Crown Imperial: An Alt British Monarchy
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GV: Part Four, Chapter Three: Charting the Course
King George V
Part Four, Chapter Three: Charting the Course
In the private apartments at Buckingham Palace, Princess Mary’s disinterest in proceedings was matched only by her longing for another slice of seed cake. Queen Agnes was kneeling on the floor, the carpet covered in maps with bejewelled hatpins stabbed into various locations, each corresponding to a dossier which Agnes enthusiastically read out loud. Princess Mary rather disapproved of foreign travel, especially for the monarch. To her, the rest of the world's sovereigns were far inferior to the British Crown and if the King of Denmark or the Tsar of Russia wished to meet with George V, she didn’t see why they should not come to him. In truth, Mary was a terrible traveller prone to bouts of motion sickness which she was only willing to tolerate so much as to allow her annual escape to her seaside home for the summer. There had been visits abroad of course but Mary looked back on these ventures with no real sense of appreciation. She therefore struggled to stay rapt to the Queen’s youthful exuberance as she launched into a lengthy description of the Marienkirche in Rostock. Lady Holland stifled a yawn as the King peered over his newspaper with a wry smile.Part Four, Chapter Three: Charting the Course
“Nessa dear…”, he mused from behind The Times, “Why don’t you show Aunt Mary the designs Mrs Bettans sent you?”
“Oh yes! What a good idea Georgie!”, the Queen beamed, putting down one stack of papers and picking up a sheaf of drawings, “You see Aunt Mary, this is the gown I shall wear on the first night, and then for the second…”
"Merciful heavens!", Mary exclaimed, dropping cake everywhere, "I have seen more decency in a butcher's shop window!"
Agnes giggled.
“Oh Aunt Mary”, she explained patiently, “Mrs Bettans tells me this is what the ladies in Paris are wearing and all the Grand Duchesses have French dressmakers. It is the new fashion in St Petersburg”
“Consumption will be the new fashion in St Petersburg, you mark my words”, Mary declared imperiously.
She drained her tea and waved a hand at a nearby footman to replenish her cup.
In a letter written to her sister Princess Maria Anna (known as Annie to the Royal Family), the Queen described their upcoming trip as “our little holiday” and spoke of her excitement at the possibility of “seeing so many new things” but beneath the surface she was evidently a little nervous. Lady Pelham noted that ahead of this first tour that both the King and Queen were “quite sensitive to things and there was much irritation when certain arrangements had to be changed or amended at the last, changes which would never in the usual way of things cause offense but which contributed to their overall apprehension”. But whilst George and Agnes were equally anxious ahead of their departure, both had entirely different reasons to feel daunted. This became increasingly evident as the final arrangements were agreed with the Foreign Office and the Royal Household was thrown into well-ordered chaos trying to meet the exacting standards required in a very short period of time.
It must be remembered that the idea of the King paying a trip to Russia had not come from the British government but from Prince von Metternich ahead of the General Election of 1844. Sir James Graham had vetoed the proposal (even though his Foreign Secretary was in agreement) because he had always tried to stifle the King’s involvement in diplomacy. However, with a change in government came a Prime Minister who had not only served as Foreign Secretary himself and thus had a greater understanding of the situation at hand, but who was also a close friend to King George V and had no reluctance to allow His Majesty to play a bigger part where possible in foreign affairs. It is possible that even if there were no pre-existing friendship between Melbury and the King, he still would have welcomed George V’s involvement in Russian matters. It was Melbury who brought the Straits Pact to Brighton (a pact which the Tsar looked likely to violate a second time) and it was Melbury who presided over the disaster of the British defeat at Bala Hissar. Stepping into this maelstrom once more was politically risky for a Prime Minister whose government was far from stable and he knew well that the Opposition (not to mention some in his own party, such as Lord Palmerston) were watching intently for the first signs that the Whigs once again were about to mishandle foreign policy in Asia.
Lord Morpeth.
Yet the Prime Minister, backed by his Foreign Secretary Lord Morpeth, still believed in what has become known in British politics as “the Melbury Doctrine”, that is that all diplomatic efforts should be exhausted before military intervention can even be considered as a possibility. Melbury defined his approach as “negotiation, mediation and conciliation” – others such as Palmerston referred to it less favourably as “scraps of paper”. Lord Morpeth was a strong proponent of the Melbury Doctrine and in his view, a network of solid agreements was the only way to maintain the balance of power in the Concert of Europe and bring greater equilibrium in terms of influence in the so-called Great Game. In this he shared a belief with Lord Melbury that a two-fold approach to the Russian Question could ease tensions and improve Britain’s standing with Russia as a healthy rival rather than as a determined foe. Therefore, an agreement was drafted to be presented to the Tsar during the King’s visit which would aim to secure a promise that the Russians would ease their advances in Bukhara as a priority. The Tsar had little reason to accept this given that he had spent many years securing his influence over King Mohammed in Kabul but Melbury believed that his own achievement as Foreign Secretary, namely the Straits Pact, was the key to diverting Nicholas from his chosen path. Reopening the Pact for further negotiation would, the Prime Minister hoped, see the Russians back down from making further advances in Afghanistan but would also address Russia’s violation of her quota set in Vienna under the guise of improving the Pact rather than sanctioning the Tsar.
Whilst the real diplomatic donkey work behind the scenes would be handled by Lord Morpeth and the Earl of Shelburne, Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, it was well known that the Tsar did not value the input of his own ministers very highly, let alone entreaties from their foreign counterparts. In Russia, power was not exerted in the corridors of ministerial offices but rather in the Winter Palace by the Tsar himself and it was not uncommon for Nicholas to ignore mere diplomats when they visited St Petersburg insisting that he should lead talks personally with his direct opposites, whether they shared his autocratic authority or not. It was entirely possible that the Tsar may choose to allow his ministers to meet with the British deputation to discuss the minor detail of any agreement the British government wished to put forward but it was equally possible that he might pay absolutely no attention to the accounts of such meetings, preferring instead to sit down personally with King George V to discuss government business - and reach a resolution. This put the King in an unusual situation and highlighted the differences between the absolute monarchy in Russia and the constitutional monarchy in the United Kingdom. So it was that Lord Morpeth and Lord Shelburne were given unprecedented access to the King in order that they might prepare him for the possibility that he may have to temporarily assume the authority of the Foreign Secretary whilst in Russia. Whilst George V welcomed this opportunity to involve himself more closely in diplomatic affairs, he still felt a little nervous as he was drilled on the government’s preferred position, that which it might concede and that which it could never accept.
For the Queen, there were other anxieties for though she faced tests of her character which were perhaps far less important by comparison, they caused her just as much consternation. When the King announced to his family that he and his wife would be paying a state visit to Russia (the first ever for a British Sovereign), they were congratulatory. The Duke of Cambridge said how nice it would be for George to be able to see Lottie again, and her children whom he had not yet met. The Duchess however, with a complete lack of tact or sensitivity, leaned over to the Queen and remarked “Oh you shall have to be very careful dear, those Grand Duchesses really do dress so awfully well and their jewels! I should think very hard on what you shall take with you, one only has the opportunity to make a first impression once you know…”
The conversation then turned to the recent visit of the Tsarevna for the King’s wedding. The Duchess of Cambridge and Lady Chichester fell deep into an animated appraisal of “dear Lottie’s jewels” which Augusta Cambridge insisted “knock spots off anything we may have”. Lady Fox remarked how trim the Tsarevna still was even though she had given birth to two children and this encouraged Baroness Wiedl to chime in that Maria Georgievna had “always been so very careful with her fashions” pointing out that it was always very difficult for English ladies to impress overseas because the French fashions in Russia rarely suited them. At any other time, the Queen may have taken this as a thinly-veiled criticism of her own wardrobe for she had embraced the French fashions since her marriage and expected her ladies to do likewise. But this conference on the subject of strangers in a strange land haunted her and her mind was suddenly filled with images of smirking Grand Duchesses and haughty Princesses looking down their nose at the little girl from Dessau who fancied herself a Queen. Princess Mary watched from her position by the window, unusually silent but taking in every word spoken – and Agnes’ reaction to it. Later that day when everybody else had departed, Mary called in to the Queen’s salon to say goodnight.
“Will you be taking the children with you?”, she asked airily, for this was not her real inquiry.
“All but poor Missy”, Agnes said sadly, “She has already missed far too much of the term at Leipzig and we didn’t think it very fair on her. But certainly Toria and Willy shall come with us, I think it will be so darling to see them with their Russian cousins, don’t you?”
“Oh…”, Mary sighed, “Well, yes, I’m sure you’re right”. The Princess really didn’t care much for groups of small children. “Nessa dear…I think we need to have a little talk”
The Queen shuffled in her seat a little nervously. What had she possibly done wrong that Aunt Mary may have found out about?
