Ashes of the Dragon: A Protect and Survive Tale

Yeah, @Shevek23, sometimes weird flukes happen, both IOTL and ITTL--why did Cleveland get spared in the Protect and Survive universe, for example? As for the Soviet officer not being found out, well, by the time the Soviet leadership is well aware of what's going on, they're already dealing with more, shall we say, pressing (as in megatons pressing (1))--as are all of his superiors (or they soon will be) due to the nuclear exchange. So it's possible (hey, if you can turn the US into a drug-addicted dictatorship in one TL, I'm sure there's a TL where Hong Kong, Macau, and most of Taiwan survive a nuclear exchange)...

(1) Seriously, Moscow might as well be located in the barrel of a shotgun in the P&S verse...
 
Mini-Update
Good Morning All,

I have another chapter intro/mini-update for everyone to tide them over until I can finish my protest chapter.

“Megadeaths and the Failure of Imagination: Prewar RAND Corporation Casualty Projections and Loss Tolerance Among NATO Military Planners,” Stephen Friar, Christopher Xhosa, Fulda: The Journal of the Third World War, pp. 17-48 (2043).

“Among scholars of the Third World War, one of the topics which has emerged in recent years regarding the final decision-making chain from the start of the crisis until the final volley of missiles is loss tolerance. This is grounded in prewar theories which dated back to the air campaign over Germany during the Second World War, based in the idea of acceptable losses. Pentagon theorists working in the same spaces as Robert McNamara and others used mathematical analysis based on urban population size. The algebraic equation was supposed to allow military planners the freedom to engage in strategic planning regarding long-range intercontinental missiles with paired warheads without the baggage of seeing loss tallies as human dead. Instead, they were to be viewed as numbers in spreadsheet columns. This was an ‘advancement’ made by the US Army Air Force’s postwar analysis of the strategic bombing campaign over Japan from 1944-45, which categorized human and material losses within cities by neighborhood. In doing so, US military commanders were given the tools to analyze drop patterns, saturation effectiveness, and economic impact of heavy versus light bombing from the perspective of GDP loss percentages, deaths and wounding, and other perspectives. While this thinking was of use in 1945, it had not been updated in the intervening 39 years to make room for such developments as radioactive fallout, environmental impacts from radioactive fallout, Cesium-90 migration within the food chain, and other important side-effects of full-scale nuclear war.

We shall argue that such thinking significantly narrowed the range of critical thinking among Pentagon, DOD, and Rand Corporation analysts which opened the door to loss tolerances in the physical and human realms. This loss tolerance narrowed the scope of perspectives which theorists could think about nuclear war, discounting and devaluing the human element. Together with the largely artificial constructs in which these wars were to be planned and fought (underground bunkers and military bases with strategic maps and force-projection indicators), RAND Corporation and Pentagon planners were indoctrinated into a thought process which abdicated moral responsibility for strategic planning and only viewed nuclear war from a GDP and loss ratio perspective. This moral abdication which began in 1945 was the first step down the arduous path towards February 1984. Without it, we cannot fully understand the crisis decision-making chain which ended on the afternoon of February 22, 1984 with full-scale nuclear exchange.”
 
Whereas Britain’s network of prewar controllers continues to be a source of significant academic debate among historians, political scientists, and government planners

I would presume that some will point out that they would later become the basis for devolved democratic government.
 
What is not doable is storing food for 50 years, and that I think is a short and optimistic estimate of how long most cropland would be seriously contaminated.

So--this is what the canon pays attention to only inconsistently. Thatcher's government's "Protect and Survive" initiatives of OTL were all very well for surviving the initial blasts--the problem is, the radioactive poisoning of the land afterward renders protection and survival in the short run moot.

Except that this pessimistic assessment is not supported by Science and fallout decay mechanics.

The Chernobyl exclusion zone received way higher doses of radioactivity than would have been the case from a nuclear bomb. Yet, wildlife is thriving and agriculture is possible in the area. Sure, contamination remains and there are "hotspots" of radioactivity. But the area isn't a deadzone.
Fallout decays far more rapidly than is assumed. I would suggest anybody interest to look up the seven-tenth rule, that broadly states that radioactivity decreases by a factor of 10 for each 7-fold increase in time. So 7*7 =49h after a detonation, radioactivity levels have already decreased by 100 fold!

We ultimately don't know what the full effects of nuclear fallout on the environment will be. My personal opinion is that post-war civil disorder and famine will kill far more people than nuclear fallout. Which is why state cohesion will be key in the survival period.
 
Except that this pessimistic assessment is not supported by Science and fallout decay mechanics.

The Chernobyl exclusion zone received way higher doses of radioactivity than would have been the case from a nuclear bomb. Yet, wildlife is thriving and agriculture is possible in the area. Sure, contamination remains and there are "hotspots" of radioactivity. But the area isn't a deadzone.
Fallout decays far more rapidly than is assumed. I would suggest anybody interest to look up the seven-tenth rule, that broadly states that radioactivity decreases by a factor of 10 for each 7-fold increase in time. So 7*7 =49h after a detonation, radioactivity levels have already decreased by 100 fold!

We ultimately don't know what the full effects of nuclear fallout on the environment will be. My personal opinion is that post-war civil disorder and famine will kill far more people than nuclear fallout. Which is why state cohesion will be key in the survival period.

