Cry of the Augustinians - A Late Antiquity TL

[Richard Drummond]

Hi and welcome to My first ever timeline, thé Cry of the Augustinians. This is a TL with a POD in Late Antiquity but I intend to continue for as long as possible. This will be a very long ride - there’s lots of history to cover - so get comfortable and enjoy. I encourage criticism and speculation . The former will help improve this TL while the latter will have influence on the course of history. Though I’ve got a rough outline for future events, ‘public demand’ and good ideas will influence events down the line.
Now, before we start, I’d like to give my thanks to Planet of Hat’s Moonlight in a Jar and Practical Lobster’s Rise of the White Huns which have both been instrumental influences of CotA.

“How can the past and future be, when the past no longer is, and the future is not yet? As for the present, if it were always present and never moved on to become the past, it would not be time, but eternity.”
- Augustine Hipponensis (13 November 354 - 24 September 431 AD)​

Excerpt: The Genesis of Vandalrike - Ghaka Aitdemonades, Misadkam & Volux’ Press (AD 1849)

Gaiseric, the illegitimate son of Godigisel was in many ways one of the most important characters of the 5th century. Born near Lake Pelso [1], Gaiseric would join his father in the formation of a Hasdingi led coalition of tribes including the Silingi, Suevi and other Pannonian tribes. Godigisel would be killed battling Frankish foederati at Mainz as the Vandal army crossed the Rhine. With their king dead, defeat was all but certain for the Hasdingi led coalition, however, intervention by the Alans under Respendial would pave the way for a successful crossing of the frozen Rhine. Aged just 17, Gaiseric had become the most powerful man amongst the Hasdingi second only to his half-brother, Gunderic. However, the Battle of Mainz left the Hasdingi weakened and Respendial would go on to be the prominent barbarian figure leading not only the Alans, but also the Hasdingi, Silingi and Suevi.

Under Gunderic’s control, the Hasdingi followed the Alans as they journeyed through Gaul to Hispania where they settled as foederati in Gallaecia (today Swabia [2]) along with the Suevi in 409 AD following Gerontius’ uprising and the subsequent civil war against Constantine III in Hispania. Contemporary Hispanian bishop, Hydatius documented the crossing into Hispania as occurring on either 28 September or 12 October 409. Modern historians agree on taking the two dates as the start and end to the crossing of the Pyrenees by thousands of migrating barbarians coming primarily from the Alans, Suevi, Hasdingi and Silingi. After mass campaigns of plundering in 409 and 410 by both the barbarians and Romans, a peace was formed between the various barbarian groups in 411 dividing Hispania’s provinces among themselves sorte “by lot”: the Silingi settled in Hispania Baetica, the Alans in Lusitania and Hispania Carthaginensis and the Hasdingi and Suevi shared Gallaecia.

In 418, Wallia had led his Visigoths on the orders of Honorius in devastating both the Silingi and Alans leaving only the Hasdingi and Suevi in Gallaecia where they remained undisturbed by King Wallia’s campaigns. The following year, the Visigoths departed to their newly granted lands in Gallia Aquitania (today Gotaland) and a conflict arose between Gunderic and Hermeric, respectively kings of the Hasdingi and Suevi. The two armies would meet at the Nervasos Mountains, however, comes Hispaniarum Asterius attacked the Hasdingi forcing their retreat to Baetica leaving Gaellecia under the sole control of the Suevi. Fighting alongside the Hasdingi at Nervasos were the Alans, having offered the crown of the Alans to Gunderic after the death of their king Attaces in battle against Wallia, the Silingi would join after themselves almost being entirely annihilated by the Visigoths.

Expelled from Gallaecia, Gunderic led his tribe to Hispania Baetica where the surviving Silingi joined the Hasdingi completing the formation of the Vandals. In 422, the army of magister militum Castinus was routed outside Cordoba by the forces of Gunderic. Under Gunderic’s command, a fleet was constructed with which naval dominance was gained in the region allowing for the seizure of large portions of southeastern Spain including the sacking of Carthago Nova and Hispalis in 425 though the Vandals wouldn’t maintain a hold over them. The Vandals would even find themselves attacking Mauretania Tingitana and the Balearics - the start of a naval tradition that would define the Vandals for the centuries to come.

According to Hydatius, Gunderic laid “hands on the church of that very city, by the will of God he was seized by a demon and died.” The death of Gunderic in 428 is unclear but Hydatius’ writings are interpreted as being in reference to Gunderic’s attempt to convert a Catholic church into an Arian one after his recapture of Hispalis in that same year. Not long after his attempt to seize the church, he unexpectedly died. His death is shrouded in even more mystery. Peter of Ephesus’ Historia Wandalorum a century later claims Gaiseric to have had Gunderic assassinated; a claim strengthened by the apparent drowning of Gunderic’s children in Africa. No matter how Gunderic came to pass, Gaiseric was elected by the Vandals to be their new king. He was aged 38.

Gaiseric took the reins of power of a relatively insignificant Germanic tribe at a time when their survival in Hispania was not ensured. It is perhaps for this reason that Gaiseric set his sights upon Roman Libya [3] which was being ravaged by internal disputes. Even before his rise to power, it appears that Gaiseric had begun preparations on raising a fleet to cross the Strait of Cadiz [4] but upon being elected, the speed of preparation only intensified. However, the crossing of the 80,000 or so Vandals would be delayed by an attack from the rear by a large Suevi force under the command of Heremigarius who had successfully seized Lusitania from local Roman forces and was now attacking Hispalis and Merida. Gaiseric defeated the Suevi near Merida, slaying their leader who drowned in the Anas [5] in an unsuccessful attempt to flee.

The following year saw the Vandals cross the strait to disembark near either Tingis or Ceuta seeking safety though Peter of Ephesus asserted that the invasion was initially an invitation by Bonifatius in his war against Sigisvultus. The conflict in Roman Libya had started when in 427, Placidia recalled Bonifatius to Ravenna but he refused. The accusations by Flavius Constantius Felix, the magister utriusque militiae, that Bonifatius was preparing to proclaim himself emperor saw Placidia respond by commanding Felix to send an army to halt Bonifatius’ suspected imperial ambitions. Initially, this force was under the command of generals Mavortius and Gallio who were assisted by Hun foederati under Sanoeces. Carthage was besieged, however, internal disputes saw the besieging army turn in on itself with the Huns killing the Romans before Sanoeces was himself killed, finally bringing the siege to a close. In response, Felix sent comes africae Sigisvultus with a Gothic army once news reached Ravenna. For two years he campaigned in Africa seizing both Carthage and Hippo Regius though Bonifatius continued to campaign in Numidia with his Gothic bucellarii who would pave the way forward for later pro-Vandal support through their plundering of the province. The conflict would come to an end before the landing of the Vandals when a man named Darius was sent by Placidia to negotiate a truce between Bonifatius and Sigisvultus after Placidia had learned that a letter had been forged ordering Bonifatius not to return to Ravenna if summoned. Thus, by the time the first Vandal feet touched Libyan soil, Bonifatius had already been restored to Placidia’s favour.

Despite their relatively small-sized army, the Vandals experienced many victorious battles against the weak Roman defenders quickly overrunning vast swathes of land before their campaign was halted briefly by the same Darius who had negotiated a truce between Bonifatius and Sigisvultus. This time it was between Bonifatius and Gaiseric but warfare quickly resumed soon after, the treaty being ineffective. A year into the invasion, the Roman army, along with a contingent of supporting Gothic foederati, were defeated by Gaiseric near the city of Calama forcing Bonifatius to retreat to Hippo Regius. In June 430, Gaiseric laid siege to the city. Hunger and disease ravaged both the city’s inhabitants and the Vandals outside the city walls, however, it was the Vandals who fared worse. The Vandal force was poorly equipped at waging siege warfare and after 14 months, Gaiseric was forced to lift the siege due to a shortage of supplies in August 431.

Bonifatius used this opportunity to retreat out of the city by sea to meet with Oriental [6] reinforcements under the command of Aspar. In early 432, Gaiseric would engage Bonifatius and Aspar in battle defeating the combined Roman army. This would come after the sacking of Hippo by Gaiseric once the city was abandoned by Bonifatius. Gaiseric made it his capital and the new Vandal rule may not have been unwelcome to the population were it not for the death of Augustine Hipponensis. According to Possidius, Augustine entered a severe illness during the siege of Hippo Regius and through prayer and repentance, he recovered. The Vandals did indeed sack the city but they left Augustine’s cathedral and library untouched with the aged bishop placed under ‘house imprisonment’ by Gaiseric. Possidius would state that Augustine entered his final illness during his imprisonment resulting in his death on 24 September 431 [7].

This was not, however, what the people believed. Rumours that the great bishop had been poisoned by the Vandals spread at first in the markets before these tales were embellished with greater evils committed against Augustine by the Vandals ranging from a secret crucifixion within his own cathedral to being boiled alive. Possidius himself admits that he was somewhat convinced by the accusations of poison though his time spent with Augustine meant that he was certain the bishop died due to natural causes. Nonetheless, the proliferation of rumours sparked riots in Hippo Regius which were forcibly crushed by Gaiseric after an initial failed attempt at a diplomatic solution. The riots of Hippo Regius would entrench the image of Augustine Hipponensis as a martyr and he would act as the inspiration for numerous movements both Christian and non-Christian.

With Bonifatius recalled to Italia and waging a civil war against Flavius Aetius and the rioters pacified, Gaiseric could turn his attention to combatting Aspar who remained in Roman Libya following his defeat in 432. He too, however, would be forced to leave the region to later attain the consulship in 434. Gaiseric would be left relatively unopposed and on 23 February 435, peace was made between Valentinian III and Gaiseric giving the Vandals control of coastal Numidia as well as parts of Mauretania. In return for the Occident’s recognition of Gaiseric as king, he would desist from attacks on Carthage, send his son Huneric as a hostage to Rome and pay tribute to the Empire.

The peace wouldn’t last the decade with Gaiseric breaking the treaty in 439 by invading Africa Proconsularis and laying siege to Carthage. The siege threatened to be a long and costly one as experienced at Hippo Regius, however, a masterful handling of intrigue by Gaiseric and traitors within the city shortened the duration of the siege drastically though its total length is debated. Gaiseric moved his capital from Hippo Regius to Carthage and styled himself the King of the Vandals and Alans. After centuries of subjugation by Rome, Carthage had once again risen to challenge the authority of that eternal city. It is no wonder that Punic imagery would experience a revival under Vandal rule.

The Vandals would find acceptance by the city’s population through a simple promise of toleration on Gaiseric’s part. The ease with which Gaiseric was able to subdue the city is in part due to the deep disaffection of Christians in the region following decades of religious conflicts between Catholics, Donatists, pagans and Manicheans. The fact that the new conquerors were Arian Christians who were up until a few decades ago, pagans was not forgotten by the people and inter-religious disputes and controversy would plague the Vandal state for the decades to come. Bishop Quodvultdeus and Gaudiosus of Naples amongst many others were exiled to Naples by Gaiseric who demanded that all his close advisors be Arians. Though he insisted the elites convert to Arianism, he granted freedom of religion to the commonfolk for whom taxes were lowered as most of the tax pressure was placed on rich Roman families and the Catholic clergy.

With the fall of Carthage, Gaiseric now had access to a much larger fleet captured during the fall of the city. The Vandals now threatened the Romans for the mastery of the western Maremagnean Sea [8]. Just a year after Carthage fell, the Vandals found the Occident [9] preoccupied with war in Gaul and exploited this opportunity to raid Sicily. Vandals, Alans, Goths and Moors all joined in the plundering of coastal towns and unsuccessful besieging of Palermo returning to Libya with heavily laden ships. The failure of the Occident to respond saw an Orient response on the orders of Theodosius II. The expedition, however, would only progress as far as Sicily. Theodosius sent the Oriental fleet under the command of Areobindus into Sicilian waters taking the Vandals by surprise, however, to launch this expedition, Theodosius was forced to strip the Balkans of soldiers allowing the Huns to mount an invasion of the region.