“I heard what Augusta said this afternoon”, Mary said, lowering herself on two sticks down onto the settee opposite Agnes, “And I want you to pay no attention to it. I’ve seen those Russian ladies and you’re twice the beauty of any of them. Remember my dear, you represent almost a thousand years of monarchy…what were the Romanovs but priests and farmers whilst we were sinking Armadas? Do not seek to out-do them, an ounce of good taste is worth more than a bushel of diamonds. That said…what are you going to take with you?”
Agnes explained that she intended to wear the impressive Bolin diadem, that enormous jewel of rubies and diamonds which Tsar Nicholas had sent her for a wedding gift.
“That is a very kind gesture”, Mary nodded approvingly, “And what else?”
“Well…I thought…I thought that would be enough…”
Mary raised an eyebrow.
“My dear…you shall be in St Petersburg for a week”, the Princess advised seriously, “You shall need a little more than that. Never repeat a jewel abroad, my Mama always said that. Why don’t you meet with Mr Garrard? You shall have no time to commission anything but he always has something suitable and it’s about time you acquainted yourself with the collection…though I’m afraid Augusta was right about that at least....the Romanov jewels are superior to ours…in variety, I mean. Some of the pieces they wear are really quite vulgar in design...”
Though no doubt trying her best to help the Queen, Princess Mary had unwittingly sown the seeds of a family row in the long-term but in the short term, Agnes found Mr Garrard the able assistant Aunt Mary had promised he would be. As Crown Jeweller, Sebastien Garrard was not only responsible for the Crown Jewels but for the personal jewels worn by members of the Royal Family. He kept a neat and well-ordered catalogue of the pieces held in the royal vault and when a tiara or a diadem was required, it was Garrard who retrieved it, cleaned it, polished it and delivered it personally to the lady in question. Agnes had never seen “the book” before and was a little overwhelmed to see just how large the collection was. The majority of the jewels in the collection had been accumulated by Queen Charlotte, Queen Louise, the Queen Mother and the late Queen Louise but this did not mean every piece was at Queen Agnes’ disposal. When the Queen Mother had been banished to Kew in 1838, her jewels were taken from her and added to the royal vault but they were never worn by her successor and namesake, the late Queen Louise. Because George V did not wish to see his first wife in his mother’s jewels, Louise acquired pieces of her own but now these too were off-limits to Agnes because of the King’s sensitivities. But whilst George had been generous in allowing his first wife to purchase new pieces, no such offer was forthcoming for Agnes – perhaps because the King’s personal finances were no longer as healthy as they had been in 1838. [1]
Princess Mary did not see why Agnes should not buy new pieces with her own money, after all, she was now in receipt of a generous annuity from parliament – but Agnes refused. Until Lord Russell told her otherwise, that money was set aside for her hospitals fund and she daren’t touch it in case he gave her the go-ahead she needed to begin the project. Mary scoffed. No further on in her predicament, Agnes did what the late Queen Louise had never dared to do; she broached the subject directly with her husband. The King was not best pleased at the mention of his mother, though it must be said that by 1845, his treatment of her had relaxed somewhat. From February 1845 onwards, Queen Louise, the Queen Mother was allowed to visit her sister Augusta at Cambridge Cottage on the Kew estate whenever she pleased. As time went on, and providing she did not return to her old trouble-making ways, she was allowed to venture further afield too but she was never to return to court and had no relationship whatsoever with her children or grandchildren. [2]
Queen Louise, The Queen Mother
Agnes explained that she appreciated George’s feelings but that she could not go to Russia and risk being seen as inferior to the ladies of the court in St Petersburg. She did not wish to spend her own annuity, neither did she wish the King to spend money he did not have on acquiring new pieces. Instead, Agnes wanted her husband’s permission to pursue the only practical solution to her problem; to sell certain pieces from the family vault which had either not been worn for many years or which were now no longer fashionable. The King considered this eminently sensible and agreed. In August 1845, Queen Agnes was advanced the staggering sum of £30,000 from Garrards (the equivalent of £2.8m today) which was placed into a private account for Her Majesty to spend as she saw fit. The sale of pre-existing pieces would not take place until the following year but in the interim, at least Agnes would be able to dazzle as she wanted in St Petersburg. Of course, she was still mindful of Princess Mary’s advice and the pieces she selected were neither ostentatious nor were they particularly expensive. She acquired a diamond and ruby necklace designed from a graduating series of circular cut Burmese ruby fringes surrounded by old-cut diamonds with matching earrings which she always wore with the ruby and diamond cross pendant King George V gave her following their engagement and was to be paired on this trip with the Bolin diadem in it’s senior setting (the only time it was ever worn as such).
But there was also a new demi-parure of diamonds and sapphires including a necklace, a pair of earrings and three small diamond star brooches with sapphire cabochon centres. Of all the pieces once worn by Queen Louise, the Queen Mother, only one was sanctioned for use by the King - the Clans Tiara. Given to the Queen Mother by the Chieftains of Scotland and designed by the Ladies of Edinburgh in 1822, Princess Mary had worn the tiara in 1844 and thus saved it from the fate of its contemporaries (though that fate is far from clear as we shall discover). Agnes intended to wear this in St Petersburg and thus the new demi-parure fashioned a new suite which thereafter was always worn by the Queen whenever she visited Scotland – and occasionally, as in 1845, abroad. But of all the pieces purchased from Garrards that year, the one Agnes was most proud of was a necklace formed of five rows of pearls embellished with two large diamond plaques and a central pendant, the latter being detachable so that it might be worn as a brooch or even suspended from a different necklace. This versatile jewel was the most expensive acquisition Agnes made in 1845 and though she wore it in Russia on her first visit there, it never left England again after that, reserved by the Queen only for “family” occasions such as birthday parties or weddings.
Queen Agnes' Pearls
Suitably furnished with new gowns and jewels, the Queen’s confidence was buoyed as the King turned his attention to whom they might take with them to Russia. It is well documented that the Romanovs not only lived in great splendour but that they employed a vast number of personal staff ranging from private chaplains and dressers, to private secretaries and even beard trimmers. The Tsarevich for example counted 48 members of his personal household, his wife enjoying just five less personnel to assist her in her daily activities. This may not seem particularly excessive when one considers that the British King and Queen took 26 household members with them when they visited St Petersburg in 1845 but this in itself speaks to the differences between the two monarchies. In England, there were courtiers and servants. The first group were largely adopted from the aristocracy, their appointments were often political and they helped with the day-to-day functions the Crown was expected to perform. The Queen didn’t just need ladies of the bedchamber to help her dress, arguably she did most of that herself anyway. Rather, she had a full diary of public engagements and her ladies assisted her in carrying these out with efficiency and ease. Likewise, the King had three equerries but their primary role was to assist in his constitutional duties, not just making up the numbers at a shooting weekend. Courtiers were never servants, they did not perform menial tasks, but it was a defining principle of royal service in England that they should be treated well and given a chance to contribute something for as long a time as they were with the Household. The same did not always apply in Russia.
The Romanovs were not constitutional monarchs and they were under no obligation to be seen in public. The people gave their affection and deference because the Tsar was much more than a mere figurehead; he was their Little Father, a man tasked by God with a holy mission to protect the Russian people, not to guide them but to lead them in all things. In many ways, it was felt that the Tsar should not be seen too much, that an almost religious air of mystery was far more beneficial to the monarchy in Russia than actually going among the people personally. The Imperial Family did appear in public, mostly on religious holidays, but the idea that they would visit hospitals, cut ribbons or parade themselves about in carriages for the peasantry to gawp at was entirely a foreign approach to monarchy. And there was the matter of security. Whilst attempts had been made on the lives of British monarchs and their consorts, in Russia there was a permanent sense of foreboding that spectres were lingering in the wings to cause harm to the Tsar and his family. This encouraged the Romanovs to stay as hidden away in their palaces as often as they could but for now, the Russian people seemed happy to accept this. It made the rare occasions on which they could catch a glimpse of the Imperial Family even more thrilling and special. But with no real public duties to assist with, the Russian Imperial Household was mostly made up of courtiers who had nothing to do but whose rank denoted they probably should be there. Confined to the gilded cage the Romanovs existed in with nothing else required of them other than to be present, courtiers were often so bored that they plotted, schemed or made fools of themselves but this easily remedied for unlike his British counterpart, the Russian Tsar had the authority to simply dismiss them and appoint others he preferred. Once again, the difference between an absolute crown and a constitutional one was made clear.
