King George V
Part Two, Chapter Seven: A Tangled Web
The Ayes to the Right…295
The Noes to the Left: 342
On the morning of Monday the 16th of September, Lord Cottenham made his way to the Westminster to gauge the mood of his colleagues. At this time, work had still to begin on the rebuilding of the Palace of Westminster following the fire of 1834. Lord Melbourne had accepted the plans proposed by Charles Barry and Augustus Pugin and in 1838, a budget of £700,000 had been allocated for the reconstruction works to begin by April 1840 at the very latest. As a result, MPs and Peers alike had to make do with temporary accommodation in the surviving parts of the old palace such as Westminster Hall and the Chapter House of St Stephen’s. It was here that the Whips were at work, shoring up support on all sides. Cottenham believed the Whigs would survive Graham’s motion of no confidence but he could not pin anybody down on what majority he might expect. Edward Stanley, the Whig’s Chief Whip, did not reassure Cottenham much when he reported that 6 of their members would not make it to Westminster in time for the division. Two were ill, one was dying, another was on extended leave in a sanatorium and another two were stranded in Cambridge.
These absentees were the marvellously named Sir Henry Aglionby Aglionby, MP for Cockermouth, and his cousin Major Francis Aglionby Aglionby (MP for East Cumberland). They had gone to Scotland for the grouse as guests of the Earl of Dunmore at Glen Finart and had found themselves stranded in Sunderland by bad weather on their return to London. The first the Aglionbys heard about the Motion of No Confidence was on Saturday afternoon and by the time the vote was held, they were still 4 hours away from London in Cambridge. Edward Stanley did not object to the fact that they were absent as he quite understood they could not help being delayed on their return journey from Scotland; he was more annoyed that they had felt it appropriate to accept the hospitality of a Tory.
As the day progressed, word reached Cottenham that a further 3 Whig MPs were unlikely to be able to reach Westminster in time for the ballot. There was also a rumour circulating that Lord John Russell was ordering his supporters to abstain, forcing a loss for the government which would see Cottenham resign and Russell installed in his place pending a general election. It was these sorts of highly stressful moments which brought out the worst in the Prime Minister. Ironically for a man of the law, he loathed making decisions, yet he always maintained that this was a great advantage in his legal career; “I interpret the decisions of others”, he explained, “because I am not forced to draw on my character or morals to enforce decisions of my own”. On the day of the vote which could see his tenure as Prime Minister end after just 6 days in office, he found there was nothing to interpret but rumour and gossip. He began to panic.
Daniel O'Connell.
Whilst at Westminster, he was approached by Daniel O’Connell. O’Connell had been constantly rebuffed by Melbourne and Palmerston as he tried to force them to accept some of his proposals in Ireland but despite this, Repeal MPs had (thus far) been in a kind of informal pact with the Whigs. They knew they didn’t stand a chance of getting one 10th of their agenda adopted if the Tories (or God forbid, the Unionists) were in office and supported the lesser of the two evils. O’Connell saw an opportunity at last to get a formal promise of co-operation. He played up the rumours that the Whigs were now being predicted to lose the division by as many as 25 votes. Cottenham played with his cuffs and looked at the floor.
“Yes”, he said quietly, “It does seem to be that way, doesn’t it?”
“I’d like to say Sir that you have my support, but I can’t speak for all of my colleagues on that front”, O’Connell counselled, “I’m afraid I have been unable to convince some of our benches not to abstain”
Now Cottenham really did begin to panic. As things stood, the Whigs could only count on 276 of their members to vote with the government; that was assuming Russell was not about to try and stage a coup. At Stanley’s estimate, the Tories and Unionists had pulled together 350 votes. The Prime Minister would need every MP of the 63 members for the Repeal Association to make it to 340 votes; he would still be shy of 10. Unbeknownst to the Prime Minister, Edward Stanley had already canvassed some of the independents who pledged to vote with the government. It would be a close run thing.