The year later, Gaiseric unsuccessfully attempted to seize Agrigento prompting Valentinian III to secure a second peace treaty with Gaiseric granting Byzacena, Tripolitania and parts of Numidia to the Vandals while confirming their control of Proconsular Africa. The Vandal kingdom was acknowledged to be an independent country rather than a subsidiary to Roman rule. The rest of Roman Libya found itself totally separated from the Empire’s control and it would be around this time that local leaders started acting as independent in all but name. To solidify the treaty, Huneric was betrothed to Valentinian III’s daughter Eudocia. A more overlooked aspect of the treaty was its ensuring that grain shipments from Roman Libya continued to Italia. Nonetheless, the treaty did not halt Vandal raids as Gaiseric and his fleets plundered the coasts of the Oriental and Occidental Empires.

Either before or after the signing of the peace treaty with Valentinian III, an uprising broke out against Gaiseric by many amongst the nobility. This was followed by a reform of the Vandal military structure which replaced the initial traditional tribal warrior-aristocracy. The new system implemented distributed military ranks and land ownership among Gaiseric’s personal followers who were henceforth known as chilliarchs.

On 13 March 453, Gaiseric dropped dead at a feast choking to death at the age of 64. There is little information on the details of his death, however, like his brother, the consensus of modern historians is that he too was assassinated; most likely by a Roman agent. Peter of Ephesus concluded that Gaiseric’s death was by natural means but this is widely regarded as being an ecclesiastical “cover story” to hide Majorian’s political manoeuvring. Succeeding Gaiseric was his son Huneric, the second rex wandalorum et alanorum.


[1] Lake Balaton
[2] Swabia corresponds to Galicia, Asturias and the north of Portugal
[3] Libya corresponds to the Maghreb
[4] Strait of Gibraltar
[5] Guadiana River
[6] The Eastern Roman Empire
[7] The POD. Augustine Hipponensis recovers from his illness temporarily passing away only after Hippo Regius fell to Gaiseric
[8] The Maremagnean Sea corresponds to the Mediterranean
[9] The Western Roman Empire

Spoiler: SUMMARY

SUMMARY:

430: The Vandals under king Gaiseric extend their power in Libya along the Maremagnean Sea, and lay siege to Hippo Regius (where Augustine has recently been bishop). (POD)
431: Hippo Regius becomes the capital of the Vandal Kingdom. After 14 months of hunger and disease, the Vandals ravage the city. The death of Augustine Hipponensis sparks riots against Vandal rule in Hippo.
432: Bonifatius and Aspar are routed by the Vandals. Bonifatius is recalled to Italia and Aspar continues fighting until his own withdrawal.
435: King Gaiseric concludes a peace treaty with the Romans, under which the Vandals retain Mauretania and a part of Numidia as foederati of Rome.
439: King Gaiseric breaks his treaty with the Occidental Roman Empire and invades Africa Pronconsularis. Carthage falls to the Vandals and Gaiseric makes it his capital and establishes the Vandal Kingdom.
440: A Vandal fleet and their allies set out from Carthage for Sicily. They loot all the coastal towns and unsuccessfully besiege Palermo. Bonifatius fails to respond, however, Theodosius II sends Areobindus to Sicily in an unsuccessful expedition.
442: A Vandal fleet unsuccessfully besieges Agrigento prompting Valentinian III to sign a peace treaty with King Gaiseric recognising the Vandal Kingdom. He grants him sovereignty over most of Libya. This marks the end of the Vandal migrations; they settle in Libya with Carthage as their capital. Valentinian III forms a marriage proposal for his eldest daughter Eudocia and Gaiseric’s son Huneric.
442: A noble revolt breaks out against Gaiseric. Gaiseric pacifies the uprising and reforms the military structure.
453: Gaiseric dies at a feast. He choked to death, probably due to poison, at age 64. The Vandal Kingdom is succeeded by his son Huneric.

Spoiler: LIST OF MONARCHS

Kings of the Vandals and Alans

Hasdingian dynasty​

Gaiseric: 2 November 439 - 13 March 453 (13 years, 4 months, 11 days)​

Huneric: 13 March 453 - ?​

 

[Richard Drummond]

Sorry for the delayed update. I was spending a week in Italy and was supposed to be spending another week in France but COVID-19 has changed those plans. In regards to Italy, it was absolutely beautiful; it went above and beyond my expectations so in honour of my time there, Sorrento would be getting some good treatment later down the line.

“Great empires are not maintained by timidity”
- Tacitus (56 - 120 AD)​

Excerpt: Occidental Emperors of the 5th Century, The Theodosians and Liuvingians - Madelgarda Moniades, Theedlijk Gyngthitzheidthing Vrangonrijk (1852 AD)

Bonifatius’ rise to the position of magister militum was one that required two civil wars. There exists little information on his early upbringing with the earliest mention of him dating back to 413 when a young Bonifatius, under the service of Constantius III, defeated a Visigothic force under Athaulf at Massilia allegedly wounding the king himself. His position with the army would only continue to advance with him relocated to Libya where, as tribunus, he commanded a Gothic foederati regiment against the Mauri. During this time, he had developed a close relationship with Augustine Hipponensis with whom he would discuss theology. In 422, he married the daughter of the Gothic Beremudus, Pelagia, after being recalled to Ravenna where he would inherit his father-in-law’s bucellarii.

Now in Italia, he would be tasked with launching an invasion of Hispania with patricius Flavius Castinus. The campaign was unsuccessful due to Castinus’ own ‘haughty and inept exercise of command’ which caused quarrelling between him and Bonifatius. Galla Placidia sought to prevent Castinus from becoming a repeat of Stilicho, and as a result did not help heal the tensions between him and Galla Placidia’s protege, Bonifatius. Following the disputes, Bonifatius left the expedition arriving in Africa where he would begin to build up a power base, having dubiously gained the command of comes africae. Castinus had initial success against the Vandals, successfully putting them under a blockade which came close to forcing a surrender. However, the betrayal of his Gothic auxiliaries led to his defeat at the Battle of Tarraco. The Romans were utterly defeated forcing Castinus to fall back to Tarraco.

Castinus’ career would take a turn with the sudden death of the inactive Emperor Honorius on 15 August 423 leaving a power vacuum in the Occident. Theodosius II, despite now being the legal sole ruler of the whole Roman Empire, hesitated in nominating a new emperor of the Occident. It is possible that he had reached an agreement with Castinus who would act as Theodosius’ vice-regent in the Occident in return for being appointed consul for 424 along with the Oriental Victor. Whether or not such an agreement was made would not prevent Castinus from taking advantage of the situation and proceeding to become a kingmaker by declaring Joannes, the primicerius notariorum “chief notary” (the head of the civil service), to be the new Occidental Emperor in late 423. Joannes’ rule was accepted in Italia, Gaul and Hispania but not in Africa where Bonifatius continued to fight the Mauri.

Theodosius reacted by preparing Valentinian III for promotion to the imperial office, naming him nobilissimus. He was betrothed to Licinia Eudoxia, Theodosius’ daughter by Aelia Eudocia and Valentinian’s first cousin once removed; Valentinian was four years old, Licinia only two. Finally, Valentinian was proclaimed a Caesar in the Oriental court by the end of 424. The same year, the campaign against Joannes started with Ardaburius commanding an embarked infantry force to capture Ravenna. A second force was put under the command of Aspar who marched to Aquileia which surrendered with virtually no resistance. On the other hand, Ardaburius’ fleet was dispersed by a storm and he would be captured by forces loyal to Joannes along with two of his galleys resulting in his imprisonment in Ravenna.

Joannes showed good treatment towards his prisoner evening allowing him to walk the court and streets of Ravenna. Ardaburius took advantage of these liberties to convince some of Joannes’ forces to defect to Theodosius’ side. These conspirators contacted Aspar beckoning him to Ravenna with a shepherd leading the cavalry through the marshes of the Po to the gates of the capital. With besiegers on the outside and defectors within, Ravenna was quickly captured along with Joannes who had his right hand cut off before being mounted on a donkey and paraded through the streets; finally beheaded in the hippodrome of Aquileia. Valentinian III was officially proclaimed the new Augustus of the Occidental Roman Empire on 23 October 425, in the presence of the Roman Senate. Three days following the usurper’s death, a reported 60,000 Huns from across the Danubes were brought as reinforcements for the army of Aetius who had declared his allegiance to Joannes. Following some skirmishing, Placidia and Aetius came to an agreement paying off the Huns sending them home and granting the position of magister militum per Gallias (commander-in-chief of the Roman army in Gaul) to Aetius.

During the succession crisis, Bonifatius had cut off the grain supply from Libya, showing his support for Placidia and Theodosius II. So too did he campaign against Joannes’ forces who attempted to capture Africa but were unsuccessful in their attempted deposition of the comes africanae. However, once the magister officiorum Helion made Valentinian III the new Occidental emperor, Bonifatius resumed grain shipments to Rome in return for the position of comes domesticorum. In this new position, Bonifatius remained in Africa for several years before Placidia recalled him to Ravenna in 427, summons which he refused.

Flavius Constantinus Felix, made a patricius in 425, had alleged Bonifatius of attempting to form his own empire in Libya. He himself sought to further his own powers as though he served as magister utriusque militae, he was regarded as being less significant than Bonifatius when he came to military affairs. The year previous, he had taken action to increase his influence by ordering the death of the bishop of Arelate, Patroclus, and the deacon in Rome, Titus. With Galla Placidia turned against the seemingly disloyal Bonifatius, Felix could send troops to Africa though the army would be defeated by those loyal to Bonifatius. Felix’s power would continue to grow with him elected consul for the Occident in 428. However, his career would be cut short by his arrest and execution by Aetius along with his wife Padusia and a deacon in May 430 after being accused of plotting against Aetius.

In the meantime, Felix’s generals Mavortius and Gallio’s forces were unsuccessful at the Siege of Carthage when the assisting Hun foederati under Sanoeces killed the Roman commanders after the besieging forces turned on each other. Sanoeces himself would be killed finally breaking the siege. News soon reached Ravenna prompting the sending of Sigisvultus, appointed to be the new comes africae, against Bonifatius. With his Gothic force, he captured Carthage forcing a withdrawal into Numidia by Bonifatius and his Gothic bucellarii who were permitted to loot the province. To gain further support in his battle against Sigisvultus, Bonifatius had his daughter baptized by an Arian priest causing a falling out between him and his friend Augustine Hipponensis. After two years of campaigning, an envoy was sent by Placidia to Bonifatius, from which she learned that a letter had been forged ordering him not to return to Ravenna if summoned. In response, a man named Darius was sent to Libya to negotiate a truce between Bonifatius and Sigisvultus ending with the former’s restoration to Placidia’s favour and the end of the civil war in time to face the Vandal threat posed by Gaiseric. Sigisvultus would be stripped of his title as comes africae but would continue to serve in the army after returning to Italia.

Having just finished the fighting against Sigisvultus, Bonifatius now found himself fighting off a Vandal invasion of Libya. Gaiseric crossed his forces near Roman Tingis in 429 and advanced across Libya before this campaign was halted briefly by the same Darius who had negotiated a peace between Sigisvultus and Bonifatius. The established truce, however, was quickly broken by Gaiseric who quickly resumed his invasion defeating Bonifatius’ army and supporting Gothic foederati at the Battle of Calama in 430. Bonifatius retreated with his reduced resources to Hippo Regius where in May or June, he was surrounded by Gaiseric’s besieging forces before a lack of supplies forced the besieging forces to lift their siege in July or August 431. Bonifatius retreated from the city leaving it at the mercy of Gaiseric. According to Peter of Ephesus, Bonifatius reconciled with Augustine Hipponensis and wept as the sick bishop refused to abandon Hippo.