At Buckingham Palace, courtiers waited to be selected for the honour of joining the Royal Party on it’s trip. The selection was not entirely made by the King and Queen but took in government advice. As well as the Foreign Secretary and Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Melbury was sending along a handful of other junior ministers under the auspices of Lord Leveson, temporarily appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to Russia. The Royal Household contingent was formed of the King’s Private Secretary (Charlie Phipps), the Crown Equerry (Major Billy Smith), the Senior Equerry (Lord Beauclerk) and the Equerry in Extraordinary (William Mansfield). This would prove to be Mansfield’s last foreign royal tour. Though he was a childhood friend of the King’s, over the years their lives had put them on divergent paths and they saw each other increasingly rarely. In late 1845, Mansfield asked to be transferred to an Indian regiment and left court. He later said that he simply preferred a soldier’s life but most agree he had become frustrated by a lack of advancement at court [3].
For the Queen there was an equally large ensemble of personal staff to accompany her. Her Private Secretary (Colonel Arbuthnot), her Senior Equerry (William Knollys), the Mistress of the Robes (the Duchess of Grafton) and two of her ladies in waiting (the Countess of Chichester and Lady Harriet Anson) were all invited to join the royal party but also in attendance on her would be Bessie Knollys, her favourite companion at court and Lady Anne Charteris. Lady Anne was Harriet Anson’s sister, daughter of the Earl of Lichfield, and had served as Maria Georgievna’s lady in waiting before her marriage to the Tsarevich [4]. Lady Anne did not wish to go with her friend and companion to St Petersburg when Princess Charlotte Louise married in 1840 but the pair had remained close and Lady Anne had been to Russia to visit the Tsarevna in the interim. Queen Agnes knew of this relationship and, as a token of friendship toward her new sister-in-law, invited Lady Anne to join the royal party. Lady Anne’s husband was also included, The Honourable Francis Charteris, whom she had married in 1843. The Whig MP for East Gloucestershire, he was the eldest son of Lord Elcho who in 1853 succeeded to the Earldoms of Wemyss and March. To give him a little standing on the trip, the King happily appointed Francis Charteris a Gentleman-in-Waiting with Lord Melbury’s approval. In later years, Charteris would succeeded his father becoming the 10th Earl of Wemyss and was elevated to a Lord in Waiting. His wife Anne, Countess of Wemyss, joined the Queen’s Household as a Lady in Waiting.
Because foreign travel took far longer in the 1840s than it does today, trips abroad often included more than one destination and happily for the King, his arrival in St Petersburg would be preceded by a stop-over in Hanover to allow him to attend the celebrations for Hanover Week with Queen Agnes accompanying for the first time in her new role. From Hanover, the royal couple would travel north to Rostock where they would re-join the Royal Sovereign and sail through the Baltic Sea into the Gulf of Finland and then into St Petersburg itself. At this time, Rostock was a part of the Grand Duchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin presided over by Grand Duke Frederick Francis II, the sister of none other than Duchess Luise of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, now embarking upon her new life as the Empress consort of Brazil as the wife of Emperor Pedro II. It was decided that the King and Queen should stay for two nights at the lavish Ludwigslust Palace, a former hunting lodge which had been transformed into a sumptuous royal residence in the early 18th century. From Ludwigslust, they would make their way to Rostock and onto St Petersburg where they would remain for 8 days. But because the King’s trip to Hanover was to be very brief this year and because their stay in Russia was likely to involve a very busy schedule, George V wondered if it might not be possible to extend their trip to include a private holiday. Happily, George and Agnes would find themselves very close to Copenhagen where the extended Hesse-Kassel family gathered each year at the Charlottenlund Palace, the summer residence of the King's uncle William. This proved a much more comfortable location for these reunions than the ancestral home at Rumpenheim, though some guests were irritated that the surrounding parkland was open to the general public. By the 1860s, these gatherings were staged instead at the larger (and more private) Danish royal residence at Fredensborg. The King loved these reunions and was even more overjoyed when his sister wrote to him announcing that she and her family would like to join George and Agnes in Denmark at the close of the Russian State Visit too. From Copenhagen, the King and Queen would return to England.
The Charlottenlund Palace.
Whilst the King was primarily concerned with preparing himself for his Russian visit, his stop-over in Hanover was no mere formality. As we have seen, His Majesty took the relationship with his subjects in his “other Kingdom” extremely seriously and whilst he had every faith in his cousin George’s ability as Viceroy, this did not mean that the King was content to be a stranger in Hanover. So it was that the King summoned the Head of the Hanoverian Chancery at St James’, Count von Ompteda, for a briefing ahead of Hanover Week. Unbeknown to George V, Ompteda had been carefully doctoring his weekly reports to the Palace to omit any suggestion that there were stirrings of discontent in Hanover but now the King would be meeting face to face with his Privy Council and other parliamentarians there who would very quickly avail him of the true facts. Ompteda’s reluctance to retire because he did not approve of the Hanoverian government’s preferred candidate for his successor in George zu Münster had not gone down well at all and even the Earl of Armagh privately communicated to those in the Hanoverian parliament, who were outraged, that “the old man really does seem to have lost that which made him so reliable and well-liked. For those of us in temporary office, it is our responsibility to ensure that such transitions are peaceable for the benefit of all for we can never cling to that which was never truly ours in the first place”.
Of course, Count von Ompteda did not feel he was clinging on, rather he felt he was forced to continue in his post because he feared the conservative reactionism of Münster may prove anything but peaceable in the future. The fact was that Hanover’s ruling elite were becoming increasingly removed from the Hanoverian people themselves. They were less conservative, more appreciative of new liberal ideas and keen to see these concepts put into practise through constitutional reform. But Hanover was somewhat unique too in that the people were trying to find their own national identity, looking beyond their borders to Germany rather than across the sea to England. They were more fond of King George V personally than they were of the personal union of the Crowns that had existed since Hanover was elevated to the status of a Kingdom at the Congress of Vienna but since that time, the Kingdom of Hanover had progressed very little. And now, the conservative establishment seemed to want to actively prevent that, even suggesting that the constitution may need to be abolished in part to contain the spread of those same liberal views which were now gathering so much support in certain parts of the country. These stirrings had been confined to the clash of parliamentary debate thus far but Ompteda feared that if Münster succeeded him, conservatives in Hanover would feel emboldened and that the situation would quickly descend into chaos.
By this time, George V had been made aware of the Viceroyship Act which sought to change the way in which future appointments were adopted. It was quite a harmless reform really and not too controversial an idea that the Hanoverian parliament might approve the Crown’s preferred candidate before he was sworn in. Yet the King didn’t like it. He believed this would be used to end the personal aspect of the Viceroyship in that until now, only members of his own family had been appointed Viceroy. Unusually, George V aligned himself with the conservative viewpoint and privately backed those who had ensured the Viceroyship Act was not brought forward for a vote. The Hanoverian public did not know the King’s view on the matter but they knew how they felt about it and a majority seemed to support the reform. But even more curiously, the act itself was known to be supported by the Viceroy, a rare occasion on which the two Georges did not see eye to eye. It fell to Ompteda to inform the King of all these developments ahead of his visit to Hanover in 1845…and yet…he said nothing. Once again, he believed it far better to keep bad news from the King’s desk and during his audience with George V ahead of the King’s departure for the continent, Ompteda only remarked that he believed the Viceroyship Act was “no longer a subject of interest in Hanover”.
The King would soon find out how wrong Ompteda truly was.
Notes
[1] We’ve seen George really rocket through his private fortune in the last five years, it had to dwindle eventually…
[2] A shadow from the past here…
[3] I can’t find now who asked about William Mansfield but here’s a little update on him.
[4] For those who remember that far back, this is Lady Anne Anson who was so close to Lottie when she was growing up.
Our preparations made and our trunks packed, we're now heading to Russia. The next instalment will be a kind of overview of how Lottie has settled in Russia over the last five years, the one after that will see us head to Germany and then finally we'll see George, Agnes and the children arrive in St Petersburg. And on that note, I'll just format the second which will be with you very shortly...
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GV: Part Four, Chapter Four: Russia's Hope
King George V
Part Four, Chapter Four: Russia's Hope
The Anichkov Palace stands at the intersection of the Nevsky Prospect and the Fontanka River, a splendid baroque residence commissioned by the Empress Elizabeth for her favourite, Count Aleksey Razumovsky. After his death in 1771, Catherine the Great took back ownership of the palace – but only so that she might gift it to her own favourite, Prince Potemkin. By the reign of Alexander I, the Anichkov had been “requisitioned” to Crown ownership once more and was handed over to the Grand Duchess Elena Pavlovna but when she left Russia to marry the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, the building stood empty until Tsar Nicholas I offered it to his son and heir the Tsarevich Alexander Nikolaevich upon his marriage to Princess Charlotte Louise of the United Kingdom in 1840. It was this lavish mansion with its picturesque views of the river and it’s sprawling English-style gardens which Charlotte Louise, now known by her Russian name of Maria Georgievna, had transformed over five years to become not just an imperial residence but a family home. The Tsarevich was content to give his wife free reign not only in how the house was furnished but also how it operated and because of this, Anichkov earned the nickname “the English House” – not entirely a moniker applied with any real affection in more conservative circles.Part Four, Chapter Four: Russia's Hope
Maria Georgievna had experienced an unconventional childhood in that she never really knew her father and was subjected to cruel indifference by her mother. She lived with her Uncle and Aunt (the Clarences) for a time but mostly she was her brother’s “guest” in his many palaces, the rooms never really her own. Anichkov offered her the chance to make her own mark which she did without any input from her relatives or in-laws. The first floor of the Anichkov hosted the State Rooms where most visitors could expect to be received and entertained by the Imperial couple. On the second floor were the Private Apartments where the Tsarevich and Tsarevna slept, dressed and worked in their respective studies. But on the third floor, always known as the Nursery floor, the rooms had been turned over to create a kind of penthouse which was really where the Tsarevich and his family lived when they had time together. Though the nursery itself was separated by a corridor from the main rooms of the third floor, the others underwent structural renovation with doorways removed and wide archways put in which meant it was possible to look from one end of the palace to the other, one’s view only broken by furniture which could be quickly stowed to the window sides creating a kind of bowling alley arrangement across five rooms. This was where the Tsarevich and his wife really enjoyed themselves, dancing, playing skittles and even hosting duck races.