But Stanley had another safety net. He had sought the advice of the Attorney General and both agreed that there was a precedent they could follow if the margin of defeat fell below 20 votes. In 1784, Pitt the Younger had lost a motion of no confidence by 19 votes. He had refused to resign. With the King’s backing, Pitt the Younger remained in office surviving two further motions of no confidence until no more could be called and the public gave Pitt their renewed support (and a safe majority) in a general election. Stanley had already put this proposal to the pro-Whig independents and radicals, and to O’Connell. All had agreed to back Cottenham if he chose to rely on this precedent so long as he (like Pitt the Younger) called a general election within 3 months. O’Connell renewed this pledge to the Prime Minister directly. But there remained the issue of the alleged abstainers. To get them on side, O’Connell needed a clear indication that unlike Melbourne, Cottenham was willing to begin the process of at least considering some of the Repeal Association’s proposed reforms.
What O’Connell wanted was a Royal Commission on the Constitutional Status of Ireland. The Repeal Association’s aim was to revert Ireland to the constitutional position it had briefly enjoyed in the 1780s, legislative independence under the British Crown. He knew the commission would produce a report which totally dismissed the prospect, but he had a long-term strategy. Royal Commissions often sat for some time (even years). The Royal Commission on the Poorer Classes of Ireland for example had taken three years to publish its findings and recommendations. For all the support he had in Ireland, there was little O’Connell could achieve at Westminster until a friendly government adopted some of his proposals. Using a Royal Commission to buy his party a little more time and retain the status quo of support would be hugely advantageous in keeping Irish voters in O’Connell’s camp. Especially as more radical movements were now popping up in Ireland which might split the Repeal Association’s voters.
He explained to Cottenham that this Commission would have benefits for both sides. For O’Connell, he could point to the fact that he had asked for it to be established and had won, regardless of its findings. He would also get a political boost when the report inevitability recommended nothing his voters wanted should actually be implemented, and he could cast Westminster as autocratic and ignorant to Ireland’s needs. At a time when many Irish people were still suffering from the fall out of the Tithe Wars in addition to poor harvests, rising food prices and general unrest, a Commission would be a sticking plaster but one that would hold just long enough to allow both the Whigs and the Repeal Association to come to a more beneficially mutual agreement on a new way forward. But for the Whigs, they could claim that the new Prime Minister was finally addressing domestic issues and in particular, could use the establishment of a Royal Commission as proof that Cottenham was a man of affirmative action.
Edward Stanley.
The Prime Minister
should have consulted Stanley. If he had done so, he would have been reassured that there wasn’t a cat in hell’s chance of O’Connell’s grouping in the Commons voting with the Tories and Unionists and that a Royal Commission on Ireland would not only spend political capital Cottenham didn’t have but would ultimately be used as a stick to beat them with by the Tories, Unionists and Daniel O’Connell himself. Graham and Winchelsea would claim Cottenham had sold the United Kingdom to O’Connell to save his own skin whilst O’Connell would point to the Commission’s report when it was published and blame the Whigs for not accommodating the needs of the Irish people. But Cottenham did not consult Stanley. Instead, in a moment known as the “Jolly Agreement”, Cottenham patted O’Connell on the shoulder and said, “Jolly decent of you man, jolly decent indeed”.
The debate over the meaning of Cottenham’s words has raged for decades. Some claim that Cottenham made no clear agreement to accept O’Connell’s demands. Others believe his words could not be interpreted to mean anything else. But one thing is clear. The “Jolly Agreement” was the catalyst for something far more dangerous to the Whigs; the Winter of Discontent that would erupt just weeks later. But on that Monday evening in December, all Lord Cottenham could think about was numbers. When the final tally came in, he was stunned when the Speaker, Charles Shaw-Lefevre announced.