Bonifatius joined with Oriental forces under the command of Aspar and the two men engaged Gaiseric in battle in early 431 only to be defeated. Following his failures in Libya, Bonifatius was recalled to Italia where after being warmly received by Placidia, he was appointed magister utriusque militiae and patricius of the Occident as a reaction to the hanging of Flavius Felix at the instigation of Flavius Aetius whose influence Placidia feared. Aetius feared his fall to be imminent, as his military command was stripped, and thus organized a battle with Bonifatius five Roman miles outside of Rimini in 432. Bonifatius and his son-in-law Sebastianus were victorious, [1] and Aetius fled to the Hunnic court of his friend, Rua, the king of the Huns, in Pannonia after being allowed to retire to his private estates. The following year, Aetius returned with a large army of Huns and marched on Ravenna. Bonifatius prepared to fight Aetius by summoning the Visigoths to his aid.

Bonifatius intercepted Aetius as he marched to Ravenna at Patavium [2]. Both forces encamped their forces outside the city reading for a pitched battle. The two armies would remain in their camps for a few days before news of the arrival of 13,000 reinforcements commanded by Hugelicus (the majority being Visigoths) reached Bonifatius. Aetius, aware of the reinforcements due to gathered intelligence, initiated battle with Bonifatius to avoid Bonifatius joining forces with the reinforcements. Aetius would be unable to break Bonifatius’ army before the reinforcements arrived thus ending the sizeable numerical advantage he had previously enjoyed. The battle would be decided by the death of the Hunnic officer, Edeco, when he tried to reach Bonifatius with the right flank. He was slain by a Visigothic soldier provoking the rout of the right flank which slowly developed into a mass retreat as remnants of the army sought to escape the capture or massacre that would follow after the battle. Aetius, himself decided to flee after trying to reorganize his army.

Though Aetius was defeated at Patavium, Bonifatius now had to deal with the surviving groups of Huns and barbarians who were trying to escape from the Occident. Bonifatius ordered Aetius to be captured alive. In the days following the battle, almost ⅓ of the original army was captured while casualties amounted to almost double those captured. Bonifatius’ forces, on the other hand, had half the casualties Aetius had experienced. Aetius himself was captured while trying to flee back to the Hunnic court. He was dragged to Ravenna in shackles and exposed to the people before being strangled to death. Aetius died destitute and poor with nothing to his name for Bonifatius had seized all his property and estates while Aetius found refuge with Rua. After two civil wars, Bonifatius had secured his place as the most powerful person within the Occident.

[1] Unlike OTL, Bonifatius isn’t mortally wounded at Rimini
[2] Padua

Spoiler: SUMMARY

SUMMARY:

432: Bonifatius and Aetius battle one another at the Battle of Rimini following the promotion of the former and stripping of military command of the latter. Aetius flees to the court of the king of the Huns, Rua.
433: With a Hunnic army, Aetius battles Bonifatius at the Battle of Patavium. He is defeated and captured following the battle and put to death in Ravenna leaving Bonifatius as the undisputed magister militum of the Occident.

Spoiler: LIST OF LEADERS

LIST OF LEADERS:

Comes et Magister Utriusque Militiae of the Occidental Roman Empire
Flavius Constantius: 411 - 421
Castinus: 422 - 425
Flavius Constantius Felix: 425 - 430
Bonifatius: 431 - ?

 

[Richard Drummond]

“We are persecuted, but not forsaken; struck down, but not destroyed”
- 2 Corinthians 4:9​

Excerpt: Augustinians, from Christian Martyrs to Servants of Satan - Earbal Firciconis, College of Leptinia (AD 1880)

Writing during the reign of Meicislaus, Pius Midicensis dwelt at length on the brutality of the Vandals in their conquest of Libya. The brutality of the event was illustrated by the savagery of the Vandals and their singling out of clerics and members of the Catholic Church. Pius goes on further to describe how the Vandals tortured priests and bishops so that they would reveal the location of their churches’ wealth. Such depiction gave rise to the traditional understanding of the Vandal conquest as persecution, as an early example of what was to become the dominant characteristic of their rule in Libya, excluding the reign of Gento (455 - 82 AD).

In the early nineteenth century, Caphada Coccoitchnus paved the way for a revision of traditional interpretations of the Vandal period by presenting highly critical readings of contemporary historiography. However, since his revolutionary take on the Vandal historiographical tradition, eyes have been turned to Augustine Hipponensis for a more specific source of this historiographical tradition of the Vandals as persecutors.

Sources contemporary to the Vandal conquest (429-39 AD) did not universally reflect the religious overtones of Pius Midicensis’ account, nor did they unanimously depict the Vandals as persecutors. Rather, they focused upon the material destruction and loss along with the horrors of war. Augustine, however, was the exception; his ep. ccxxviii constituting a turning point as the first theological interpretation of the Vandals as a threat to the salvation of Nicene souls. Previous scholars who took the bishop of Hippo’s description of the Vandals at face value, and a confirmation of Possidius and Pius’ later accounts, missed an important point: Augustine’s transformation of the potential violence and destruction by an unnamed bishop, in a lost letter quoted by Augustine, into certainty. Augustine, looking back on his life’s work against heretics and Donatists, considered the imminent Vandal conquest as the destruction of a century of efforts by the Nicene Church to triumph over its ecclesiastic foes in Libya. This is undoubtedly why he interpreted the arrival of the conquerors as spelling the eternal death of Nicene Christians, and cast the future actions of the Vandals as certain persecution in waiting.

Possidius lived during the Vandal conquest and suffered exile at the hands of the Vandals. He too included Augustine’s ep. ccxxviii in his Life of Augustine and yet did not explicitly label the conquest as a persecution. Rather, it was Prosper of Aquitaine, another of Augustine’s pupils, who resurrected the depiction of the Vandals as persecutors. Another stage in the creation of the Vandal historiographical persona was reached with Quodvultdeus, the bishop of Carthage, being exiled to Campania in 439. Witnessing the increasing success of the Vandal Church in attracting converts amongst Nicenes, Quodvultdeus diverged from Augustine’s teachings and adopted an eschatological and millenarian perspective in his depiction of the Vandals as precursors of the Antichrist. All these viewpoints finally came together in the account of Pius Midicensis, who was too young to witness the conquest himself. Thus, in reply to the anonymous bishops seeking advice in the face of the invasions, Augustine established the framework that became prevalent in Nicene sources’ depiction of the viewpoint such as Possidius, Prosper, Quodvultdeus and Pius Midicensis.

The Vandal conquest was not a peaceful event; it was an event of unquestionable violence that led to the death and suffering of thousands. Famously, Coccoitchnus proclaimed the violence as ‘the standard practices of war’. This labelling of such violence as typical in such circumstances was not an attempt at excusing it or even dismissing it as unimportant; it was simply that contemporary valuation should not be applied to interpretation of the past. An example being the rape of nuns by Vandals as attested by the rescripts of Pope Leo. Such behaviour, though unfortunate, was a regular occurrence in both ancient warfare and still continues into contemporary times. The tetralogy of war - theft, rape, murder and arson - was after all not unique to the Vandals. The cruel conquests of the Vandals is not up for debate, whether or not they deliberately targeted the Nicenean Church is the question.

Augustine’s account of the Vandals contrasts to other accounts from contemporary observers, primarily because Augustine was only able to observe the conquests up to the fall of Hippo Regius after which he passed away. Other contemporary authors, for example Quodvultdeus, wrote after the Vandal conquest of Carthage which was a turning point resulting in the more hostile depictions of the exiled bishop. Another contemporary author would be Hydatius who is unique in that he documents their passage through the Iberian Peninsula before they crossed into Libya. Hydatius’ account reveals that Priscillianists, not Vandals, were the main concern, from a religious perspective, for Nicene clerics at this time. However, his account of the Vandals’ crossing into Africa follows African sources which transmitted the Augustinian interpretation of the Vandals as heretical persecutors.

Following the Vandal crossing into Africa in 429 CE, Augustine's colleagues grew restless in the face of the imminent invasion. A certain Quodvultdeus, not to be confused with the future bishop of Carthage,wrote to Augustine to get his advice on the behaviour that bishops should adopt in the face of the Vandal advance. He sought support from Augustine for his desire to flee his city. Augustine responded by saying that he should stay where he was as long as there were faithful to minister to, citing Psalm xxxi, ‘Be our protecting God and fortified place’. This was a significant shift in tactic from the previous Christian tradition to obey Matthew x.23, ‘But when they persecute you in this city, flee to another’. Augustine going against the precept of Scripture caused Honoratus of Thiaba to write to Augustine from which we see the earliest descriptions of the Vandal conquest of Africa. Honoratus’ descriptions of the horrors of the conquests was entirely speculative and did not include religious motivation and yet it was these claims which later accounts expanded upon. The bishop of Hippo’s reply only helped to blur the distinction between potential and reality while adding a theological interpretation of the conquest on top, thereby providing a conceptual framework for understanding the Vandals as persecutors.

In ep. ccxxviii. 4, Augustine quotes the words of ‘a certain bishop’ who wrote: ‘If the Lord commanded us to flee in those persecutions in which the fruit of martyrdom is found, how much more ought we to flee useless sufferings when there is a hostile invasion of the barbarians?’. It seems that for the bishop, be it Quodvultdeus or Honoratus, that the arrival of the Vandals was a hostile invasion, a war of conquest, without any specific religious motivation. These passages make a clear distinction between martyrdom and useless sufferings, the latter describing the current Vandal context. The mention of Spanish bishops who fled after their flock had themselves left shows the same basic point that the Vandals were causing devastation, but without religious motivation.

The letter also included a brief description of what Catholics might expect from the Vandals. Augustine thus quotes the certain bishop as writing: ‘If we must remain in the churches, I do not see what good we are going to do for ourselves or for the people other than seeing men being slain, women being raped, churches being burned, and ourselves not faltering under torture when they ask of us what we do not have.’ Augustine answered: ‘and yet on account of these events, which are uncertain, we ought not to commit the certain wrong of abandoning our duty, without which the destruction of the people is certainly not in matters of this life but in those of the next life.’ Augustine correctly acknowledged that the Vandals had not yet committed any of these actions and that the author simply feared potential actions, a crucial detail missed by previous scholars.

Augustine wrote that 'when he who can escape does not flee from the onslaught of the enemy and so does not abandon the ministry of Christ, without which men could neither live a Christian life nor become Christians, he finds a greater reward of love than he who flees, not for his brethren's sake but for his own, and when taken captive does not deny Christ but suffers martyrdom'. This implies that the invasion would result in Vandal attempts to force captives to ‘deny Christ’ putting resistors to death. By adding this religious element, Augustine's depiction of the conquest turned it into a holy war. In addition, by insinuating that the Vandals would create martyrs, Augustine implied that they were already persecutors. The original worries related to a war of conquest from the unknown bishop did not contain these theological concerns. In turning the useless sufferings of the unnamed bishop into martyrdom, moreover, Augustine gave the main function of martyrdom: to give significant meaning to meaningless suffering. This was nothing new for Augustine, who had already argued that any average Christian could find an opportunity for martyrdom in daily activities, as when bed-ridden Christians resisted having recourse to amulets.

A key question is why Augustine insisted on this religious subtext when he had excused essentially the same list of atrocities as the woes of war for the Visigothic sack of Rome in the City of God. The difference is the local, African, ecclesiastical context in which Augustine had been a key player throughout his episcopal career. Augustine's concept of the two cities is at the centre of his thinking on the barbarian invasions. In the words of Augustine's biographer, Possidius, 'the man of God did not believe and think as other men did regarding the causes from which this most fierce assault and devastation of the foe had arisen and come to pass'. Possidius is here undoubtedly referring to the more earthly worries that dominated Honoratus of Thiaba's account and his own, which might well have been the norm at the time. For Augustine, spiritual death was far worse than the violence of invasion, which explains his argument that clerics ought to remain alongside their community no matter what. This also explains Augustine's transformation of the invasion into a theological conflict, for the Vandals were Homoian Christians.