Maria Georgievna
For their children, the Nursery Floor was truly where they felt at their most relaxed and happy. The Grand Duchess Alexandra [1] recalled in her unpublished memoir Recollections of a Grand Duchess; “Mama was really two people. The first was the formal, elegant Empress who appeared to the people with a great sense of duty and an awareness of her important position in our country. But the second person was a playful, impish, sparkling creature whom I only ever saw in those years when we lived at the Anichkov. She would tear around the Nursery Floor with gay abandon, laughing and hollering and whooping with we children and whatever game we might wish to play, Mama would say ‘Now who shall I be then?’. And then she would stomp about being an old Colonel or she’d be a beautiful princess shut away in a tower and her full attention was always ours”
She continues: “This brought out the best in Papa too for he was just as raucous at times. Indeed, I recall an occasion on which my aunt, the Grand Duchess Maria came to visit us from Weimar with her daughters. Mama received her in the private apartments and Papa and his adjutant were playing horse races with us children in the rooms above. The game was quite simple you see, Papa and his adjutant were horses and we children could take turns being the jockeys. It was a very loud game but very enjoyable. Aunt Maria said ‘Oh I should never have let my children make such a terrible noise in the afternoons’ and was most disapproving. Mama shook her head and said, ‘No no, that isn’t the children – that’s Sasha’. Poor Aunt Maria was really most shocked! But that is who they were as parents, until that is they succeeded and then they were required to be far more serious people which was quite sad for them because they no longer had so many opportunities to enjoy themselves”.
Grand Duke George [2] (born in 1853, two years before Tsar Nicholas I died and the Tsarevich succeeded him as Tsar Alexander II) confirms this in his own memoir published in 1926 (My Story): “My elder siblings spoke of them as being very playful and not at all serious but I have no recollection of this for when I was just two years old, my father became Emperor. He was a loving and kindly father but we saw so little of him and that is why I perhaps favoured Mama most for she always ensured she gave of herself, perhaps not in the same way she had as when she had been Tsarevna for the dignity of an Empress constrains a woman so, but nonetheless we had many times together, most often at Yelaginsky in the summer months because it was so very private”
The Yelagin Palace was a Palladian villa on Yelagin Island in the Imperial Capital which Tsar Alexander I purchased from the family which gave the palace (and the island) it’s name for use as a summer home for his mother, the Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna. She complained that she was too old to keep making the long journey from her palaces at Gatchina and Pavlovsk to see her son and though she furnished it beautifully, when she died in 1828, nobody among the Romanov clan much fancied taking on the property which remained almost entirely vacant but for a few old retainers who quickly followed the example of their mistress in going on to their eternal reward by the time the Tsarevich married in 1840. In 1843 however, Maria Georgievna visited Yelagin and was immediately enchanted by it. Cut off from the rest of the capital by the Neva and nestled in acres of private parkland hidden from those on the opposite bank of the river by thick rows of trees, there was a small private dock for boating, a stable for pony rides and even a pavilion for afternoon tea. It was love at first site and it is in the acquisition of Yelagin that we perhaps gain some insight into Maria Georgievna’s relationship with her parents-in-law.
In 1948, Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer brought the Tsarevna’s story to the silver screen. Portrayed by Deborah Kerr, this Maria Georgievna is despised by her autocratic, domineering father-in-law the Tsar (Basil Rathbone) because of her enormous popularity with the Russian peasantry. She is locked away in a tower and forbidden to see her visiting English relations until she is married and thereafter the Tsar treats her appallingly, evening arranging a plot on her life. Eventually the Tsar’s life dwindles to a forlorn conclusion and on his death bed, a victorious Maria whispers in his ear “And now I shall rule Russia…”. Of course, this is entirely fabricated and bears absolutely no resemblance to the true relationship between Maria Georgievna and her father-in-law. For a start, the Tsar thought his daughter-in-law to be beautiful and charming and he was delighted to see the cheering crowds who turned out to congratulate the Tsarevich and his new bride on their wedding day in 1840. Nicholas called Lotya (as she was known in the Romanov family) “the special one” and throughout their 15-year association, it was noted by others that though Nicholas often lost his temper and could easily become aggressive, he never did so in the presence of Maria Georgievna. It is possible that he restrained himself in case word of his outbursts (which were frequent) made it back to the Tsarevna’s homeland but certainly he seemed to have an affection for her which allowed her only to see the best of him.
In this way, the Tsarevna, who had never really known her own father, acquired a paternal figure who respected her, cared for her and even cherished her. It should come as no surprise therefore that when Maria Georgievna asked if the Tsarevich and his family might use Yelagin in the summer months from 1843 onwards, word came back from the Tsar that he could do much better than that; in a sign of just how highly he held his daughter-in-law in his affections, Nicholas I gave Maria Georgievna the Yelagin as her own private residence with an increase in her annuity to pay for any renovations she might wish to undertake. The Tsarevna was so moved by the Tsar’s generosity that her first action as the new mistress of the Yelagin was to commission a bust of her father-in-law which always stood in the entrance hall before a vast portrait of Nicholas I. His generosity was not confined to a summer villa however. The Tsar frequently sent gifts of jewellery, furs or porcelain to the Anichkov for Maria to enjoy, always choosing things he knew would appeal to her tastes. Of course, it is entirely possible that this relationship was cemented by a tragedy which occurred fairly early on in Maria Georgievna’s life in Russia.
We have seen the close bonds of friendship which were forged between Maria Georgievna and her sister-in-law Adini (the Grand Duchess Alexandra) and how it ended with Adini’s tragic death in 1844. The Tsar was devastated by the loss of his daughter and in a letter to the Tsarevna sent in the aftermath of Adini’s death, he writes “And you, my special one, will always share with me this terrible grief for I know our love of her was entirely the same. How it cheers me to see you in these difficult times, with your beloved husband my son, and with my wonderful grandchildren. You are Russia's hope and my joy, your ever loving and devoted Papa”. Until now, Nicholas had always addressed his daughter-in-law in letters as “Dearest Lotya” or “My dear girl” but hereafter, his letters are addressed to “My darling daughter” or “Dearest daughter of mine”. Perhaps in many ways, the Tsar had found someone to transfer his affections for Adini onto and whilst Maria Georgievna never actively sought this out, the lack of a father figure in her own life perhaps left her more willing to accept the situation as she reflected on the losses in her own life and the absences that these had left behind.
It is also possible that the Tsar was finding it difficult to adjust to the change in relationship he was experiencing with his eldest, and favourite, daughter. The Grand Duchess Maria married the Duke of Leuchtenberg in 1839, a marriage the Tsar only agreed to if the couple agreed to remain in St Petersburg. But even when they moved into the Mariinsky Palace in 1844, a stone’s throw from the Tsar’s Winter Palace which allowed him to make daily visits, Maria seemed distracted and often cut their time together short. This is perfectly understandable given that she was now a mother and a wife but the Tsar resented it nonetheless and so it was not uncommon for him to unexpectedly descend on the Anichkov to spend the time he had reserved to share with his daughter with his daughter-in-law instead. But if the Tsarevna hoped to acquire a surrogate mother in the same way as she had a loving father, she was to be left disappointed.
Alexandra Feodorovna
Born Princess Charlotte of Prussia in 1798, Alexandra Feodorovna had married the Russian Tsarevich in 1817 and in 1826, was crowned beside her husband at the Grand Church in the Winter Palace as Empress a year after Nicholas’ succession to the Imperial throne. Alexandra was devoted to her husband and to her children but she was quite a cold and remote figure to most, pale and withdrawn, frequently unwell and by the standards of the day considered to be almost a permanent invalid. Whilst Alexandra adored her children and grandchildren, she was less welcoming to her in-law children whom she never really regarded as truly being a part of the family. When the Grand Duke Nicholas Nikolaevich married Duchess Alexandra of Oldenburg in 1856, the then Dowager Empress did not attend her son’s wedding even though she herself had arranged the match. “It was important to see him married”, Alexandra mused, “But not with my own eyes”. The marriage was a disaster and ended with Nicholas taking a mistress and practically abandoning his first wife who developed religious mania and became a nun as Sister Anastasia, the founder of the Pokrov of Our Lady Monastery in Kyiv.