The Ayes to the Right…295
The Noes to the Left...342
The Whigs roared their approval. Sir James Graham was baffled. The numbers simply didn’t add up. Throwing another landmark moment in the prelude to the Winter of Discontent, that Monday had seen the ‘White Hearts’ fail to turn up to the division. This moniker applied to 8 Unionist MPs who had been so confident of victory that they stopped off on their way to Westminster at the White Hart public house in Drury Lane. They had become so intoxicated that they never made it to parliament and therefore, did not cast their votes. Stanley grinned. In a Machiavellian moment of cunning, he had predicted that these regular patrons of the White Hart could not resist celebratory drinks before their victory, and he had given the barkeeper £10 to keep their mugs well topped up with ale on the house. The following morning, there were sore heads and a furious confrontation with Sir Edward Knatchbull.
But there was also confusion at Downing Street. Cottenham could not understand why Russell’s supporters had not made any attempt to secure a few pledges of their own before committing to supporting the government. He assumed, like O’Connell, they simply didn’t wish to risk a general election which might see the Tories returned to office. In reality, Stanley had got to Russell and his supporters first. He promised to persuade the Prime Minister to conduct a reshuffle within 3 months with Russell returned to the Cabinet and four of his most prominent supporters elevated in other ways; John Fort (Clitheroe), Robert Rolfe (Penryn and Falmouth), Thomas Leigh (Wallingford) and Lord Sudeley (former Chairman of the Commission to judge the designs for the new Palace of Westminster). In addition, he had promised that the Prime Minister would adopt two Private Member’s Bills to be introduced by Russell; a bill to provide local authorities with funds to build municipal baths for the growing urban working classes, and a bill to create a system of Poor Law Relief [1] in Ireland. But Russell’s main demand of Stanley (and a non-negotiable one at that) was the repeal of the Corn Laws.
Melbourne had been totally opposed to so much a move, but Cottenham was more sympathetic to Whigs like Russell who were prominent supporters of the Anti-Corn Law League. Stanley believed he could meet Russell halfway. Whig MP Charles Pelham Villers had consistently introduced motions to repeal the Corn Laws since 1837 and resistance diminished with every vote. Still, some of the die hards were standing firm. If he could not guarantee a repeal, Stanley pledged to force the Prime Minister into accepting the adoption of a mechanism via an amendment to the existing legislation whereby the British government would be forced to temporary lift the tariffs and trade restrictions on imported food and corn when the price of these goods reached a certain average market price linked to the average household income. In theory, the government were already able to suspend tariffs and trade restrictions but this amendment to the existing legislation gave an insurance policy to anti-Corn Law Whigs and their supporters that the suspension would not be the decision of the incumbent government, rather it would be a legal requirement. Russell was satisfied. But Cottenham knew nothing of the agreement his Chief Whip had made.
Neither did he know that Russell was only pushing for extension of Poor Relief in Ireland because he too had already sounded out Daniel O’Connell in the event that Cottenham was forced to resign, and Russell was appointed to replace him. O'Connell liked what he heard. Russell then approached ex-Chancellor Thomas Spring Rice to ask him to return to the Treasury with Russell's backing for a vast programme of public works projects to calm the people with “bread and baths” until a more permanent solution to the economic situation could be found. It was clear to everybody in parliament that Russell was doing everything he could to ensure he was Cottenham’s successor. Whether it was tomorrow or in ten years’ time, Lord John was not going to be overlooked again.
Cottenham was not the only one relieved that he did not have to tender his resignation after all. At Buckingham Palace, the King and Queen were facing the most difficult decision of their lives against a backdrop of increased family tensions. It was time to finally make plans to see the Princess Royal relocate to Germany. In this highly tense atmosphere, the first week of October 1839 brough news from Hanover which appalled the British Royal Family and gave rise to the most almighty row. The Winter of Discontent would not only see challenging times for the government but for the King personally, there was to be one crisis after another, both of which related to his late father's siblings. The first of these came that October.