Augustine connects the Vandals with the devil, anticipating that they might incite Nicenes to convert to their faith, as Quodvultdeus will later attest. Augustine refers to Athanasius as a positive example of a bishop who fled in the right circumstances because he was personally persecuted; therefore he did not have a flock to tend to. It seems hardly coincidental that Athanasius was also 'persecuted' by a Homoian ruler, Constantius II (337-61 AD), and Augustine specified that 'the Catholic faith was defended against the Arian heretics by his voice and zeal'. Augustine's polarising interpretation, however, was unique among contemporaries of the Vandal conquest, for it is only later, through the accounts of Prosper of Aquitaine, Quodvultdeus and Pius Midicensis that Augustine's version became the consecrated Nicene vision of
events. By contrast, the contemporary accounts of Capreolus and Possidius focused on earthly concerns.

Spoiler: SUMMARY

SUMMARY:
455: Gento is installed as King of the Vandals and Alans.
482: Gento, King of the Vandals and Alans, is overthrown by a noble coup.

Spoiler: LIST OF MONARCHS

LIST OF MONARCHS:
Kings of the Vandals and Alans
Hasdingian Dynasty

1. Gaiseric: 2 November 439 - 13 March 453 (13 years, 4 months, 11 days)
2. Huneric: 13 March 453 - 28 June 455 (2 years, 3 months, 15 days)
3. Gento: 28 June 455 - 17 October 482 (27 years, 3 months, 19 days)

 

[Richard Drummond]

"Death is nothing to us, since when we are, death has not come, and when death has come, we are not"
- Epicurus (February 341 - 270 BC)
​

Excerpt: Occidental Emperors of the 5th Century, The Theodosians and Liuvingians - Madelgarda Moniades, Theedlijk Gyngthitzheidthing Vrangonrijk (1852 AD)

Now the most powerful man in the Occident except for maybe the Emperor himself, Bonifacius had many issues to face. He had invested his resources in developing a power base in Africa but now that his former lands were in the hands of the Vandals, he was left with close to nothing. On the continent, however, he had his Gothic bucellarii and most importantly, the favour of the imperial court and the emperor’s mother, Galla Placidia. Bonifacius’ defeat of Aetius was a welcome event for her. He was a threatening figure now replaced by the less ambitious Bonifacius, who despite rumours, did not have eyes set on the imperial throne for himself or his son-in-law. Nonetheless, he still had considerable influence over imperial policy that would only increase over time, increasing especially in 437 when Placidia’s tenure as regent ended once Valentinian III reached majority and once again when she passed away on July 451.

In 434, he had obtained the rank of magnificus vir parens patriusque noster due to his “protector” role over Galla Placidia and Valentinian III. At the same time, he had found a new area to build his power base outside of Italia. Aetius’ death had left a vacuum within Gaul and Bonifacius sought to fill the vacuum. His career, after all, had begun in Gaul combating the Goths and would first be able to prove himself militarily against the Burgundian king, Gundahar who had ruled over his people since their crossing of the Rhine in 406/407. In 413, the Burgundians had been settled by magister militum Constantius on the left bank of the Rhine as foederati. However, this region would prove to be unsafe as increasing pressure from the Huns in the 430s forced the aged Gundahar to attack the province of Belgica Prima in 435. Bonifacius defeated the Burgundians but confirmed their right to a kingdom.

Their situation was still a precarious one. Hunnic raids continued unabated and many displaced men would find employment in Bonifacius’ armies playing a great role in the suppression of Bagaudae revolts. Other displaced families would settle in northern Gaul where they were subsumed into the Alanian ethnicity. The defeat of the Burgundians would be a powerful victory for Bonifacius. Not only had he increased his prestige among the Gallo-Roman aristocrats, but he had also found himself a new source of troops. Bonifacius’ Burgundians were first tested in Armorica the following year when Bagaudae revolted under a figure named Tibatto. The year later, he left Gaul to attend Valentinian III’s wedding ceremony in Constantinople to Licinia Eudoxia.

At the same time, the Franks were plundering Roman settlements in the region helping worsen the grim situation in Gaul. Theodoric, king of the Visigoths, took advantage of this to spread his own control within Gaul. He was, however, resisted by Litorius at Narbo Martius [Narbonne]. Despite his efforts, the Roman was defeated and the last Roman commander to perform pagan rites was killed in battle. With the capture of Narbo Martius, Theodoric now had access to the Mediterranean and control over roads to the Pyrenees. Hispania had been split off from the rest of the Occidental Empire. It is unknown what Bonicatius had been doing during this time as he seemingly only reacts to Theodoric I in 437 after the emperor’s wedding. He liberated Narbo Martius and accepted Theodoric I’s peace offer. The Visigothic state was reduced to its former borders and its sovereignty recognized. In celebration of his victory, Bonifatius was honoured with a statue erected by the Senate.

Nevertheless, the decaying state of the empire meant that Gaul was still rife with problems regarding continuing Bagaudae uprisings. The Burgundian soldiers were joined by Alans settled along the Loire, including Aurelianum [Orleans], due to the levels of unrest in the region. Hispania, meanwhile, was in a worse state only exacerbated by the fall of Narbo Martius to Theodoric I. After quelling a new wave of Bagaudae uprisings in Armorica in 440, he appointed his son-in-law Sebastianus Magister Militum per Hispanias who marched into Hispania to put down the Bagaudae uprisings in Tarraconensis the following year. By 445, he had quelled the Bagaudae in Hispania though the flame of revolt remerged in Armorica once again with an uprising in 448. Goar’s Alans played a prominent role in putting the rebellion down allowing the Alans to replace the Burgundians as the prominent Germanic soldiers in the region. Back in Hispania, another Bagaudae uprising broke out in 450 and the rebels sacked Tyriasso, Caesaraugusta and Illerdensus. The Suebi exploited this rebellion and assisted the Bagaudae in their revolt.

Besides the Bagaudae, another threat to Gaul was the Franks. It was at the Battle of Turonum [Tours] that he made a name for himself defeating the Frankish besieging force only to have to face an attack under king Clodio in Belgica Secunda. Majorian would play a prominent role in ambushing Chlodio’s army in a joint operation with Bonifacius. Relations with the Franks remained tense until Clodio passed away in 449 and was succeeded by Merovech, a presumed son of Chlodio who served as an ambassador in Roma. Bonifacius had hoped to utilize the Frankish claimant as a puppet who already had ties to Roma unlike his more ‘barbarian’ competitors.

The biggest challenge to Bonifatius, however, would come from the outside. The Huns always had an unstable relationship with Bonifacius ever since their backing of Aetius. Conflict between the Romans and Huns was common in Pannonia where the Huns sought to settle along the Savus River [Sava River]. Nonetheless, Bonifacius made some use of Hunnic mercenaries with a brief hiatus during the power struggle between Bleda and Attila. In 452, the emperor’s sister, Justa Grata Honoria, tried to escape from a forced marriage to a ‘safe’ senator without ambition. In response, Honoria sent a plea for aid to Bleda; an act that would lead to not only her death but the invasion of Italia by the Huns. Bleda had already intended to invade Italy as the Orient was running out of easy plunder and this plea for help from Justa Grata Honoria was the excuse Bleda had been looking for besides pure plunder.

Bonifacius garrisoned Aquileia as Bleda crossed the Julian Alps. He was, however, defeated and forced to retreat. Aquileia was sacked and northern Italia as Bleda marched on Ravenna. Valentinian III fled from the imperial court to Roma while Bonifacius failed to raise a large enough force to hold back the Hunnic tide. The army he did raise was camped at Bononia (Bologna) to block the roads through the Apennines that led to Ravenna and Roma. With a smaller force, Bonifacius harassed the Huns sapping their strength and slowing their advance. Bleda’s forces, nonetheless, reached the Padus [Po river] where an attempt to make peace was made with Pope Leo I heading the embassy. The peace talks were unsuccessful and both Bonifacius and Bleda were forced into combat.

The Battle of the Padus was fought on 22 August 453. Due to its location in Italia, Bonifacius commanded a larger than usual percentage of Roman troops. He had made requests for troops from Theodoric I but had no response. Allegedly, Theodoric had learnt of the strength of Bleda’s army and hoped to take advantage of the ensuing chaos if Bonifacius was defeated. The battle commenced when Bleda’s Gepid troops were attacked by Alans while crossing the Padus. Bleda had sent another force of Germanic vassals in the goal of tricking Bonifacius into believing a buildup was occurring at that stretch of river. This he did and a large portion of the Roman army was moved to stop the predicted Hunnic crossing. Kept distracted, Bonifacius was unable to halt the actual crossing taking place further to the west. A number of Romans were not engaged with the Gepid crossing and sought to halt Bleda’s crossing. Despite bloody skirmishing, the Romans were repulsed and the crossing completed while the Gepids remained separated by the Padus from the main force.

Skirmishing between Bleda and Bonifacius began as the commanders positioned their forces. Bonifacius sought to protect his right flank with the Padus thus weakening the potential of the Huns’ cavalrymen. The Huns were the first to make an offensive move but were repelled by the Romans who would suffer strong losses combating the Ostrogoths who had crossed with Bleda. This stalemate continued and the Gepids attempted to cross the Padus to strike the Romans from their rear. Suffering moderate losses, most of the Gepid troops were forced to retreat although several soldiers had successfully crossed led by a young officer, Odoacer. Under his command, the Gepids fell upon Bonifacius’ household unit of Gothic bucellarii and Bonifacius himself, now an elderly man was slain. Despite this great victory, the Romans defeated the Huns. Constant harassment and lack of supplies had left the Huns weakened and fearing being trapped and slaughtered south of the Padus, Bleda eventually called off his troops in an organized retreat aided by Odoacer’s Gepids who kept enough Romans distracted to avoid being pursued.

Instead of retreating north of the Padus, Bleda continued to march south plundering the region to resupply his forces. The Roman army had been left in disarray with the death of Bonifacius and defection was rampant allowing Bleda to continue operating in the region despite his own losses. The troops north of the Padus were regrouped and attempted a third successful crossing of the Padus ending an attempt at regrouping by slaying Bonifacius’ immediate successor on the battlefield, Maximinius. They met up with the main force at Bononia before Bleda marched on Ravenna laying the city to siege. Along the way, he suffered small scale attacks by the Romans ending any chances of Bleda accepting negotiation attempts. On 24 September 453, the gates of Ravenna were opened through treachery and the city was sacked for three days. Many of the city’s great buildings were ransacked and all moveable goods were stolen all over the city. The basilicas were emptied and gardens were burnt to the ground along with vast swathes of the city. Many citizens were captured to be later ransomed, sold into slavery, raped or killed.

Saints were produced in the sack with Saint Aemilia being tortured to the brink of death but saved by her son from being raped. It is said that God had lifted her soul during the brief period of respite given by her infant son who was killed on the spot, Saint Sabinus. Both Saint Aemilia and Sabinus would later become the patron saints of Ravenna. Despite the sack’s famed brutality in storytelling, it was somewhat restrained by the standards of war. The slaughter of the inhabitants was limited and only a few buildings were destroyed completely. Nonetheless, Bleda would return to Pannonia following the sack instead of marching onto Rome due to logistical issues that had already been pushed to the brink by seizing Ravenna.