Empress Alexandra had been fairly lukewarm to the prospect of Charlotte Louise as a daughter-in-law and when this was made a reality and she found herself obliged to receive the newly created Grand Duchess Maria Georgievna on a regular basis, the Tsar’s wife struggled to warm to her. Whether it was her English background or her husband’s apparent delight with their son’s bride, Alexandra was never cruel to Maria but neither did she make her feel very welcome. Alexandra preferred to speak in German but she spoke very rapidly (“with decision”) and so Maria, for whom German was a second language, often struggled to keep up. Rather than slow down or repeat herself, the Empress would simply sigh and wave a hand to indicate that the audience was at an end, leaving the Tsarevna feeling somewhat ostracised. Alexandra did praise Maria for being a good mother and she warned her son that he should not “disrupt” his marriage, a clear indication that the Empress would take a very dim view of her son if he took a mistress. Alexandra had dealt with this herself for though she always insisted the Tsar had been entirely faithful to her, this was not altogether true. Though he adored “Mouffy” (Alexandra’s nickname), he had produced three illegitimate children by one of her ladies-in-waiting, Barbara Nelidova, by 1842. Around the same time, the Empress heard of this and called in her doctors to ask if their advice that she refrain from sexual activity on account of her poor health still stood. When they said that it did, she told them to go to the Tsar and inform him that she had given her blessing to him taking a mistress to satisfy his needs. Nelidova was appointed the Empress’ personal reader and after Alexandra had fallen asleep to her dulcet tones, Barbara would leave the Empress’ bedroom and go through the connecting door to that of the Tsar…
It is fair to say that at the start, Alexandra Feodorovna was more wary of Maria Georgievna than she was unimpressed. This was not an open dislike and perhaps had it’s roots in a kind of jealousy. After all, the Tsarevna was young, pretty and boisterous whilst the Empress was sallow, weak and constantly forced to rest. But it is also possible that she did not take kindly to the obvious interest the men in her family had taken in Maria – most notably, her son Grand Duke Konstantin. Konstantin was just 13 years old when his brother married and he was immediately smitten with the Tsarevna when she arrived in St Petersburg. Indeed, he even asked then if she had a sister he might marry one day. This was regarded as a harmless infatuation and neither Sasha nor Lotya paid it much mind. However, by 1845 the Grand Duke still seemed to pine for his sister-in-law and this came to a head in July that year when the Tsarevich and his wife left St Petersburg to attend the wedding of King George V and Queen Agnes in London.
The Grand Duke complained bitterly that he was not permitted to go with them and one evening, the young man (for he was 18 by now) became so intoxicated that he began weeping loudly and saying that he could not bear to be without “my dear sister at the Anichkov”. His mother, the Empress, learned of this incident and though she had been dissuaded before, she finally put her foot down. Konstantin was forbidden from going to the Anichkov unless she was with him – a very rare occurrence indeed. For Konstantin, this was a terrible blow. Whilst it was true that he had romantic feelings for his sister-in-law, he knew they could never be requited for it was obvious to everybody that Sasha and Lotya were a devoted pair. But it is unlikely even in the strongest throes of his passion for the Tsarevna, Konstantin would never have acted upon his feelings because he loved his brother so much. Happily within a year this unfortunate situation was resolved. Prompted by her son’s behaviour, the Empress quickly arranged for Konstantin to head to Germany. With a list of prospective brides in his pocket, the young Grand Duke headed first to Altenburg on the recommendation of the Grand Duchess Elena, the wife of Konstantine’s uncle the Grand Duke Michael. Elena had proposed her niece, Princess Alexandra of Saxe-Altenburg, as a suitable candidate for Konstantin’s bride and from their very first meeting, the Grand Duke was just as smitten with Alexandra as he had been with Maria Georgievna. “He was very much a romantic”, his daughter Olga recalled in her later years, “His eye was easily taken but his heart was true to my Mama from the moment they met”. Indeed, Konstantin wrote to his brother the Tsarevich in August 1845, “I don't know what is happening to me. It is as if I am a completely new person. Just one thought moves me, just one image fills my eyes: forever and only she, my angel, my universe. I really do think I’m in love. However, what can it mean? I've only know her just a few hours and I'm already up to my ears in Passion” [3]. Konstantin and Alexandra were engaged when she was just 16 but they were forced to wait a further two years before her father would allow her to marry.
There was a greater sense of urgency to this pairing than there might otherwise have been in 1845, not because the Empress seriously believed Konstantin would make any advances towards his brother’s wife but because she was to be sent away by her doctors to Palermo for the better climate. The Tsar begged the doctors “not to take my Mouffy away for I cannot bear to be parted from her” but even an autocrat could not command them to retract their best medical advice. Leaving her husband in the care of his mistress, Alexandra went to Italy, demanding that the Grand Duke Konstantin come with her so to keep a close eye on him as he was now engaged and left to his own devices, he may seek to undo her good work by returning frequently to the Anichkov Palace. Konstantin did not wish to go and sent a letter to his brother, the Tsarevich, begging him to intervene. Sasha had acknowledged and tolerated Konstantin’s interest in his wife as a teenage infatuation but now that his brother was engaged, the Tsarevich agreed that it was time for a serious line in the sand to be drawn.
We have explored Maria Georgievna’s relationships with her children, her parents-in-law and her siblings but we have not yet looked at the true nature of her marriage to the Tsarevich, Alexander Nikolaevich. Their meeting was an unconventional one and their engagement a controversial one but their marriage was undoubtedly a happy one. Alexander was an intellectual and a liberal, close to his father they were separated only by their some of their political views which as autocrats they were freely permitted to act upon in a way George V and his family could not. In 1837, Alexander had taken on a six-month tour of Russia visiting 20 provinces and even Siberia. On this tour he met the poet Alexander Herzen who had been exiled in 1834 for attending a festival where anti-Tsarist songs had been sung. To everybody’s surprise, Alexander met with Herzen and pardoned him, allowing the poet to return to Moscow and become a state councillor until 1842. This made Herzen somewhat respectable and he could now be invited to the Anichkov Palace which was fast becoming a safe haven for a growing liberal faction. In this, Maria Georgievna proved perfectly suited for Alexander for, being English, she shared his political views and on one issue in particular, they found themselves not only in alignment but equally resolved to see reform; serfdom.
Serfdom was a form of semi-slavery in Russia adopted in the 17th century. Serfs were tied to the land on which they worked (but did not and could not own) and when estates were sold or exchanged, the bill of sale always referred to the number of “souls” (that is, serfs) who came with it. The Russian state saw serfdom as a necessary evil because it kept state expenditure low and the Russian Army well supplied. But the life of a serf was so appalling that even those on the other end of the social scale in great luxury could no longer justify it by the 1840s. Serfdom was hereditary and if one was born a serf, there was no way out. Even the marriages of serfs was highly regulated by the state. A serf who intended to leave their home estate to marry a fellow serf had to obtain an emancipation certificate from their previous owner sanctioning their marriage but many nobles refused to give permission because their vested interest was to keep their serfs, not lose them to other estates. By 1816, even the Tsars themselves had come to see that serfdom could not continue. Alexander I liberated the serfs in Estonia and Livonia in 1816 and in Courland in 1817. Yet whilst even the conservative Nicholas I wished to continue this gradual process of liberation (he viewed serfdom as “the gunpowder keg beneath us all”), he was continually persuaded not to attempt any similar reforms in Russia proper. He wrote to his son begging him to “finish what I could not” in abolishing serfdom when his reign came, something Maria Georgievna considered “absolutely essential to allow Russia to shed her barbaric image abroad”.
Alexander II as Tsarevich in 1845.
But whilst politically they were in perfect harmony, there were other aspects of their marriage which Maria Georgievna struggled with. Russia was an incredibly religious country and the Imperial Family were expected to live their lives according to the strictures of the Orthodox Church. But Maria could never really adopt her new faith with any real enthusiasm and she felt it was highly hypocritical of certain Romanovs to present themselves as saintly zealots when behind closed doors “they see more of ballerinas than their confessors”. Sasha could turn a blind eye to this, aware that the role of the church and the outward piety of the Romanov dynasty was integral to it’s survival but on this point, the couple would forever clash. Maria Georgievna eventually found Orthodox worship a comfort but on many occasions she claimed, not so quietly, to miss “the plain and honest simplicity of an English country church”. Aside from differences on religion and the role it played in their daily lives, the couple also differed on their approach to the lifestyle which Alexander had grown up in but which seemed excessive to the point of greed in Maria Georgievna’s eyes.