In 1831, the Duke of Sussex had married Lady Cecilia Gore (aka Buggin and Underwood) without permission of the Sovereign and had (for the second time) contravened the Royal Marriages Act of 1772. In 1836, the Duke of Clarence had made a gesture to his younger brother [2] and created Lady Cecilia
Duchess of Inverness in her own right so that she might have a better social standing as the (still unrecognised) wife of the Viceroy of Hanover. Since that time, Sussex had learned that his brother and predecessor in Hanover, the Duke of Cambridge, wished to return to Herrenhausen. Neither the Duke of Sussex nor his wife relished a return to England where their curious marital status would once again be reinforced. But he was also sore that nobody had thought to gauge his opinion on the matter. He did not feel he had done such a terrible job as Viceroy, and why should his brother automatically be given what he wanted whilst the Duke of Sussex was consistently overlooked for royal favours?
In Hanover, the marital situation of the Duke and Duchess was not regarded as anything unusual. German courts accepted morganatic marriage (which the Duke of Sussex argued his marriage was) as commonplace, indeed, British visitors to European palaces were often surprised at just how many morganatic couples packed the ballroom at state occasions. One such visitor wrote in the 1830s of Vienna; “Archduke John of Austria resides upon his lands in Styria and there, he lives most happily and in great simplicity with an amiable wife, by a left-hand marriage. The marriage is ground on reason and affection…he wisely determined on marrying a woman formed to be loved and fitted to be his friend and companion”. [3] A recent example of such a match was to be found in Prussia where King Frederick William III married Augusta von Harrach, a Catholic non-dynast from Dresden, when he became a widower in 1810. He created von Harrach
Princess von Liegnitz and
Countess von Hohenzollern, despite the outrage of his former in-laws and other relations.
The Duke of Sussex.
The Duke of Sussex’s situation was very different. Equality of rank did not come into it. Kings of England had been marrying commoners for years, after all, only two of Henry VIII’s six wives were of "dynastic" blood. As George IV had tried to explain to his brother, Lady Cecilia's social rank was never a barrier. She might have been Queen of Poland for all it mattered. His marriage was invalid - not morganatic - because he did not have the permission of George III when he took Cecilia as his wife. The Duke knew this well but in recent years, he had seen how well those he socialised with in Germany treated his wife. She was his equal there. She was his recognised wife there. He said as much to the King of Saxony whilst on a visit to Pillnitz as a guest of Frederick Augustus II. The two men had spent the last few summers together and had become close friends, often holidaying at the Little Pheasant Castle in Moritzburg with a party of friends. There, the King extended the courtesy to the Duke of Sussex of commanding his servants to address the Duchess of Inverness as
Her Royal Highness and on royal menus (which listed the guests at this time) she was referred to as
Duchess of Sussex & Inverness, not just the latter. In return, the Duke and Duchess turned a blind eye to the absence of the King’s wife Queen Maria Anna and showed the same generosity and politeness to Frederick Augustus’ many mistresses who sometimes joined the group at the castle in twos or even threes.
The King of Saxony was a peculiar prince. He had succeeded his father in 1836 but continued to show very little interest in Kingship at all. He was an officer during the War of the Sixth Coalition but had no enthusiasm for military affairs. He was co-regent for his father from 1830 until his accession, yet he was easily bored by politics. He appointed a coterie of liberal ministers to govern on his behalf whilst he spent his time travelling between his many palaces and castles, collecting women and objet d’art along the way. Frederick Augustus thought it quite absurd that the Duke of Sussex should have been treated so badly. After all, Lady Cecilia was a charming woman. Were she not married to the Duke of Sussex, the King of Saxony joked, he might take a fancy to her himself. Frederick Augustus enjoyed a joke. Unfortunately for the Duke of Sussex, he was about to become the victim of a right royal prank that would set off a right royal row back at home.