With the death of Bonifacius at the Po and the sack of Ravenna, a void was created in Occidental Roman politics. He, however, left a strong legacy for himself due to his skill as a military commander. His effective rule of the Occident from 431-453 saw a stabilizing of the borders even defeating Bleda in battle. Had he not been killed in battle, it is likely he would have slain the Huns south of the Padus instead of the army devolving into a disorganised mob. Even in death, however, his legacy continued to be seen with the invasion of Africa by Hugelicus continuing from Bonifacius’ preparations.

Spoiler: SUMMARY

434: Bonifacius is granted the title of magnificus vir parens patriusque noster.
435: Gundahar of the Burgundians raids Belgica Prima. He is defeated by Bonifacius who reaffirms the rights of the Burgundians to their kingdom. He begins employing Burgundians on a large scale.
435: Frankish raiders plunder Colonia Claudia and Augusta Treverorum.
436: Bonifacius suppresses a revolt of Bagaudae in Armorica led by Tibatto.
436: Theodoric I defeats Roman general, Litorius, at the Battle of Narbo Martius giving the Visigoths control over the city and access to the Meditteranean.
437: Valentinian III reaches his age of maturity and marries Licinia Eudoxia in Constantinople. Galla Placidia’s tenure as regent comes to an end.
437: Theodoric I is defeated at the Second Battle of Narbo Martius by Bonifacius. The Visigoths are reduced to their former borders but their sovereignty is recognized by the Roman Empire.
440: Alans are settled along the Loire, including Aurelianum after a Bagaudae uprising was quelled.
441: Bonifacius’ son-in-law, Sebastianus, is appointed magister militum per hispanias in a campaign against the Bagaudae and Suebi with aid from the Vandals and Goths.
445: Sebastianus quells the Bagaudae uprisings in Tarraconensis.
448: Bagaudae rise up in Armorica to be put down by the Alans of Goar.
449: Chlodio, king of the Franks, passes away. The Romans install Merovech as his successor.
450: Bagaudae rise up in Hispania sacking Tyriasso, Caesaraugusta and Illerdensus with assistance from the Suebi.
452: Justa Grata Honoria sends her ring to Bleda the Hun in a plea for help after being forced into a marriage by her brother, Valentinian III.
453: Bleda invades Italia sacking Aquileia where he defeats Bonifacius’ first army. Bonifacius’ second army would be victorious at the Battle of the Po although he would be killed resulting in the disintegration of his army allowing for the sacking of Ravenna by the Huns.

Spoiler: LIST OF LEADERS

Comes et Magister Utriusque Militiae of the Occidental Roman Empire

1. Flavius Constantius: 411 - 421
2. Castinus: 422 - 425
3. Flavius Constantius Felix: 425 - 430
4. Bonifatius: 431 - 22 August 453
5. Sebastianus: 22 August 453 - TBA

 

[Richard Drummond]

"My fame is built upon your failure"
- Bleda the Hun (390 - 457 AD)​

The Huns were ruled by the brothers Rugila and Octar of the gens Chunorum with a geographical division where Rugila ruled over the Eastern Huns while Octar ruled over the Western Huns. However, in 430, he became the sole ruler over the Huns when Octar was killed during a military campaign against the Burgundians. It was his court that Aetius fled to after his initial defeat by Bonifacius. He already had a good relationship with Rugila and thus was able to raise an army in an attempt to regain his old office with the province of ceding part of Pannonia Prime to Rugila. Eventually, the Huns would strike a deal with Bonifacius allowing for a ceding of the region. In the Orient, he had led many incursions into Thracia having menaced Constantinople in 422 forcing the Romans into paying 350 pounds of gold annually.

Some tribes from the Hunnic confederation fled to the service of Theodosius II in 434. In response, Rugila sent his experienced diplomat Esla to Constantinople demanding the return of all fugitives, otherwise, peace would be terminated. His death soon after, however, ended his military buildup as the Hunnic realm was divided between Bleda and Attila, the sons of his brother Mundzuk. Like Octar and Rugila before them, the two were dual kings of the Huns. The sons sought to continue their uncle’s ambitions and they marched south of the Danube forcing the Romans into negotiating a peace agreement. The annual tribute was raised to 700 pounds of gold and the fugitives were surrendered to be crucified by the Huns for their conversion to Christianity. Among the crucified were two of royal descent, Mamas and Atakam. Other demands included the opening of Roman markets to Hunnic traders and a ransom of eight solidi for each Roman taken prisoner by the Huns.

Bleda was the eldest of the two brothers but it was said that Attila was the more violent of the two with the elder brother famed for his Mauri dwarf Zerco who he took on campaign wearing a suit of armour made especially for him. At first, the two worked together to bargain with Theodosius II’s envoys before returning to their territories north of the Danube to consolidate their strength giving the emperor an opportunity to strengthen the walls of Constantinople which included the city’s first sea wall. The next few years were spent attempting an invasion of the Persian Empire but a devastating defeat in Armenia forced them into abandoning these ambitions and the attention of the Huns have turned once again to Europe.

Therefore, the Huns attacked the merchants at the markets on the north bank of the Danube despite the treaty signed with the Romans protecting the Romans. Further war was threatened by the brothers who accused the Romans of failing to fulfil their treaty obligations and that the Romans had desecrated the royal Hun graves on the Danube’s north bank.

The river defences were stripped due to the need to transfer troops elsewhere to Carthage following its fall to Gaiseric in 440 and the invasion of Armenia by Bahram V in 441. This allowed the Huns to continue their ransacking with a crossing of the Danube laying waste to cities and riverine forts in Illyria. The advance began at Margus where the Bishop, who had desecrated the royal graves, betrayed the city to the Huns once handed over to the Huns by the Romans. Margus, Viminacium, Singidunum [Belgrade] and Sirmium [Sremska Mitrovica] were all sacked by the Huns before they halted in 441 giving Theodosius time to recall his troops from Libya [North Africa]. A large new issue of coins to finance operations against the Huns was ordered and believing he had prepared enough, Theodosius II felt it safe to refuse the demands of the Hunnic brothers.

In response, the brothers renewed their campaign the following year overruning Ratiaria’s military centres and successfully laying siege to Naissus [Nis] where they famously made use of their battering rams and other siege engines that were new to the Hun army. Following these successes, they pushed along the [Nisava] taking Serdica [Sofia], Philippopolis [Plovdiv] and Arcadiopolis [Luleburgaz]. A Roman force was destroyed outside the walls of Constantinople and a second at Callipolis [Gelibolu]. The only reason the capital avoided sacking by the Huns was the inability of their siege equipment to breach the walls. Nonetheless, Theodosius II admitted defeat and peace terms were negotiated. The Emperor agreed to hand over 6,000 Roman pounds of gold as punishment for having disobeyed the terms of treaty during the invasion. The yearly tribute was tripled to 2,100 Roman pounds in gold and the ransom for each Roman prisoner was raised to 12 solidi. The brothers withdrew back to their empire and a power struggle ensued between the two after an attempt was made on Attila by Bleda. However, after a brief fight, Attila was slain in battle ensuring Bleda’s sole rule over the Hunnic empire in 444. This left Bleda with only his sons, nephews and his surviving uncle, Oebarsius.

Attila’s sons, Ellac, Dengizich and Ernak fled east onto the steppes or the Orient. Ernak was content serving the Orientals while Dengizich sought to carve out an empire for himself putting him in conflict with the eldest brother, Ellac, who also had ambitions of kingship. Bleda ignored his nephews as he effectively consolidated his rule over the empire despite being around 50. In 446, he did battle with magister militum Arnegisclus who was unable to hold back Bleda and was defeated though he managed to escape with his life after inflicting heavy losses upon the Huns. Nonetheless, the defeat allowed Marcianopolis to fall to the Huns who sacked it thoroughly. While sacking the region, Constantinople was struck by an earthquake ruining parts of the city walls and causing an outbreak of plague. Before an attempt could be made to repair the walls, Bleda laid the city to a long siege just after many of the city’s inhabitants fled during the brief period between the earthquake and the encampment of Bleda outside the city. In 448, rumours of treason terrified Theodosius II who surrendered to the Huns. A tribute of 10,000 pounds of gold was to be paid upfront and 4,000 pounds annually.

Having thoroughly ravaged the Orient, Bleda turned his attention to the Occident where he had previously battled the Burgundians and now sought to subject the remaining Germanics in the region but also plunder the Occident. Fighting mostly occurred in Pannonia which was eventually ceded by Bonifacius due to the tenuous situation in the region. Many Huns found service as mercenaries in Bonifacius’ armies combatting the Goths and Bagaudae. The emperor’s sister, Honoria, sent her ring in 452 to Bleda who used this as an excuse to expand his operations against Pannonia into Italia with his invasion of the peninsula. The execution of Honoria did little to stop Bleda who marched on to Ravenna sacking the Roman capital while Valentinian III fled to Rome. With the Huns came their Gepid, Ostrogoth, Rugian, Scirian, Herul, Thuringian, Alan and Burgundian vassals who, after sacking Ravenna, found employment in the army of Hugelicus to continue their accumulation of wealth as they participated in the invasion of Libya [North Africa].

Bleda, meanwhile, returned to his empire covered in prestige and gold. His position was all but secured after sacking the capital of the Romans. However, he was an aged man suffering from the troubles of old age and he increasingly delegated to his eldest son and expected heir, Basik. In 457, he passed away and the succession of power was smooth. The slight dissent amongst the Germanic vassals was easily put down and the Hunnic empire continued to stretch from the Rhine to the steppes where Basik’s cousins ruled.

Spoiler: SUMMARY

422: A major Hunnic incursion into Thracia menaces Constantinople. The Romans are forced to annually pay 350 pounds of gold.
430: Co-king Octar of the Huns is killed in combat against the Burgundians.
434: Some tribes defect from the Hunnic confederation entering the service of Theodosius II.
434: Rugila, king of the Huns, passes away raising an army to invade Thrace. He is succeeded by Bleda and Attila, the sons of his brother Mundzuk.
435: Bleda and Attila negotiate the return of renegade Huns and increase the annual tribute to 700 pounds of gold.
439: The Huns are decisively defeated in Armenia fighting the Sassanids.
440: The Huns ransack Roman markets north of the Danube.
441: Bahram V invades Armenia.
441: The Huns invade Illyria sacking Margus, Viminacium, Singidunum and Sirmium.
442: Theodosius II withdraws his troops from Libya to combat the Hunnic invasion.
443: The Huns renew their campaigns and force Theodosius II into admitting defeat. The Emperor agrees to hand over 6,000 Roman pounds of gold as punishment for having disobeyed the terms of treaty during the invasion. The yearly tribute is tripled to 2,100 Roman pounds in gold and the ransom for each Roman prisoner is raised to 12 solidi.
444: Bleda attempts to kill Attila sparking a brief power struggle ending with Attila’s death in battle. Bleda becomes the sole king of the Huns.
446: Bleda invades the Orient defeating magister militum Arnegisclus in battle.
447: An earthquake ruins parts of the walls of Constantinople and causes the outbreak of a plague. The Romans were unable to repair the walls in time and Bleda laid the city to siege.
448: Theodosius II surrenders to Bleda the Hun due to fears of traitors going to open the gates of Constantinople. The annual tribute is increased to 4,000 pounds and an immediate payment of 10,000 pounds is made.
457: Bleda passes away and is succeeded by his son Basik in a smooth succession.