Russian court etiquette was incredibly complex, so much so that a small book had to be printed for newcomers to acquaint themselves with. The Tsarevna was frustrated by the endless formality and rather ridiculous regulations the Romanovs observed for the most simple of daily tasks. For example, one court guide made clear how members of the Imperial Family should dine. If it was a formal dinner taken in a state room, no fewer than 14 courses would be served and it was expected that full court dress would be worn. But if it was an informal dinner, perhaps taken in a private dining room or a pavilion, then only 6 courses were served and then only serving officers should wear military uniform. Ladies were expected to change for both but only to wear tiaras for formal dinners unless the occasion marked a birthday or anniversary when tiaras might then be worn. Menus were printed in French but the dinner table conversation was conducted in German, never Russian, and if it was a day on which fasting was to be observed, the meal could only take place at certain times of the day with a special dispensation from a Bishop. On these occasions, no more than 13 could sit down to dine (the 12 Apostles plus Judas) but only certain foods could be served and only three varieties of wine. That was unless the feast day was Easter or Christmas when a whole new set of guidelines came in which even listed who was to receive a gift and who was not dependent on their rank.
Maria Georgievna thought this nonsensical and from the beginning, she intended to rid the Anichkov of such practises but Sasha was uneasy. He feared that it may be taken badly outside by those who did observe the establish customs and the Tsarevich would be seen to be challenging the conventions observed by his father. Sasha was keen never to allow trouble-makers to suggest there was a rift between him and the Tsar and he urged his wife to tone down her reforming zeal in their household; “You should know well what anxiety and trouble this can cause”, Sasha wrote to his wife on the matter, “For did your grandfather not despise his eldest son and did the people not know it, speak of it and rejoice in it?”. Though Maria would not give in, she offered the first of many compromises that made her marriage a success. She agreed that when they entertained their close friends, she could do things her way. But when they entertained family members, elderly relatives or more conservative politicians, she would see to it that the old ways were followed to the letter. It was a happy medium which the Tsarevich could accept.
Maria Georgievna quickly learned that when it came to reform, politics or even a change to a custom, convention or imperial habit, it very much depended on the faction she found herself with - liberal or conservative - that often meant going against her own wishes to please. And yet she adapted to this because, though it may sound trite, she had fallen deeply in love with her husband and wanted only to see him reach his full potential. In return, Sasha gave her greater autonomy in her own household and even allowed her to dismiss those she did not like whom his mother had recommended. This gave the Tsarevna great pleasure when she was finally able to break free of the clutches of the Dowager Princess Baryatinskya who had been appointed her mentor before she married and was Hofdame of the Tsarevna’s Household thereafter. The Empress was not pleased and threatened to reinstate the Princess but the Tsarevich objected; “It is most important to me that Lotya surrounds herself with people she knows well and likes, and as she has not insisted on any English ladies joining her household I do not see that we can really complain when you know as well as I dear Mama that Baryatinskya is not always fair or pleasant in her demeanour”. The Tsarevich won.
But as content as Maria Georgievna was in her marriage and as well received as she had been by the Romanov family, it was her popularity with the people which aroused curiosity and in the early years of her marriage, threatened the success she had enjoyed thus far. In 1845, the vast majority of the Russian population were peasants (half of these were serfs) and the disparity between rich and poor was so stark that most had decided there could only be one explanation for it; God wanted it that way. Even though the poorest would have been aware of how the richest lived, they seemed to consider this the way it had been ordained in Heaven and were quite dismissive, even violently so, of those who dared to suggest that there may be another way to live. Whilst the Romanovs themselves were rarely seen in public, there was one among their number who began to break out of this clandestine life in 1844/1845 in a way which intrigued the public as if they were seeing a new species for the first time. The Tsarevna was not the first to carry out a visit to a school or a church by any means but she was the first to approach the public when she did so. Whereas before they were kept away from the proceedings at a discrete distance, their view hindered by rows of tightly packed Cossacks, Maria Georgievna was happy to move toward them, smile at them, even talk to them.
This came as quite a shock to her when she did so for the first time whilst visiting a church in Vyborgsky. A crowd had gathered outside and when she emerged, the Tsarevna moved towards the rows of guards and asked them to move aside so that she could say good afternoon to the people behind them. As the men slowly (and rather unhappily) parted, the crowds caught a glimpse of real, living, breathing Romanov, many of them experiencing this for the first time, and whilst Londoners may have extended a hand or made a cheeky remark, those gathered in Vyborgsky that day broke into loud wailing, falling to their knees and surging forward to kiss the Tsarevna’s hand. Stories began to circulate in St Petersburg and beyond that Maria Georgievna had actually approached the peasantry and again, though she was not the first to do so by any means, for some reason urban legend dictated that she was - perhaps because it was still so novel a concept. The Empress had been absent for so many years in public that now the people quickly turned their affections to this bright, beautiful and friendly princess from across the seas who not only had a kind word for the peasantry but who actually wanted to speak to them. But when these stories reached the Tsar, he became concerned.
“There are many who wish us evil”, he wrote to his son the Tsarevich, “And though I am pleased to see dear Lotya has the affection of our people, we must not forget that there are those who would make her a target for a terrible fate. I know that the guards were very nervous that she should approach without care and whilst I know she did so for the correct reasons, and whilst I believe our people love and adore her as much as we, I must ask that she refrain from repeating this experience for I could not bear to see her come to any harm”. The Tsarevich quite agreed with his father and passed on his caution and his ruling. The Tsarevna was dumbfounded.
“I simply do not understand what hurt I caused”, she sighed sadly, “They were so very sweet and dear, they would never harm us, never!”
“You believe that now”, Sasha warned her seriously, “But we must be vigilant my darling. We must not see only want we want to see, for in that crowd who knows what anarchist may have planted his feet among them with a desire to hurt you. You must respect my wishes on this. Our people want to see us from afar, it is best for them and best for us”.
Maria fell silent for a moment.
“Oh come now, do not sulk on it”, Sasha sighed.
“I am not sulking”, Maria protested, “I simply do not see that the people wish us any harm. Anarchists in the crowds indeed. The people love you Sasha. You should let them show you that. But we shall not argue on it, I must bathe the children before we go to the theatre and I shan't have our evening there spoiled for something we shan't agree on anyway"
The Tsarevich cleared his throat and stopped his wife in her tracks gently by taking her elbow.
“I’m afraid…I’m afraid we aren’t going to the theatre this evening my darling”, he said tentatively, “The performance has been cancelled”
The Tsarevna wailed a little.
“Cancelled?! Oh but Sasha I was so looking forward to it, It is really too bad, why on earth would they do such a thing?”
Alexander moved over to his wife and took her in his arms.
“Tretiye Otdeleniye”, he said softly, “One of the actors or something…” [4]
Maria shook her head sadly.
“Well that’s just fine then isn’t it”, she snapped, “What am I do for the evening now?”
Sasha grinned and held his wife close.
“Well...”, she said with a flirtatious smile, “If that’s how it’s to be…I say damn the theatre…”
Alexander leaned in and kissed his wife.
“Damn the theatre”, he repeated.
Notes
[1] Lottie’s eldest child and daughter, born in 1842, Alexandra Alexandrovna, known as Sashenka
[2] Yet to arrive in our TL
[3] A real quote from GD Konstantin here.
[4] "The Third Section" otherwise known as the Third Section of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery. The secret-police forefather of the Okhrana which in 1828 was given the authority to form a new Fifth Branch which was solely concerned with the censorship of theatre plays. This had previously been handled by the 1st Branch but had become such a problem that a new force was needed to investigate and prosecute.
So here we have it, our update on how things have been going for Lottie since her marriage. But fear not, in our next chapter King George and Queen Agnes will be arriving and we'll be spending a week in Russia. Lottie will then hang around in our story as she accompanies her brother to Denmark for a holiday. So she won't be disappearing again just yet. As ever, many thanks for reading and a special shout out to @FalconHonour who inspired this particular update as I know Lottie was a character they liked very much and wanted to revisit.
P.S - Just to add as well that we will be getting a similar update to this for Victoria too but because of how the storyline has panned out thus far, I didn't feel that George would want to stop over at Het Loo again as he has in the past. Instead, we'll catch up with the Oranges in Denmark...