On a chilly morning in Naumburg, a handful of sniggering aides to King Frederick Augustus accompanied the Duke of Sussex and Lady Cecilia to the protestant Cathedral. There, they were married in a small ceremony by an assistant priest for the sum of six silver shillings, the equivalent today of around £20. When the Duke’s sister, Princess Augusta, heard what he had done, she remarked bitterly; “Only six silver pieces? I believed the going rate to be thirty”. King Frederick Augustus gave a small post-wedding reception for the couple (he did not attend the wedding himself, as a Roman Catholic he was barred from entering a Protestant house of worship else he commit a mortal sin) where he gleefully (and to the stifled giggles of his empty headed friends) declared Lady Cecilia to be
Her Illustrious Highness The Countess von Naumburg. The King had toyed with second thoughts about going through with this prank, proposed when he was in his cups the evening before. But he was worried he'd lose face with his macho pals and, though it may be hard to believe, he didn't wish to hurt the Duke of Sussex. That evening, he contented himself that no real harm had been done.
Sussex himself was delighted. Regardless of whether King George could be convinced to recognise his marriage or not, at least the Duchess of Inverness as an
Illustrious Highness would outrank all those pasty faced plump little debutants and their imperious hatched faced mothers. The new Countess von Naumburg was not so sure. On the night of their second wedding, she begged the Duke of Sussex to pretend it had never happened. He didn’t. Instead, he sat down and wrote a letter to his nephew in London informing him that he required a clear indication of when he would be recalled from Herrenhausen so he might make his travel plans. When they left the King of Saxony's court, Sussex was oblivious to what he left behind. King Frederick Augustus relayed the story of his prank with glee and when someone berated him for "treating the sanctity of marriage with levity" he replied, "Ah but they are Protestants! Their marriages aren't sacred anyway!".
At Buckingham Palace, the Duke of Sussex’s letter could not have come at a worst time. The construction of Hanover House in Broadwindsor was to be delayed. Part of the foundations had sunk into previously undiscovered marshland which the surveyors had failed to spot. In addition, the King believed that Cottenham’s reprieve would not last, and he foresaw a second motion of no confidence before the year was out. Even if there wasn’t, the Whig victory in parliament meant that they would undoubtedly press ahead with the Melbury-Granville Plan which the King had now decided was merely a temporary postponement of another foreign policy disaster. He meant to say as much to the Foreign Secretary at dinner but things took a rather unexpected turn. Melbury, usually so obsequious and accommodating in the King’s presence, seemed out of sorts from the very start but nobody could have foreseen what would transpire that evening.
Among the guests in the King's Dining Room that night was Sir Willoughby Dixie, a particular favourite of the King. Renowned as a wonderful storyteller, he began to relay an account of the goings on at the Eglinton Tournament, recently held in North Ayrshire. The Tournament was a re-enactment of a medieval joust and revel held at Eglinton Castle in the last week of August and had drawn many distinguished guests among the 100,000 spectators including Prince Louis Napoleon, Princess Esterhazy of Hungary and Count Lubeski of Poland. The star of the tournament was the 30-year-old wife of the Duke of Somerset, Georgiana Sheridan, who portrayed
The Queen of Beauty. Whilst most agreed she was one of the most beautiful women in England, she was once described by her brother-in-law as “a low-bred greedy beggar woman, whose sole object was to get her hands on the property and leave it away from the direct heirs”. This contrast so amused high society that the Somersets were frequently the butt of jokes and tall tales. That evening at the Palace, Dixie began to relate how, dressed in a diaphanous, daring nightgown fashioned from pale pink cotton and mousseline, she was heralded by trumpets and led onto the parade ground on the arm of the Earl of Shaftesbury. [4]
The Duchess of Somerset as the Queen of Beauty at the Eglinton Tournament, August 1839.
As soon as the trumpets sounded, there was a flash of lightning, a great crash of thunder and the clouds above let loose with a sudden and violent rainstorm. To the giggles of all at the dining table, including King George, Dixie mopped his streaming eyes with his napkin, rocking back and forth and through howls of laughter explained; “She ran across the parade ground to get out of the rain which made her dress perfectly transparent and ran past all 100,000 of these silly fellows in their feathers and suits of armour... appearing as she did…
totally naked!”. The table erupted.