Spoiler: LIST OF LEADERS

Kings of the Huns

• Chunorum

1. Balamber: 370s - 390s
2. Uldin: 390s - 412
3. Charaton: 412 - 420s
4. Rugila: 420s - 434
5. Octar: 420s - 430
6. Bleda: 434 - 457
7. Attila: 434 - 444
8. Basik: 457 - N/A

Persian Monarchs

• Shahanshahs of the Sassanid Empire

1. Ardashir I: 224 - February 242
2. Shapur I: 12 April 240 - May 270
3. Hormizd I: May 270 - June 271
4. Bahram I: June 271 - September 274
5. Bahram II: 274 - 293
6. Bahram III: 293
7. Narseh: 293 - 302
8. Hormizd II: 302 - 309
9. Adur Narseh: 309
10. Shapur II: 309 - 379
11. Ardashir II: 379 - 383
12. Shapur III: 383 - 388
13. Bahram IV: 388 - 399
14. Yazdegerd I: 399 - 420
15. Shapur IV: 420
16. Khosrow: 420
17. Bahram V: 420 - TBA

 

[Richard Drummond]

Augustine of Hippo is my favourite Christian saint and for some reason, I decided that this TL would have something to do with him since he is such an instrumental person in Christian and Western thought. ITTL, he survives longer than OTL recovering from his sickness but only long enough so that he died after the Vandals had taken the city. St. Augustine is the origin of the butterflies which would lead to the developing world. Things remained relatively the same for a bit though different people stood at different locations and people said different things and thought different things. The first bit was important because Marcian is killed in battle in North Africa. OTL, legend claims he was captured by the Vandals but released due to an image of him becoming emperor in the future. ITTL, no such thing happens. He stood somewhere different and some Vandal soldier stood somewhere different and OTL's emperor lay dead on the battlefield. This would be the first major butterfly and will change things up in the Eastern Empire drastically.

The next major change happens in Italy. Bonifatius returns to battle Aetius and is victorious like OTL but he isn't wounded and therefore is able to chase off the wily Aetius who fled to his Hunnic friends bringing with him some major butterflies that eventually led to the rise of Attila being halted. My interpretation of the rise of Attila was that Bleda made a move to get rid of his younger brother but was unsuccessful. ITTL, he is successful and differs from OTL Attila in that he is less ambitious than Attila. Attila took the immense risk of overextending himself and raiding into Gaul but Bleda is more reserved. I imagine he has a much better sense of humour than his brother based on his Berber dwarf whom he found a wife but if I am correct about him having attempted to kill off Attila first, it shows he is no less capable of violence. It is for this reason he invades Italy with Honoria being Honoria and Placidia being unable to calm Valentinian III down. ITTL, he has his sister killed, unlike OTL. Bleda was successful in his invasion of Italy unlike Attila in Gaul and Ravenna ends up being sacked allowing Bleda to return to live out the rest of his life ruling over a relatively stable regime.

And so that's a quick explanation of changes from OTL in CoTA. From now on, footnotes will appear discussing changes that might be missed. This was a very quick update but the next chapter shall be dealing with the life and death of Theodosius II.

 

[Richard Drummond]

"Kỳrie eléēson"
- Lord have mercy​

The last of the Theodosians, Theodosius II spent almost his entire life as emperor having been proclaimed Augustus as an infant in 402 by his father, Arcadius, only ruling as the sole emperor upon his father’s death in 408. With the sole emperor only seven years old, Praetorian Prefect Anthemius took the reigns of government and it was under his supervision that the famed Theodosian Walls. His regency lasted until 414 when Pulcheria, Theodosius II’s older sister, was proclaimed Augusta. Her regency would last for two years until 416 though she would remain a major influence upon her younger brother.

Pulcheria’s influence, however, would decline when Theodosius married Aelius Eudocia in June 421. Together they would have two daughters, Licinia Eudoxia and Flaccilla, and a son called Arcadius. However, their separation around 443, with Eudocia moving to Jerusalem where she favoured monastic Monophysitism, allowed for Pulcheria to reassume her influential role. She would have to share this influence with the eunuch Chrysaphius.

One of the major results of Pulcheria’s influence was the Roman-Sasanian War of 421-422 against Bahram V. Yazdegerd had been Theodosius’s guardian as per Arcadius’ decisions. Nonetheless, increased interest in Christianity also convinced Theodosius to go to war against the Sassanians in a war then ended in a territorial status quo. However, the Sassanians agreed to tolerate Christians while the Romans would tolerate Zoroastrians in return.

Bahram V’s persecution of Christians had been a continuation of Yazdegerd’s persecution late in his reign before his death. In 419, Christians led by Abda, the bishop of Ohrmazd-Ardashir, destroyed a Zoroastrian temple. Yazdegerd responded by executing Abda and his entourage but would only begin active persecution when Christians elsewhere put out a sacred fire and celebrated mass at a Zoroastrian temple. The Zoroastrian priesthood pressured Yazdegerd into active persecution and thus he appointed Mihr Narseh of the Surens as his wuzurg framadar (minister). However, his brief persecution failed to mar his reputation in Christian sources.

During Bahram V’s persecution, many fled into Roman territory where Atticus, the Bishop of Constantinople, welcomed them informing Theodosius of their persecution. Relations were already uneasy with the Sassanians due to their refusal to return Roman gold-diggers as well as their seizure of the properties of Roman merchants. Pulcheria’s religiosity only helped to drive Theodosius’ in the faith and these factors culminated in a declaration of war when Sassanian ambassadors reached Constantinople demanding the return of the Christian fugitives.

Ardaburius, commander-in-chief of the army, was tasked with the collecting of many troops for his campaign. Such were the numbers required that Theodosius allowed for some Pannonian Ostrogoths to settle in Thracia to defend the province from the Huns while the Thracians they replaced were sent to fight in the east. Ardaburius sent Anatolius to Persarmenia while he himself marched into Persian territory devastating Arzanene. He was engaged in battle by Narses, the Sassanian general, however, Ardaburius came out on top forcing them into a retreat. Narses thus planned to attack the undefended Roman province of Mesopotamia, but Ardaburius' foresight intercepted him.

Upon receiving reinforcements, he laid siege to the fortress of Nisibis and the Romans were able to disperse the Lakmid allies of Bahram V under Alamundarus (Al-Mundhir). However, the Huns of Rua were attacking the dioceses of Dacia and Thracia in the meantime and had even menaced Constantinople itself. Fearing a war on two fronts, Theodosius recalled Ardaburius when a large Persian army started making its way towards Nisibis. The Persian force laid siege to Theodosiopolis in Osroene which ended after 30 days when a stone-thrower named after Thomas the Apostle killed a lesser king of the Sassanid army.

Magister officiorum Helio would negotiate the peace that brought the way to an end establishing a status quo with both sides agreeing to reject Arab defectors from their opponent along with a guarantee to tolerate each other’s religion in their territories. As a gesture of Christian generosity, it is said that Acacius, the bishop of Amida, melted the consecrated gold and silver plate of his church to be able to buy the 7,000 Persian captives who ended up in the slave markets due to the war. These were then said to have been sent back in freedom to their homeland.

A year after the war’s conclusion, Honorius passed away in the Occident. He was Theodosius’ uncle and his sister Galla Placidia fled with her young son Valentinian to Constantinople due to the proclamation of primicerius notariorum Joannes as Occidental Emperor. In 424, Theodosius went to war with Joannes, finally installing Valentinian III as Emperor of the Occident with his mother acting as regent. Licina Eudoxia was betrothed to the junior emperor to strengthen ties between the two halves of the empire. Meanwhile, Theodosius also paid attention to domestic issues.

In 425, he had founded the University of Constantinople where subjects included law, philosophy, medicine, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, music and rhetoric. Of the 31 chairs, 15 were in Latin and 16 in Greek. 4 years later in 429, he appointed a commission to collect all laws passed since the reign of Constantine I so that he may create a fully formalized system of law. This plan was never finished but a second commission was able to collect all of the legislation and publish them, after being brought up to date, as the Codex Theodosianus years later in 438. The Codex would form the basis of the Codex Stylianianus of Emperor Stylianus a century later.

Theodosius also campaigned elsewhere though these campaigns would usually be less successful than the war against the Sassanians. The major opposing force was the Huns who were at first internally divided allowing for the Orientals to overcome the invasions of Uldin. They strengthened their fortifications in Thrace and Illyria and agreed to pay 350 pounds of gold for a peace agreement. However, the rise of Bleda and Attila and their unification of the Huns in 434 saw the payment of gold doubled to 700 pounds. The other primary force fought by the Orientals along with the Occidentals were the Vandals who had completed their conquest by 439. Both emperors sent forces to Sicily, intending to launch an attack straight at Vandal ruled Carthage. The project, however, failed and both the Huns and Persians exploited the lack of significant forces along the border. In exchange for humiliating concessions, Anatolius negotiated a peace agreement with the Huns while skirmishes continued along the border on the east.

Theodosius’ reign, however, was not just limited to military conflict. Theodosius appointed Nestorius to be Archbishop of Constantinople in 428 after having met him as a monk while in Syria due to his reputation as a renowned preacher. He quickly became involved in the disputes of two factions differing in Christology and he tried to find a compromise. One faction emphasized that the Virgin Mary should be called Theotokos (“birth-giver of God”) as in Christ, God was born as a man. Those who rejected the title claimed that God could not have been born as he is an eternal being. Nestorius thus suggested Christotokos (“birth-giver of Christ”) as an alternative title but neither faction accepted it. Nestorius was accused of separating Christ’s divine and human nature, resulting in ‘two Christs’. This would form the origin of Nestorianism. Theodosius II initially supported this but Archbishop Cyril of Alexandria was a forceful opponent. At Nestorius’ request, the emperor convened a council in Ephesus in 431 affirming the title Theotokos and condemning Nestorius who returned to his monastery in Syria before eventually being exiled to a remote monastery in Egypt.

The theological dispute would break out again with the Constantinopolitan abbot Eutyches asserting the Monophysite view that Christ’s divine and human nature were one. Flavian, Archbishop of Constantinople condemned but he found a powerful friend in Dioscorus of Alexandria, Archbishop Cyril’s successor. In 449, another council was convened in Ephesus. Eutyches was restored by the council and Flavian was deposed and mistreated before his death shortly afterwards. Though many bishops protested against the outcome, the emperor supported it, and it took the Council of Chalcedon after Theodosius I’s death that the decision was reversed.

Theodosius II’s death would come in 451 when he was assassinated by conspirators led by the Isaurian magister militum per Orientem Zeno. This was one of two plots organized by pagan officers. The cause for the assassination was Theodosius II’s policies towards the Huns which Zeno fervently opposed due to his almost fanatic dislike of the Huns. The death of Theodosius opened up a succession crisis between Zeno and his supporters and his opponent, Aspar, who sought to place one of his subordinates, Anthemius [1], on the throne. He had organized a marriage between Anthemius and Theodosius’ sister, Pulcheria. The influential eunuch, Chrysaphius, found support in Zeno and backed him due to fears of execution by Aspar’s faction.

Pulcheria, the last of the Theodosians in the Orient, had a fascinating life herself. She was the second child of Arcadius and Aelia Eudoxia, born on 19 January 398. While her brother was just 13, she had herself declared regent at the mere age of 16 on the 4th July 414. Immediately after being crowned by her younger brother, she took initiatives to organize the court to emphasize Christian and intellectual values. Coins were struck in her honour and a portrait bust of her was placed in the Senate House along with those of Honorius and Theodosius II. She had many of her brother’s advisors fired and despite her young age, became the most important woman in the Orient. She seemingly turned the palace into a monastery as she imposed asceticism and worshipped with her brother several times a day with fasting every Wednesday and Friday. The women of the imperial family wore no cosmetics or fancy jewellery and wove fabric instead of spending time entertaining themselves.

As guardian of the emperor, Pulcheria took a vow of virginity which was copied by her sisters Arcadia and Marina. Her piety would get her into several Christological disputes. When Nestorius arrived in Constantinople, he had to deal with the arrogance of Saint Hypatius whose favour in the eyes of Pulcheria and the wider public kept him safe from lash back. Combatting Nestorius became a personal vendetta for Pulcheria as she believed herself to have the imperial right to dictate on matters of religion. Her power and influence would, however, take a massive blow with the death of her brother. She had made an attempt to immediately take power for herself but she lost to Zeno and was forced to flee the capital finding support and backing in Aspar who had her married to one of his subordinate generals, Anthemius. In front of the loyalist army that rose up against Zeno’s reign, Pulcheria bestowed Anthemius the diadem and purple military paludamentum of an emperor. She was the first woman to direct the coronation of an emperor since Agrippina Minor placed the laurel crown on the head of Nero, her son.