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This is probably one of my favorite Mary quotes. These two chapters were great. George gets to engage in diplomacy and see his sister which is awesome. I also love Maria and Alexander’s relationship. Maybe Maria can set an example that the Russian royal family should be closer to their people.
how beautiful the interactions between lotya and the Romanov family, she and Sasha have a lot of chemistry and political sense I'm sure they will be great tsars of Russia (if Lottie continues to be seen by the people like this she can only do good as well as fight to make improve the standard of living of the citizens)
the problem with the abolition of servitude is that it is linked to the exploitation as an unpaid labor force by traders (so if it is abolished it must also come with an incentive to the proto-industrial manufacturing sector and from the agricultural sector mainly the large landowners ) same problem also had by Catherine the Great,
so for sasha to follow the shadows of his father in domestic politics without having to resort to the hard fist will be fine why Nicholas was burned by the assassination attempts of the Decembrists ( will their voices be seen and heard here ? ) is OTL in Russia is considered a stern father who led the nation in the first beginnings of industrialization and in the modernization of agriculture: he introduced the potato as an obligation (ok you need defeat in crimea, but you learn by making mistakes, no),
it is good that Charlotte Louise learns to use religion to legitimize her future political actions why that for the Romanovs orthodoxy had an important place in the autocratic system and popular support (a bit like the Habsburgs only that the latter had understood the meaning of being able to speak and relate to their people, Franz I was known to have two whole days a week dedicated to the common people who went to court to speak personally with him in their mother tongue (the Habsburgs in fact are still polyglots today) perhaps Lottie decides once she becomes empress that every soldier or person who is voluntary offer in the colonization of central Asia ( because of these campaigns we see an early start for the Trans-Siberian and the launch of railways in European Russia ? )
you become a Russian citizen with full rights (a bit in the Roman way),
perhaps it can encourage the arrival of specialized British migrants on Russian soil (like the Germans who from the 18th century settled in the steppes at the invitation of the tsars).
For Georgie it's bad luck in Hanover, m a it is true that hiding things only makes things worse, problems are faced head on and I'm sure he will be able to get away with it (when are you going to Frankfurt? come on, I want to see him talk to his peer princes, as well as his cousin eh ) .
out of curiosity but George knows French, English and German obviously as languages and perhaps Latin and Greek? correct me if I'm wrong
the problem with the abolition of servitude is that it is linked to the exploitation as an unpaid labor force by traders (so if it is abolished it must also come with an incentive to the proto-industrial manufacturing sector and from the agricultural sector mainly the large landowners ) same problem also had by Catherine the Great,
so for sasha to follow the shadows of his father in domestic politics without having to resort to the hard fist will be fine why Nicholas was burned by the assassination attempts of the Decembrists ( will their voices be seen and heard here ? ) is OTL in Russia is considered a stern father who led the nation in the first beginnings of industrialization and in the modernization of agriculture: he introduced the potato as an obligation (ok you need defeat in crimea, but you learn by making mistakes, no),
it is good that Charlotte Louise learns to use religion to legitimize her future political actions why that for the Romanovs orthodoxy had an important place in the autocratic system and popular support (a bit like the Habsburgs only that the latter had understood the meaning of being able to speak and relate to their people, Franz I was known to have two whole days a week dedicated to the common people who went to court to speak personally with him in their mother tongue (the Habsburgs in fact are still polyglots today) perhaps Lottie decides once she becomes empress that every soldier or person who is voluntary offer in the colonization of central Asia ( because of these campaigns we see an early start for the Trans-Siberian and the launch of railways in European Russia ? )
you become a Russian citizen with full rights (a bit in the Roman way),
perhaps it can encourage the arrival of specialized British migrants on Russian soil (like the Germans who from the 18th century settled in the steppes at the invitation of the tsars).
For Georgie it's bad luck in Hanover, m a it is true that hiding things only makes things worse, problems are faced head on and I'm sure he will be able to get away with it (when are you going to Frankfurt? come on, I want to see him talk to his peer princes, as well as his cousin eh ) .
out of curiosity but George knows French, English and German obviously as languages and perhaps Latin and Greek? correct me if I'm wrong
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Thankyou so much! And I've just realised it was you who reminded me about William Mansfield too.
I really enjoyed creating this coupling. When I first put them together in my head I just couldn't see how I could get them together let alone make it actually work but I think they're great for each other and I'm glad I had this opportunity to focus on them a little away from London and our usual stock characters.
I want to be careful with any Russian string pulling ITTL because too often I think it's assumed that a happier Tsar or a more popular Empress would avoid the catastrophes that befell the Romanovs in the late 19th/early 20th centuries (and it's worth saying here that Alexander II had a happy marriage in the OTL and his wife was not unpopular - though she wasn't seen in public very much). I have a basic timeline for Lottie's life in Russia and as much as I can, I'll provide updates like these to keep track of events there but it's hard to go into too much detail in the regular chapters as we may lose George V as our focus.
Hanover has been a fascinating one to plan out but tricky too. By removing Ernst Augustus and putting George in as Viceroy, you have someone far more receptive to liberal reforms there but because that UK/Hanover link still remains, it brings a whole new angle to the national debate Hanover was staging around this time leading up to 1848. But you're quite right, the King can't do much about it if he doesn't know what's going on...and questions will be asked why Ompteda kept the truth from him for so long...
As for Frankfurt, do you mean George Cambridge here? My brain tells me I'm missing something obvious but it's midnight and I'm foggy in the small hours! But this does raise a question I've had before about where George's sphere of interest will be in terms of his family. In the OTL, as we know, Victoria and Albert favoured Germany and that's where George has found both his first and second wife, his daughter lives there and his cousins have all settled there too - sort of. But George is also forging bonds away from the German courts - we're now seeing him move closer to Denmark, for example. And if he can prove his worth as a diplomat and increase the Crown's influence in that direction, who knows what may change as a result of Buckingham Palace turning it's head in a different direction?
Great question! George would speak English, German and French (in that order) and he'd have a schoolroom comprehension of Latin and Greek. It's possible he might acquire one or two words in Russian or even Danish but the real linguist in this family is his sister Lottie - she mastered Russian very quickly and I could see her using any free time she may have to acquire more languages over the years as a hobby.
It's my pleasure! I'm always happy when people give feedback, ideas or want a little more detail, though if I have missed anything or misunderstood, please don't hesitate to ask me again. Thankyou for reading!
Yes, I agree with you about Russia, you do very well to go there with leaden feet, Hanover is also fun for me because it is always forgotten or despised by the British when instead even george iii (I glory in the name of Britannia) he was interested, in it is also very lonely that it is not explored and it is a pity, if it weren't so what's the point of the numerous books he had on history and on the functioning of the HRE (especially on the role of imperial elector)
(it's a bit late for me too, in Italy and past one hour). you are right about Frankfurt you are missing a little but not so much (the German princes simply had a very personal vision of politics a bit like the tsar ( in fact for this reason that Frederick William IV of Prussia when the liberal nationalists gathered at the assembly offered him the crown in 48 he refused it saying that he would only accept it if his equals had given it to him (the other princes were not present because you know the revolution , so also Bismarck stepped in like crazy to prevent his king from going in 1862, he knew that with all the German princes gathered William would accept the Austrian proposals )
the assembly was where they MET each other FACE to FACE or through their representatives ( a bit like the old HRE reichstag in regensburg ) so that's why i seem to insist on this because from my point of view it's the perfect place for george and his cousin to use his talent for DIPLOMACY, it is also the right place to advance the INTEREST of Hanover and of the smaller states that want a third option different from Prussia and Austria
Albert and Victoria preferred the Prussia and consequently the Germany, because for them or perhaps it is better to say for Alberto (as well as following what his uncle Leopold had taught him) his dream was to see Prussia unite Germany and then liberalize it with his daughter as guide (practically a surrogate in skirt) here instead we have a king who instead cares about his state and thinks about his priorities (without absurd fantasies of influencing with his ideals other parts of Europe) because he, on the contrary, can actually change things but in person,
in practice we have two people OTL who have an ideal they want to export plus they are looking for something to do as sovereigns since their feet are tied at home, George on the contrary no,
he can CONCRETELY do something ( since from a young age he was prepared to be king and he is aware of his powers ( Victoria no otl ), but he is different from her HE IS NOT ONLY the king of Great Britain but also HANOVER ( I capitalized because here is the real difference with her, so where they can remotely influence HE can ACT )
and not hope that someone else takes inspiration from him.
Good night Opo and sorry again for enduring my mind trips 😅
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Yay for Lottie! I'm glad Russia is suiting her, even if she doesn't have the easiest relationship with her mother-in-law.
Of course she'd create the Russian equivalent of the Royal walkabout - good on her!
Thank you for that chapter, it was a breath of fresh air after all the political machinations in the previous chapters l, although I am watching the Hanover situation with bated breath, and am intrigued by the family feud you hinted at with Princess Mary and the jewels.
Looking forward to more, as always!
Of course she'd create the Russian equivalent of the Royal walkabout - good on her!
Thank you for that chapter, it was a breath of fresh air after all the political machinations in the previous chapters l, although I am watching the Hanover situation with bated breath, and am intrigued by the family feud you hinted at with Princess Mary and the jewels.
Looking forward to more, as always!