Queen Louise pretended to scold Dixie; “Really Willy, you are too shocking! The poor lady, I feel very sorry for her!”
Everybody continued to laugh as Dixie continued. "Oh, it was quite the scene Sir, you really would not believe it, Lord Eglinton rushed about trying to protect the dear lady’s modesty and now he’s grown so fat, that in his costume, he slipped in the mud and split his trousers!”
“Willy!”, shrieked Harriet Sutherland playfully, “You go too far! Really Your Majesty, I don’t believe half the things he says and you shouldn't either!”
The King was too busy guffawing himself to pay any attention to her. It had been a difficult few weeks and the next couple of months proved to be even more so. He loved nothing more than to be in a room full of close friends, laughing and eating good food, sharing riddles and hearing slightly naughty jokes. He had his limits of course, there was a fine line between "near the knuckle" humour and bad manners - especially when ladies were present. But part of him was thrilled when people behaved irreverently in his company. He could never act that way himself and far too many people became stiff and formal in his presence. When the ladies rose to play cards led away by Queen Louise, the King and the rest of the gentlemen stayed behind in the dining room to smoke, drink and talk politics. Dixie was warming to his theme, never one to know when a joke had run it's course.
King George V by Foley, 1837.
“Really you know Dixie”, the King gently admonished Sir Willoughby, “You must remember the sensitivity of the ladies. Damned funny that though. Did she really appear naked?”
“As the day she was born Sir! Young Lord Craven was there, and he told me so himself at Apsley last week”
The King smiled. “Ah yes”, he said, eagerly lighting his cigar. The Queen did not approve of his new habit and he had promised to ration himself to just one a day after dinner, “Wellington always puts on a good meal. And can you believe, the last time we were there, he had some Italian chap who owned a flea circus of all things. Scared the Queen to death, she was itching for days” [5]
Lord Melbury could not help but pay more attention to this conversation than his own with William Mansfield.
“What was that about Apsley Dixie?”, he interrupted.
“Wellington had a dinner there, last week”, Sir Willoughby replied. Perhaps encouraged by the jocular atmosphere of the evening thus far, he winked and said sarcastically, “Doubt you go there much eh Melbury?”
Melbury did not laugh. He had heard rumours that His Majesty had been so displeased with Melbury’s report delivered on the Saturday that on the Sunday, the King had summoned Wellington to ask for his advice on the Melbury-Granville Plan after church.
“Now don’t tease Dixie”, the King chided, “I’m sure Lord Melbury doesn’t resent that. Tories and Whigs at the same table might be commonplace here, but at Apsley I hear it’s far more exclusive”. Now the King was teasing.
The gentleman laughed at the King’s joke. Again, Melbury did not.
“Perhaps some Tories should not dine at this table Sir”
There was absolute silence. The smiles of the gentlemen around the table dropped. You could hear a pin drop. George looked down at the table and took a puff of his cigar. Calmly, he smiled at Lord Melbury.
“And what do you mean by that Melbury?”
Melbury said nothing.
“Oh come on, I can't bear sulking, what did you mean to say?”
Melbury bit.
“I mean to say Sir that the Duke of Wellington should not be a guest in this house if he is to give unsolicited advice to act contrary to the will of Your Majesty’s government as I believe he did last week”. Silence returned. The King tapped his cigar on the edge of his ashtray.
William Mansfield chimed in to diffuse the situation which had become very uncomfortable; "Do not forget who you are addressing Lord Melbury. Let us not forget our heads". The King held up a hand to silence Mansfield. He wasn't angry. If anything, he respected Melbury for speaking his mind.
“It's alright Manso. Melbury my dear chap, Wellington did no such thing”, he replied kindly, “He was most respectful and he endorsed your plan. Now come on, have another brandy or something, what?". And then in an attempt to break the tension, the King laughed, "Really Melbury, I shall have to tell Her Majesty to submit lists of our guests to the Foreign Office for your approval from now on, I can see that!"