[1] Marcian was killed fighting in North Africa so Anthemius rises to replace him. He did not exist in OTL and is a unique character.

Summary:
431: A council is convened in Ephesus affirming the title of Theotokos and condemning Nestorianus who returned to his monastery in Syria.
438: The Codex Theodosianus is published.
443: Eudocia, the wife of Emperor Theodosius II, moves to Jerusalem where she favours monastic Monophysitism.
449: A council is convened in Ephesus restoring Eutyches and deposing Archbishop of Constantinople, Flavian who would die shortly afterwards.
451: Emperor Theodosius II is assassinated by conspirators led by the Isaurian, Zeno. A succession crisis breaks out between Zeno and Pulcheria who takes Aspar's subordinate Anthemius as her husband.
5xx: The Codex Stylianianus is published as a development upon Theodosius II's Codex Theodosianus.

List of Monarchs

Oriental Roman Emperors

Theodosian Dynasty (379-451)​

9. Theodosius I the Great: 19 January 379 - 17 January 395​

10. Arcadius: 17 January 395 - 1 May 408​

11. Theodosius II: 1 May 408 - 20 January 451​

Non-Dynastic​

12. Zeno: 20 January 451 - TBA​

13. Anthemius: 4 March 451 - TBA​

 

[Richard Drummond]

CHAPTER VIII: EMPEROR ZENO AND CIVIL WAR
With the Theodosians ousted from the imperial throne, the Oriental Empire found itself in a civil war between the self-proclaimed Zeno seated in Constantinople and the loyalist forces of Pulcheria and Anthemius who secured the support of Aspar. The crisis was for all intents and purposes; one fought between Zeno and Aspar. Both men were powerful military figures of non-Greek extraction, and the civil war has been seen as a conflict between these foreign factions for dominance over the Oriental empire.

Flavius Zeno, himself, was of Isaurian origin who had risen to the position of magister militum per Orientem in 447 outliving an anonymous brother. Almost immediately, he was tasked with the defence of the capital from the forces of Bleda the Hun and he was put at the head of an Isaurian unit. He successfully managed to hold back the Hunnic forces until Theodosius II surrendered due to fears of traitors within Constantinople. This move by Theodosius only helped to radicalize Zeno’s anti-Hun stance and drive more people into his camp three years later when Theodosius was himself assassinated. Nonetheless, Zeno was appointed consul for 448 as a reward for his efforts.

His time as magister militum saw opposition from the powerful eunuch Chrysaphius, the comes sacrarum largitionum, who wanted to obtain the Huns’ favour. The eunuch would eventually find refuge with Zeno upon the outbreak of civil war only to be executed in 452. Zeno, unlike many other noteworthy figures in the empire, did not receive the title of patricius. It is possible that had he not assassinated Theodosius, he would have been raised to the rank. Nonetheless, as emperor, he surpassed the need for the rank of patricius. As emperor, he now had to delegate to loyal followers, the most noteworthy being Apollonius, his magister militum, and Tarasis [1]. The former had already risen to Zeno’s favour before the seizure of the throne while Tarasis was simply a member of Zeno’s entourage who rapidly rose in ranking during the civil war.

His opponent was Flavius Ardabur Aspar, a patrician and magister militum of Alanic-Gothic descent. He commanded a Germanic army and was able to exert a great amount of influence from the 420s until his death during the reign of his own son, Ardaburius I. Aspar was the son of Ardaburius, consul in 427, and was a crucial figure in his father’s expedition in 424 to defeat the Occidental usurper Joannes ending with the installation of Valentinian III and his mother, Galla Placidia, in his place. Aspar was later a fundamental figure in negotiating a peace treaty with Gaiseric in Libya [North Africa]. It was here that Zeno’s successor, Anthemius, first rose to prominence. Aspar would attain a consulship a decade before Zeno in 438. However, unlike Zeno, he suffered from setbacks due to his adherence to Arianism explaining why he initially sought to play the role of kingmaker with his subordinate Anthemius.

As emperor, Zeno was in a challenging position. He was widely unpopular due to being a “barbarian”, and several plots against his life had to be brutally put down. Zeno, however, found support in the Church as the Chalcedonians feared the Arian faith of Aspar and how even the famously devout Pulcheria found herself siding with him causing quite the stir in Constantinople. With both factions resting on unstable foundations of support, outside forces were able to find themselves a niche in the fighting. The most noteworthy of such figures was Triarius, a member of the Gothic Amali dynasty who was related to the King of the Ostrogoths, Valamir. Triarius sided with Aspar, marrying his sister to him.

In 451 (4th March), Anthemius was proclaimed emperor in Asia Minor, and despite the forces of Triarius increasingly gaining ground in Thrace and Illyria, Zeno was able to hold onto Constantinople while his subordinates fought several indecisive battles and skirmishes against loyalist forces in Asia Minor, Oriens and Egypt where loyalties were divided with pagans often siding Zeno’s regime over the loyalists. In the following year, Zeno discovered a sizable plot against him which initiated a great purge that saw many civilian officials executed along Chrysaphius. They were accused of plotting to surrender the capital to the forces of Aspar. This was the cause of several anti-Isaurian riots over the following months. The situation for Zeno, however, was becoming increasingly bleak. Across the empire, his subordinates would be pushed out of Oriens and Egypt with the remaining forces coalescing in Isauria where the Isaurians closed themselves in their fortresses in the Isaurian mountains.

The Isaurians were continuously supplied from Antioch which Tarasis was able to hold on to until 453 when the city massacred its Isaurian garrison, opening up the gates to loyalist forces. The victorious forces paraded Tarasis’ head upon a spike and those who relied on him for their supplies in the Isaurian mountains increasingly turned to loot and plunder to make up for the reduced supplies. The fall of Antioch was the final straw along with the final defeat of the Isaurian fleet by the loyalists allowing for Aspar to land an army on the European side of the empire to aid Triarius. Triarius had encamped at the suburb of Hebdomon and was blockading the landward side of the city, and a worsening food shortage was the final straw for the Constantinopolitans who rose up in revolt against Zeno. Even the emperor’s troops saw large numbers of defections and the Imperial Palace was stormed.

The emperor was lynched by the mob and his corpse thrown over the city walls once Aspar had reached the capital with Anthemius by his side. The city welcomed their new rulers forgetting that they had formerly opposed the loyalist faction due to Aspar’s adherence to Arianism. Pulcheria’s charity and famed piety, however, did more than enough to counter this once Anthemius was seated for the first time in the Imperial Palace. But his power did not amount to much, the true ruler of the Orient being Aspar in his position as magister militum. Triarius, meanwhile, was rewarded for his contributions with a consulship for 454. Resistance in Isauria would continue with the leaderless forces devolving into brigandine bands that would finally be put down in 456.

[1] Tarasis is our timeline’s, Emperor Zeno.

Summary
438: Aspar attains the consulship in the Orient.
447: Isaurian general, Zeno, is made magister militum per Orientem.
448: Zeno is appointed consul for the year as a reward for his efforts in the Siege of Constantinople.
452: The eunuch Chrysaphius is executed by Zeno in a purge against dissenting forces within Constantinople.
453: Following the fall of Antioch to loyalist forces and the defeat of the Isaurian fleet, the populace of Constantinople overthrow and execute Emperor Zeno, opening the gates to Aspar and his claimant for the throne, Anthemius.
456: The last Isaurian rebel holdouts are crushed.

Emperors of the Oriental Roman Empire

Non-Dynastic​

12. Zeno: 20 January 451 - 19 June 453​

13. Anthemius: 4 March 451 - TBD​

 

[Richard Drummond]

"Qui desiderat pacem praeparet bellum"
- Vegetius​

The sacking of Ravenna by Bleda and death of Bonifatius had left the Occidental Empire with a new magister militum in the form of Sebastianus, Bonifatius’ son-in-law. He was able to rise to the position by exploiting the political influence his father-in-law had wielded in life. It, however, was obvious to all that he was not comparable to his predecessor in skill and although in more peaceful times Sebastianus would have been a good candidate for the position, these were not peaceful times. The empire was afraid and Valentinian III himself was forced to flee from Ravenna back to Rome. Meanwhile, the barbarian Huns returned back to their homes to celebrate victory against the empire. It did not take long for an alternative to emerge for the position of magister militum and in the following year on the 14th February, Sebastianus was replaced by Majorian; Valentinian III’s own son-in-law.

Majorian was a couple of years younger than his father-in-law having been born around 420 to an aristocratic family. His own grandfather, after whom he was named, had himself been magister militum during the reign of Theodosius I. Majorian was the son of his daughter who married an officer named Domninus. In perhaps an ironic twist, Domninus had ties with Flavius Aetius and sided with him during his civil war with Bonifatius following the latter’s withdrawal from Africa. Nonetheless, he reconciled with the new magister militum under whom Majorian began his military career. Said career experienced a sudden rise in notoriety when Majorian skillfully distinguished himself fighting against the Franks in 447.

From then, Majorian’s rise saw him promoted from an officer in the army to a possible marriage into the imperial itself. Valentinian III had a son and heir but the younger Valentinian was a sickly boy more content to deal with matters of the faith than actual governance. He had the necessary zeal to hate the Germanic barbarians and their Arian faith, yet he lacked any sign of showing that he would grow to be a martial man. So Valentinian III sought a family member who could protect the empire rather than an outsider like Bonifatius. Valentinian III could have tried to marry the magister militum’s family into his own but the aging man had no sons and although he had grandsons through his daughter, they were too young. And so Valentinian III proposed to marry his daughter Eudocia to the competent general, Majorian. This was an offer he immediately accepted and one which Bonifatius did not attempt to intervene in and so in 451, Majorian had become the emperor’s son-in-law married to a girl close to twenty years younger than him.

This was how Majorian rose to become magister militum in his own right in 454. At the same time as him was a fellow general, Hugelicus who was fighting Huneric, King of the Vandals. Earlier in the year, on the 13th March, King Gaiseric had passed away with various causes attributed to his death be it assassination on the orders of Bonifatius or a terrible accident. The diversion of troops to southern Italy in preparation for such a campaign might have been the primary reason Bleda invaded Italy instead of liberating Justa Grata Honoria - who now lay dead having been executed on her brother’s orders for treason.

Hugelicus himself was an interesting figure although his own birthdate is unknown although it is presumed to be in the mid 420s. The names of his parents are also unknown although his father was a Gothic soldier and his mother presumably also a Goth. There had been attempts at connecting Hugelicus to the family of Theoderic I, however, any attempts are usually fabrications of genealogy; Hugelicus came from a lowly background rising through his own skill and personality. He joined Bonifatius’ army some time during the early 440s and rose through the ranks until he had gained the honour of being appointed by Bonifatius to command the planned invasion of Africa.

Hugelicus’ forces had a prominent component made up of foreign foederati be they Goths, Gepids, Rugians, Scirians, Hercules, Thuringians, Alans or Burgundians. His forces were bolstered by Germanic troops who left Bleda’s army as he turned from Ravenna. Anthemius of the Orient would also send some troops to aid their Occidental counterparts, however, the recent civil war against Zeno meant that this force was not major in size and instead, their contribution was mostly in the form of financial backing with the expedition’s fleet and naval crew being funded mostly by the Orient. Land operations would be under Hugelicus’ domain.

