops were directed back home leaving behind a small garrison force on the island.

To fill the gap in the defense perimeter, Huneric had ships withdrawn from the Balearic Islands. The fall of Sardinia and Corsica already threatened the island and protecting the islands only helped to outstretch the military and Vandal financial resources. Huneric had considered withdrawing from the islands, however, his military advisors were successful in stopping him from going ahead with such ideas due to the imperial threat coming from Hispania. By protecting the Baleares, it was hoped that they could hold back the Romans from landing in the Vandals’ western territories where the Romans could cooperate with local Mauro-Roman regimes. Nonetheless, the Melita expedition was the final straw and the fleet had to be withdrawn from the Baleares to defend the coastline and the four main islands’ 2,000 defenders returned to Libya to defend against Mauri incursions.

The Romans exploited this and sent a mixed force of 3,000 Romans, Hispano-Romans, Herulians and Rugians were sent to the islands. Minorica, Ebusus and Frumentaria fell without little resistance since they had been stripped of any Vandal protection. The only remaining Vandals were small communities of colonists consisting mostly of the elderly, women and children as their fathers and brothers were sent to Vandal Libya. These colonists resisted only in Maiorica where they raised a militia force of 6,000 but they were woefully unequipped compared to the smaller Roman invading force. The Romans were forced to besiege Palma, the insular capital. The harbour was blockaded and the militiamen were trapped behind their makeshift wooden palisade. A week of siege ensued and a failed counterattack pushed the Vandals back behind their wooden walls. After three weeks, the Romans launched an offensive against Palma but this was immediately met by a surrender from the insular governor having lost 200 men and losing another 500 to severe but non-fatal wounds. In return for leniency, the Romano-Gothic commander, Flavius Sigerik, demanded their fealty to Valentinian III which the governor readily accepted. Those Vandal colonists who continued to resist, however, were brutally put down with swift reprisals.

Hugelicus, in the meantime, was in Sicilia mustering his forces in preparation for the invasion of Africa. Meanwhile, his naval resources continued to increase as the Orientals were more willing to send sailors and financial resources to help Valentinian III in his ambitions. These experts and specialists were necessary and instrumental if Hugelicus had any hope in defeating the Vandals. The peace with Bleda now gave the Romans the freedom to reduce troops in the northern borders temporarily while the Franks continued their usual raids into Gaul which were blunted by local forces. Theodoric I of the Visigoths had contemplated revolting against Roman rule once news reached him of the Battle of the Padus and sacking of Ravenna, however, Valentinian III’s promise of greater lands in Hispania alongside estates in Libya kept the Visigoths in line and many foederati would form an essential part of Hugelicus’ army. Majorian himself had travelled to the frontiers in Gaul to make sure that even with reduced troops in the region, the Franks would be held back. He also sought to cultivate regional ties with the Gallo-Roman aristocracy - one major supporter would be former magister militum per Gallia, Eparchius Avitus.

While Hugelicus stayed in Sicilia, the two fleets were engaging in a series of indecisive skirmishes so when the imperial fleet began placing increasing pressure upon the Vandals, they were caught by surprise as three attempts were made to breach the Vandal defensive perimeter. Two of these were successful, however, the Vandals successfully fought the third to a standstill and in doing so, were able to hold the perimeter although barely so. These three assaults came from Sardinia and Hispania against the western portion of the Vandal perimeter and successfully distracted the rest of the perimeter which was to suffer an offensive by elite Roman naval units from the Orient. In the region near to Carthage the best Vandal ships were located to protect their capital and for a while, these veterans sailors held back the Romans and even experienced several victories in minor battles alongside two larger-scale victories. Nonetheless, each victory sapped at Vandal strength and this they could not maintain; the Romans simply had more resources and more men. Slowly, the Vandal fleets were forced to withdraw towards Carthage in preparation for a final stand. Lilybaeum had already fallen to Hugelicus’ forces and now the dagger was pointed straight at the heart of Vandal Libya.

Huneric feared the upcoming invasion which the Vandals were not prepared to fight off. The conflicts against the Mauri on the borders were worsening and ten internal revolts breaking out every time one was put down. The capture of Melita had been a success and Huneric hoped a similar diversionary expedition would yield dividends of some sort. So a section of the perimeter was detached from the main force at Carthage and sent to southern Italy since the Roman fleet was now consolidated around Lilybaeum. This fleet was tasked with a single task, the sacking of Rome with a small army and this incredible task was placed in the hands of Huneric’s brother, Thrasamund.

Summary
439: Valentinian III had a son by Licinia Eudoxia, the future Valentinian IV.
440: Valentinian III had a daughter by Licinia Eudoxia, Eudocia.
447: Chlodio’s Franks launched an offensive into Gaul which was repelled by the Romans. Majorian, an officer in the army and later magister militum distinguished himself in battle attaining him the attention of both Bonifatius and the emperor, Valentinian III.
453: The Vandal War began between the Roman Empires and the Vandal kingdom. The year saw a Roman capture of Sardinia and Corsica, however, they lost Malta to the Vandals.
454:

• Majorian became magister militum, replacing Sebastianus.
• The Romans captured the Balearic Islands.

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Finally back with a new update, I have been influenced heavily by @Romulus Augustus own depiction of a Roman-Vandal war in his excellent TL The Reign of Romulus Augustus. I'll like to credit him here since I have followed his war's set of events. In hindsight, it would have been smarter to ask beforehand if there was any issue with doing so Anyhow, I don't intend to be "inspired" much but this was a bit of a one off. The whole COVID business has been an utter mess, needed a little kick to push forward with a new update. I hope to have relatively more frequent updates these upcoming months. We are soon to enter some interesting territory both within and without the empire.

 

[StevenIronside]

Awesome chapter glad to see this timeline back!

 

[Richard Drummond]

Sadly CotA has come to an end since it was very unwieldly to write and not enjoyable. For readers this manifestated as very irregular updates which is not something anybody wants to see in a TL. I've resurrected it under a new name and the format will be different with much more regular updates. Here is the link below, hopefully this is a much more successful endeavour than CotA was.

In Sheets of Blood - A Late Antiquity TL

In Sheets of Blood A Late Antiquity Timeline Chapter I: A Vandal King Chapter II: Bonifacius, Aetius and Rimini Chapter III: Vandal Carthage Chapter IV: Magister Militum Bonifatius Chapter V: Bleda the Hun Chapter VI: Theodosius II Chapter VII: The Isaurian War

www.alternatehistory.com