Melbury stood up. He was furious. Almost shaking.
“I should like Your Majesty to refrain from inviting the Duke of Wellington here to give advice when he knows it to be unconstitutional to do so”. Melbury’s voice had risen in volume. This was no longer a friendly debate. He had publicly admonished the King in his own palace in front of his closest friends and advisors. Nobody dare speak. The King let his cigar fall into the ashtray on the table. He fixed Melbury with a glare and rose from his seat to reach the Foreign Secretary at eye level. He was no longer smiling.
“I am not happy with how you handled this matter Melbury”, he said tersely, the words seemingly being offered in place of far more angry ones which the King might have let forth had he not been able to control his temper, “We shall discuss this further”
And with that, the King left the room. But if he had managed to contain his rage in the dining room, the news awaiting him in his study was about to tip him over the edge into stone cold fury.
Notes
[1] Passed in 1838 but not in TTL where it comes a little later.
[2] For more on this, see here:
https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/tl-king-george-iv.514810/page-12#post-22697098
[3] From
Austria and the Austrians, Vol. I (London, 1837), pp. 247, 250-51.
[4] The Eglinton Tournament was an attempt by Tories and their supporters to cash in on the Gothic Revival movement which saw people all over Europe fascinated by the Medieval period. The Whigs thought this was totally ridiculous and the Tournament is now best remembered for becoming a frequent source of ridicule by the Whigs. In the OTL, Queen Victoria was very much taken with the whole idea and though she couldn’t attend, it was she who selected Georgiana Somerset to be the Queen of Beauty. She disliked it when people criticised the event as a flop because she herself loved the romanticism of the Gothic Revival.
[5] As bizarre as this sounds, Flea Circuses were hugely popular with the rich at this time. Princess Augusta even agreed to become a patron of one belonging to a man known as L. Bertolotto who put her name on his flyers to promote his act.
Just two little additional notes here: The first is that obviously the Duke of Sussex plot point is 100% butterflies but I think in TTL it's plausible. Here, Sussex has served the Crown and is being (somewhat unfairly) dragged back to England to suit the needs of his brother who's wife has never been insulted by the Crown in the way George III and George IV insulted poor old Cecilia Buggin. So he's in a bit of a sulk. Sussex was never very sensible where women were concerned either and there are stories of him falling for silly pranks because he was generally just that little bit...well...dim? Which was the inspiration for this theme. It's also important for a later storyline. Much later.
As to whether King Frederick Augustus would do something like this? Like most men of his age and class, he channelled his boredom into mischief. I suppose you could see this as a rather extreme prank but the worst consequences
he could face would be a ticking off by letter from King George. Britain is hardly going to declare war against Saxony for making the Duke of Sussex look foolish when he's already spent 50 years doing that very well by himself. It's also worth bearing in mind that at the time, foreign Kings often gave titles to non-dynast brides (totally seriously) to their friends or relations to legitimise their (albeit morganatic) marriages. Saxony is just exploiting that for his own amusement. Additionally, the Duke of Sussex did consider marrying the Duchess of Inverness again after she was given a peerage in her own right because he believed this would force his niece in the OTL to recognise his marriage - still not understanding that Underwood's rank was never the issue. He was talked out of it in the OTL and told by Prince Albert not to push his luck. Put those things together and I think it's still butterflies but only tiny ones. Okay, medium sized butterflies!
The second thing I wanted to raise here was to ask for a little feedback on pace. In my George IV timeline I stuck to a general rule of one chapter = one year. In this TL, the pace is slowed a little and the last few chapters have covered weeks, rather than months. Having said that, I try to pack as much detail in as I can and I think it'd be short-changing you guys to skip over things just because it means we might move forward in time a bit quicker.
But I'm very much open to suggestions. As much as I write this as a hobby I enjoy, I also want those following this TL to continue to enjoy reading it and not feel we're getting bogged down in details you don't really feel add to the story in any way.
As ever, thank you all for reading!