It was always Bonifatius’ dream to restore Roman Africa and have the Vandals in submission to the empire ever since he had been expelled from the region by Genseric. Lobbying Valentinian III for such an expedition was very easy, the region was good agricultural land and defeating the Vandals would free the Mediterranean from a naval threat and what was a den of piracy. It also provided open land to be granted to foederati in return for their service and this would come to be very important for Hugelicus’ whose original troops would be joined over time by various other groups including Bulgars, Gepids, Rugians and Thurginians.

The path to the Vandal War began just three days after the death of Genseric when the Vandal court in Carthage cried bloody murder accussing Valentinian III of plotting the death of the king of the Vandals and the Alans. The war began with skirmishes at Lilybaeum between Roman and Vandal troops while Hugelicus prepared his forces to launch an invasion of Vandal Libya itself. With war all but having broken out between the two powers, secondary armies were launched by the Romans towards Sardinia and Corsica. While troops were still being transported down to Sicilia, Hugelicus laid siege to Lilybaeum.

The Vandals had dug several trenches lined with wooden spikes around the city’s stone walls but had a lack of protections to stop their harbour from being blockaded by imperial ships. These ships, along with the troops on land were equipped with artillery pieces to take down the city walls. For over a month, the Roman forces bombarded the city while the soldiers themselves cleared out the spike-filled ditches or any other potential traps. Close to another month passed before battering rams were brought to the walls, taking down the city gates allowing for an infantry offensive into the city. Fighting in the streets saw the Romans push back the Vandals whose ranks began to break once the commanding general was killed in the midst of fighting with Hugelicus’ own bodyguard. With nowhere to run, the remaining Vandals were slaughtered en masse but the civilian wouldn’t have to wait long until they too were a victim to a massacre that had to be brought to an end by Hugelicus himself.

Back in Carthage, Huneric was only recently proclaimed king of the Vandals and Alans but his reign was already a shaky one. The Romans had just taken Lilybaeum and fleets were sailing towards the islands of Sardinia and Corsica. Meanwhile, activity on the border with the various small Mauri statelets had increased significantly with the death of the skilled commander Genseric. Internal divisions between the Arian Germanic elite and the local Mauri and Roman Chalcedonian populations had also seen a widening which was not aided by Huneric’s government-sponsored persecution. The beginning of war gave the disaffected the confidence to rise up and so following the fall of Lilybaeum, a number of revolts began breaking out all across Vandal Libya. Huneric reacted with immediate crackdowns on every revolt but this threatened to overstretch Vandal military capabilities.

It was not just Libya which suffered from Chalcedonian uprisings, so too did Sardinia and Corsica. The islands were home to many exiles from Libya and these figures spoke out in support of the imperial invasion of the isles. There were only light garrisons in the islands due to the Vandal regime’s focus on their continental territories and the Vandal troops making up said garrison had to be reinforced by Mauri, Alan and even Visigothic auxiliaries. Forts and settlements across the two islands were left undermanned and ill-equipped. Meanwhile, they were up against a squadron of Occidental ships with men commanded by Hugelicus’ lieutenant, Marius Sabinus Concordius. He commanded 5,000 troops, 2,000 of whom were Frankish and Burgundian foederati.

Concordius sought to strike the heart of the Vandal administration of Sardinia in Caralis while a section of his men landed on the island of Corsica immediately sending out officers to raise and train a local army. Concordius himself laid siege to Caralis and blockaded the city’s harbor. Infantry surrounded the city blocking off all main roads - the Vandal garrison was trapped. After seeing men pulled away in order to handle the unfolding crisis back in Libya, the garrison had seen a boost in men as other garrisons across Sardinia were forced to retreat as local uprisings expelled the garrisons of local forts and towns as news spread of the coming of an imperial fleet. Perhaps worst of all the factors going against the island’s governor, Gerlach, was that many of his troops were conscripts, mercenaries and raw recruits. The Romans, on the other hand, were veterans from the various conflicts fought in Gaul and elsewhere. As of yet, the imperial forces had yet to be joined by recruited foederati searching for land following the Battle of the Padus and the sack of Ravenna.

The Romans were let into the city by the inhabitants of the city and what followed was a battle in the streets being the Romans and the Vandals with the latter steadily pushed backwards. Unable to retreat by sea or land, Gerlach retreated to his villa with his surviving troops once a detachment of cavalry had landed in the harbour and the ships docked within. It would not, however, be the Romans who dealt the final blow to the Vandals as it was instead Visigothic mercenaries who turned against the former paymaster handing Gerlach’s head to Concordius. With the battle over, the population welcomed Concordius and his men as liberators and for a few days, he remained in the city organizing a local government while his soldiers celebrated. The Gothic mercenaries were granted service in Hugelicus’ army and lands in Dalmatia where they would man the fortifications against the Huns.

The defeat of the Vandals at Caralis saw an explosion of local uprisings against Vandal rule by those who were formerly hesitant within Sardinia and Corsica. These bands of rebels dominated the interiors of both islands while the Romans themselves sought to establish control over the coasts. A quick difference between these two territories developed - those under imperial occupation and those controlled by various gangs of rebels. The former were ordered and saw shipments from the continent to gain the favour of the new subjects while the latter suffered from lawlessness, chaos and disorder. With time, the zone of disorder decreased as imperial forces moved into the interior putting down bands and hanging brigands who had themselves spent previous weeks lynching collaborators with the Vandal regime.

While the Romans fought for Sardinia and Corsica, the Vandal fleet of over 100 vessels made its way to Melita, catching the local garrison off guard. The few Roman fleets in the island’s harbour were captured by the Vandals and the island, along with Ephestia and Gaulos due to little resistance from the small garrisons left on the small islands. The local commander was an officer of aristocratic origins, Volubianus Cerialis. 6,000 Vandals and Alan soldiers were sent to land on the islands completely overwhelming the Roman forces on the island who numbered no more than 1,500. The defeat had dealt a blow to Roman morale but the death of Volubianus Cerialis defending the islands granted the opportunity for a martyr which helped restore the morale. Nonetheless, the Vandals had pulled off a successful covert action by diverting part of the defensive perimeter to deal a blow even in face of defeats in Sardinia and Corsica. As well as that, Melita was a strategic island to control in the face of Oriental involvement. It, however, weakened the Vandal hold in Libya which became more vulnerable to not just Mauri incursions on the borders, but also revolts from the internal Roman and Romanized population. It was for this reason that most of the expedition’s troops were directed back home leaving behind a small garrison force on the island.

To fill the gap in the defense perimeter, Huneric had ships withdrawn from the Balearic Islands. The fall of Sardinia and Corsica already threatened the island and protecting the islands only helped to outstretch the military and Vandal financial resources. Huneric had considered withdrawing from the islands, however, his military advisors were successful in stopping him from going ahead with such ideas due to the imperial threat coming from Hispania. By protecting the Baleares, it was hoped that they could hold back the Romans from landing in the Vandals’ western territories where the Romans could cooperate with local Mauro-Roman regimes. Nonetheless, the Melita expedition was the final straw and the fleet had to be withdrawn from the Baleares to defend the coastline and the four main islands’ 2,000 defenders returned to Libya to defend against Mauri incursions.

The Romans exploited this and sent a mixed force of 3,000 Romans, Hispano-Romans, Herulians and Rugians were sent to the islands. Minorica, Ebusus and Frumentaria fell without little resistance since they had been stripped of any Vandal protection. The only remaining Vandals were small communities of colonists consisting mostly of the elderly, women and children as their fathers and brothers were sent to Vandal Libya. These colonists resisted only in Maiorica where they raised a militia force of 6,000 but they were woefully unequipped compared to the smaller Roman invading force. The Romans were forced to besiege Palma, the insular capital. The harbour was blockaded and the militiamen were trapped behind their makeshift wooden palisade. A week of siege ensued and a failed counterattack pushed the Vandals back behind their wooden walls. After three weeks, the Romans launched an offensive against Palma but this was immediately met by a surrender from the insular governor having lost 200 men and losing another 500 to severe but non-fatal wounds. In return for leniency, the Romano-Gothic commander, Flavius Sigerik, demanded their fealty to Valentinian III which the governor readily accepted. Those Vandal colonists who continued to resist, however, were brutally put down with swift reprisals.

Hugelicus, in the meantime, was in Sicilia mustering his forces in preparation for the invasion of Africa. Meanwhile, his naval resources continued to increase as the Orientals were more willing to send sailors and financial resources to help Valentinian III in his ambitions. These experts and specialists were necessary and instrumental if Hugelicus had any hope in defeating the Vandals. The peace with Bleda now gave the Romans the freedom to reduce troops in the northern borders temporarily while the Franks continued their usual raids into Gaul which were blunted by local forces. Theodoric I of the Visigoths had contemplated revolting against Roman rule once news reached him of the Battle of the Padus and sacking of Ravenna, however, Valentinian III’s promise of greater lands in Hispania alongside estates in Libya kept the Visigoths in line and many foederati would form an essential part of Hugelicus’ army. Majorian himself had travelled to the frontiers in Gaul to make sure that even with reduced troops in the region, the Franks would be held back. He also sought to cultivate regional ties with the Gallo-Roman aristocracy - one major supporter would be former magister militum per Gallia, Eparchius Avitus.

While Hugelicus stayed in Sicilia, the two fleets were engaging in a series of indecisive skirmishes so when the imperial fleet began placing increasing pressure upon the Vandals, they were caught by surprise as three attempts were made to breach the Vandal defensive perimeter. Two of these were successful, however, the Vandals successfully fought the third to a standstill and in doing so, were able to hold the perimeter although barely so. These three assaults came from Sardinia and Hispania against the western portion of the Vandal perimeter and successfully distracted the rest of the perimeter which was to suffer an offensive by elite Roman naval units from the Orient. In the region near to Carthage the best Vandal ships were located to protect their capital and for a while, these veterans sailors held back the Romans and even experienced several victories in minor battles alongside two larger-scale victories. Nonetheless, each victory sapped at Vandal strength and this they could not maintain; the Romans simply had more resources and more men. Slowly, the Vandal fleets were forced to withdraw towards Carthage in preparation for a final stand. Lilybaeum had already fallen to Hugelicus’ forces and now the dagger was pointed straight at the heart of Vandal Libya.

Huneric feared the upcoming invasion which the Vandals were not prepared to fight off. The conflicts against the Mauri on the borders were worsening and ten internal revolts breaking out every time one was put down. The capture of Melita had been a success and Huneric hoped a similar diversionary expedition would yield dividends of some sort. So a section of the perimeter was detached from the main force at Carthage and sent to southern Italy since the Roman fleet was now consolidated around Lilybaeum. This fleet was tasked with a single task, the sacking of Rome with a small army and this incredible task was placed in the hands of Huneric’s brother, Thrasamund.

Summary
439: Valentinian III had a son by Licinia Eudoxia, the future Valentinian IV.
440: Valentinian III had a daughter by Licinia Eudoxia, Eudocia.
447: Chlodio’s Franks launched an offensive into Gaul which was repelled by the Romans. Majorian, an officer in the army and later magister militum distinguished himself in battle attaining him the attention of both Bonifatius and the emperor, Valentinian III.
453: The Vandal War began between the Roman Empires and the Vandal kingdom. The year saw a Roman capture of Sardinia and Corsica, however, they lost Malta to the Vandals.
454:

• Majorian became magister militum, replacing Sebastianus.
• The Romans captured the Balearic Islands.

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Finally back with a new update, I have been influenced heavily by @Romulus Augustus own depiction of a Roman-Vandal war in his excellent TL The Reign of Romulus Augustus. I'll like to credit him here since I have followed his war's set of events. In hindsight, it would have been smarter to ask beforehand if there was any issue with doing so Anyhow, I don't intend to be "inspired" much but this was a bit of a one off. The whole COVID business has been an utter mess, needed a little kick to push forward with a new update. I hope to have relatively more frequent updates these upcoming months. We are soon to enter some interesting territory both within and without the empire.