To Health and Solidarity - Part I
Democrats, especially of the traditional liberal New Dealer wing, jaded by the politics of the previous sixteen years had finally found their champion in Hugh Carey. He has not a sunny optimist like FDR or JFK, no, but he was perhaps something more necessary for the bleaker, tougher conditions of the early 1980s, in which the United States was emerging from its worst economic slump since the Depression and a society-cleaving military humiliation in Vietnam followed by the embarrassing debacle of Panama. While the national press was starting to finally catch onto his mood swings that he had papered over well on the campaign trail in 1980, he was a no-nonsense straight-talker who seemed to swivel from strength to strength, having conquered a relatively impressive field of fellow Democrats in the primary, knock out the rising star of the radical right in Ronald Reagan
[1], and return the Democratic Party to a position of hegemony with supermajorities in Congress a mere eight years after it had lost a 49-state landslide with only little liberal Massachusetts in its column. The first six months of Carey's first year in office had seemed to be more of the same - he had passed a massive economic rescue package that would develop a straightforward American industrial policy for the 80s, appointed the second woman to the Supreme Court, and successfully captured Omar Torrijos in the successful Operation Pit Viper. As cautiously optimistic economic data was released, the August recess looked to be drawing to a close, and the Labor Day weekend that signified the beginning of fall both for football fans and for political junkies eager to get into the meat of the second half of Carey's first year, the President was riding high on a wave of goodwill and strong approval ratings consistently in the mid-to-high 60s.
Beneath the surface, though, the truth was somewhat more complicated, and the reality was that between the ESA and several pieces of more small-bore legislation passed by Congress in the first hundred days, much of the low-hanging fruit for Democrats had been plucked. The party could essentially be seen as three separate factions united under a big tent that, while cooperative, also often had little in common - there were of course the post-Dixiecrat Southern populist conservatives, who while not the arch-segregationists of yesteryear often had more in common with Republicans on certain social and spending matters than they did their fellow co-partisans; the traditional New Deal liberals, a curious hybrid of unionized blue-collar workers and technocratic administrators; and finally the New Left, a mishmash of young Silents and Boomers who had largely come of age politically in the hot and polarizing days of the late 1960s and then ascended into the gears of politics via the insurgent McGovern campaign or as Watergate Babies in 1974. What made managing these three factions difficult, especially after a decade in the political wilderness for Democrats since their last trifecta, was that they did not necessarily map ideologically cleanly. Among the Southern Democrats you had staunch conservatives like Mississippi's James Eastland and developmentalists like Alabama's freshman Senator Jim Folsom Jr., united only by their neighboring states and penchant for bringing home pork to their home states. Figures associated with the New Left were even harder to pin down ideologically, as it included genuine left-wing firebrands like New York's Liz Holtzman and moderate, technocratic "neoliberals" like Colorado's Gary Hart. In a Congress where Democrats controlled roughly 70% of the seats and many, if not most, of the body's most exciting names had been elected post-1974 in a time when GOP fortunes were in gradual decline and anticipation for the next Democratic ascendancy was high, everybody had new ideas about where to go and what to do with the moment before them.
The debate around labor policy and healthcare thus came to consume Carey's administration as the end of August approached and the promise of Ted Kennedy's "Great Healthcare Debate" in September looming alongside the potential start of a strike of the country's air traffic controllers. As the unforeseeable crisis waiting at the end of October was not yet on anybody's radar, Carey and his chief advisors steeled themselves for what promised to be a difficult few months of contentious domestic politics balancing the needs of organized labor - by far Carey's largest constituency personally - and the dream of Democrats to finally deliver universal health coverage to all Americans. The importance of the moment was punctuated, as it were, by the massive Solidarity Day March on Labor Day weekend in DC, where hundreds of thousands of union members, organizers, activists and others gathered on the mall to demand new pro-labor legislation and a national health care act of some kind. A needle had presented itself to be threaded...
[2]
[1] Alliteration!
[2] I elected in this entry to merely set the stage for this debate and split it up, in part because I needed to head to work; more to come.