Seems like something Mary of Teck would say hahah
I am not sure if this particular part works yet. Fredensborg only became a gathering place for royalty otl after all of C9s children and grandchildren married into the various royal families or ascended to the various thrones. In the 1840s, while C8 and F7 were still kings, Fredensborg wasn’t even used as much. C8 preferred Copenhagen, I believe, while F7 mostly liked to stay at Frederiksborg before it burned. It wasn’t until C9 that Fredensborg was used as one of the main residences of the Danish monarch. In the 1840s, Denmark wasn’t as well connected and I think that there might still be some lingering tension towards Britain after the Napoleonic wars. Also, Fredensborg isn’t in CopenhagenBut because the King’s trip to Hanover was to be very brief this year and because their stay in Russia was likely to involve a very busy schedule, George V wondered if it might not be possible to extend their trip to include a private holiday. Happily, George and Agnes would find themselves very close to Copenhagen where a whole host of European royalties gathered each year at Fredensborg. The King loved these gatherings and was even more overjoyed when his sister wrote to him announcing that she and her family would like to join George and Agnes in Denmark at the close of the Russian State Visit too. From Copenhagen, the King and Queen would return to England.
Fredensborg Palace, Copenhagen.
Even today, where Copenhagen has expanded, it’s still an hour drive’s north of CopenhagenOtherwise, great chapters! Hopefully things will be peaceful enough in Russia, and I’m looking forward to seeing what’ll happen in Hanover
Thankyou! I'm really glad you're still enjoying the timeline.
Absolutely! Though Mary wasn't half the wit our Princess Mary is...bizarrely I can't picture Mary Teck ever laughing...though I'm sure she must have done at least once in her life.
Ah! Thankyou for this, you've just made me realise that I've been citing the wrong location entirely which I'll now go back in and correct.
You're absolutely right of course, the big royal gatherings at Fredensborg didn't take place until the 1860s/70s during Christian IX's reign when his children had made those remarkable marriages but these seem to have taken their inspiration from earlier gatherings at the Charlottenlund when it was the summer home of Prince William and Princess Louise Charlotte in the 1840s. Previously they'd held these family reunions in Rumpenheim but it wasn't really a very comfortable residence (there's stories of floorboards giving way during dances!) and so William moved them to Charlottenlund instead.
Absolutely and this was poorly explained on my part when I introduced these gatherings. The "reunions" which William held at the Charlottenlund were restricted to the Hesse-Kassels who had previously gone to Rumpenheim but ITTL, that would include our George V and Maria Georgievna because Prince William is their Uncle. This shift means that Denmark becomes a focus for European royalty a little earlier than in the OTL even before Christian IX becomes King etc etc which was a theme I wanted to play on for future plotlines.
Other guests we know from our TL would include the Earl of Armagh (William's son in law), Augusta Cambridge (William's sister), her daughter Augusta and Augusta's husband Fritz (William's nephew) as well as George and Marie Mecklenburg-Strelitz (William's brother-in-law and sister). I can't remember who made the point about Europe being controlled by a handful of families at this time but at gatherings like this, you really do see that even before CIX's children went out into the world.
Once again, many thanks for your feedback - you've saved me from repeating my Fredensborg mistake in future chapters!
P.S -
I've now changed this as follows:
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Continuing your commitment to fantastic updates Opo, thanks so much.
I have to be honest, I've surprised myself realising how much I enjoy reading about the jewellery. Garrard's is probably the character I most look forward to turning up.
Big big fan. Carry on forever, please.
I have to be honest, I've surprised myself realising how much I enjoy reading about the jewellery. Garrard's is probably the character I most look forward to turning up.
Big big fan. Carry on forever, please.
Thank you so much!
And I'm relieved to hear you say that about the jewellery theme because I was a little wary of including so much detail on it, I thought it may prove a bore. But it's setting the scene for a family row (who doesn't love those?) and all shall become clear in the next few chapters.
I'm really very grateful for your kind feedback, thrilled to know that you're still enjoying Crown Imperial!
@Opo Perfect! Now it’s correct hahah - Also, it’s nice to see that C9 will become the father-in-law of Europe ttl as well in the future - This tl keeps on serving!
Now it’s correct hahah - Also, it’s nice to see that C9 will become the father-in-law of Europe ttl as well in the future - This tl keeps on serving!If I understand you correctly, I think you mean George II. George III was totally ambivalent toward Hanover, he never visited and was happy simply to give the responsibility for it to someone else because ruling England was his priority. But certainly George II had a very close relationship with his homeland which, as we've explored, didn't really do him many favours in England but with our George V looking to George II as a personal hero, it's why perhaps our King has so much interest in his "other Kingdom".
You're spot on in the assessment of how the British government regarded Hanover though. They really had no interest in it whatsoever and saw it as little more than a folly. I think most were relieved when the personal union ended.
Ah! I see now what you meant. I know that Frederick William IV refused the imperial crown at Frankfurt but I believe the Assembly of the Princes didn't take place until 1863? So we're quite a way off that.
This is a great observation and very much what I set out to do with this POD. George V has a keen interest in diplomacy but he isn't interested in "world building", he has no grand strategy of his own as Prince Albert had. So what you then have is a monarch who really is only concerned in his own territories, improving them, protecting them. Which as you say, gives him a much better opportunity to achieve something more concrete because he isn't worrying about affairs in other nations such as Prussia.
Thankyou so much! And yes, Christian IX will still be the father-in-law of Europe but it may not play out entirely the same way in terms of connections as it did in the OTL.@Opo Perfect!
Indeed! I think you’ve already hinted that a daughter of Agnes and George goes to Denmark, so Alexandra probably won’t end up in BritainThankyou so much! And yes, Christian IX will still be the father-in-law of Europe but it may not play out entirely the same way in terms of connections as it did in the OTL.
No I mean George III, it is true that he did not have such a close relationship as his predecessors, and at the beginning he criticized him like any other British as a burden but that he was completely uninterested in it is false, it can in fact be said that his interest in Hanover has grown over the years otherwise they do not explain the following actions:If I understand you correctly, I think you mean George II. George III was totally ambivalent toward Hanover, he never visited and was happy simply to give the responsibility for it to someone else because ruling England was his priority. But certainly George II had a very close relationship with his homeland which, as we've explored, didn't really do him many favours in England but with our George V looking to George II as a personal hero, it's why perhaps our King has so much interest in his "other Kingdom".
You're spot on in the assessment of how the British government regarded Hanover though. They really had no interest in it whatsoever and saw it as little more than a folly. I think most were relieved when the personal union ended.
Ah! I see now what you meant. I know that Frederick William IV refused the imperial crown at Frankfurt but I believe the Assembly of the Princes didn't take place until 1863? So we're quite a way off that.
This is a great observation and very much what I set out to do with this POD. George V has a keen interest in diplomacy but he isn't interested in "world building", he has no grand strategy of his own as Prince Albert had. So what you then have is a monarch who really is only concerned in his own territories, improving them, protecting them. Which as you say, gives him a much better opportunity to achieve something more concrete because he isn't worrying about affairs in other nations such as Prussia.
Thankyou so much! And yes, Christian IX will still be the father-in-law of Europe but it may not play out entirely the same way in terms of connections as it did in the OTL.
it was he who organized the league of princes of 1784 against the expansion plans of joseph ii ( the league was only later supported by Prussia ),
during a moment as a respite from her " madness " he wanted to take her daughters there to look for husbands, incentive the university of gottingen, is in charge of restoring the electorate after the 7 years war, Do you think that during the American War of Independence George in his study, in addition to the war dispatches, also had many documents sent on the dispute over the Bavarian succession (when clearly as an British monarch he should have only had an interest in the progress of the war, he thinks he is going also against his ministries who they encouraged
upon the concessions to Austria (to cause a war on the continent by thus distracting France) but he said not firmly as it went against Hanover's interest.
and finally before his father died he was organizing a trip to take him to hanover as a young man.
(That only these things are little known by the british ).
I recommend reading two books : Nick Harding's essay: Hanover and the British Empire and The Hanoverian Dimension in British History 1714 - 1837 of Brendan Simms, and even a trip to the Georgian papers program isn't bad, to confirm what I wrote I suggest you search for George III is the German Empire on the site (always if you want, then after cursing me eventually... ok )
The assembly of 1863 was a special case because Austria had almost succeeded in passing the reforms ( almost convincing even the king of Prussia to come in person ).
Normally Prussia and Austria sent their minor princes ( such as the Archduke Palatine of Hungary for the Habsburgs )
to the assembly except when there were the official meetings between the monarchs took place every six months,
but normally the princes met regularly in person especially those of the smaller states.
For me Georgie It represents the perfect mix between Giorgio I/II's love for Hanover and his grandfather's Britishness (perceived by the people in contrast to his predecessors) with a hint of Edward VII for his passion for travel and diplomacy
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