That all depends on the yield, detonation site, and other important factors. The reason I've got the Yellow and Yangtze Rivers being heavily polluted by radioactivity is that the flood control projects were hit with low-yield Soviet warheads along with major population centers and military installations. Those strikes yield enough of the 'heavy stuff' like Strontium-90 and Cesium-137 along with other fallout particles to poison the water and farmland for years to come. Without effective decontamination, the radioactive hotspots will settle in the soil. There are still places in Hiroshima and Nagasaki where locals are warned not to grow food crops, and that's 75 years after the use of low-yield, primitive air dropped warheads. Using 1980's rocket-launched heavy-yield warheads, I shudder to think of what would be released. Also, for China, most of the warheads that the PLA had access to in the 1980s were extremely primitive old designs, mostly from the Soviet Union's period of aid in the 1960s. Those things would rain heavy fallout down after anyone used them.

The important thing you're leaving out on Chernobyl was the presence of a post-accident cleanup. The Chernobyl liquidators did the job of cleaning up some of the worst hotspots in the area, and managed to get a cap on the reactor to limit radiation exposure. Not saying they did a bang-up job or anything, but they were effective in some aspects of the decontamination. There would be absolutely no cleanup effected in these areas for years, if not decades, to come. Hong Kong and Macau managed to get radioactive decontamination going after the worst of the atmospheric stuff rained out of the air. But that's because both cities had functional government, security, and populations to do so. They locked their borders down and used deadly force to keep mainland residents piled up in makeshift refugee camps in Shenzhen and Zhuhai for years. Guangzhou isn't fully decontaminated and rebuilt until 2020, a full 36 years after the war. Taipei gets rebuilt by 2000, but that's with a fully functional national government in Kaohsiung and prewar plans and stockpiles.

Without central government, there is chaos and postwar civil disorder. Combine that with heavy radioactive fallout migration from urban and military strikes in China, Soviet Siberia, and the Soviet Central Asian Republics, and you're looking at hundreds of millions of deaths from starvation/famine, crop failure, radioactive uptake via atmospheric fallout, disease, and social collapse.
 
That all depends on the yield, detonation site, and other important factors. The reason I've got the Yellow and Yangtze Rivers being heavily polluted by radioactivity is that the flood control projects were hit with low-yield Soviet warheads along with major population centers and military installations. Those strikes yield enough of the 'heavy stuff' like Strontium-90 and Cesium-137 along with other fallout particles to poison the water and farmland for years to come. Without effective decontamination, the radioactive hotspots will settle in the soil. There are still places in Hiroshima and Nagasaki where locals are warned not to grow food crops, and that's 75 years after the use of low-yield, primitive air dropped warheads. Using 1980's rocket-launched heavy-yield warheads, I shudder to think of what would be released. Also, for China, most of the warheads that the PLA had access to in the 1980s were extremely primitive old designs, mostly from the Soviet Union's period of aid in the 1960s. Those things would rain heavy fallout down after anyone used them.

The seventh/tenth rule is pretty universal in we look at the radiation emitted as a whole. Of course, the concentration will also greatly depend on whether airbursts or groundbursts are involved too.

I can't challenge the fact that casualties will number in the hundreds of millions postwar. Nor that things will get nasty without a cleanup in most affected areas.
What I do challenge though is for how long areas will remain uninhabitable and unsuitable for agriculture.

If we wanted to, we could get into a lot of details in terms of how many Bq of radioactivity will be released by the strikes, especially of Sr90 & Ce137. The totals should be fairly easy to calculate if we make a few assumptions.
 
The seventh/tenth rule is pretty universal in we look at the radiation emitted as a whole. Of course, the concentration will also greatly depend on whether airbursts or groundbursts are involved too.

I can't challenge the fact that casualties will number in the hundreds of millions postwar. Nor that things will get nasty without a cleanup in most affected areas.
What I do challenge though is for how long areas will remain uninhabitable and unsuitable for agriculture.

If we wanted to, we could get into a lot of details in terms of how many Bq of radioactivity will be released by the strikes, especially of Sr90 & Ce137. The totals should be fairly easy to calculate if we make a few assumptions.

The problem with that argument is that most of the nuclear testing sites that the US, Soviets, PRC, and French used are still markedly radioactive after six decades. Now, that is a result of concentrated radiation release in these sites. But given the intensity of any 1980's nuclear bombardment, together with assumptions about wartime planning measures to deny agricultural and water resources to postwar survivor governments, such radioactive contamination makes sense.

If you assume that the Soviets use primarily airbursts above military bases and ground-forces concentrations, and ground-bursts for population centers to deny postwar utilization via radioactive contamination, then lingering radioactive contamination makes sense. Once you collapse major governments and use ground-bursts on population centers, then we're left with a postwar situation that will only get worse as the years progress. Rainfall will tend to concentrate the remaining environmental contaminants at the lowest point of the area, which means you're left with extremely radioactive river and lake-shores.

Lastly, given the thankful reality that none of us has lived through a thermonuclear war (and hopefully never will), the atmospheric and environmental impacts are not fully understood. If we examine former testing sites in the South Pacific and Central Asia (the best parallels for this thought experiment), we're left with locales that might have a functional environment again, but which are markedly hostile to human habitation with underground radioactive concentrations. There's a reason why the US government owes the Marshall Islanders a few hundred million dollars for environmental rehabilitation and clean-up. And, there's a reason that the Chinese have not yet moved anyone back to the area near the Lop Nor testing site.
 
The problem with that argument is that most of the nuclear testing sites that the US, Soviets, PRC, and French used are still markedly radioactive after six decades. Now, that is a result of concentrated radiation release in these sites. But given the intensity of any 1980's nuclear bombardment, together with assumptions about wartime planning measures to deny agricultural and water resources to postwar survivor governments, such radioactive contamination makes sense.

If you assume that the Soviets use primarily airbursts above military bases and ground-forces concentrations, and ground-bursts for population centers to deny postwar utilization via radioactive contamination, then lingering radioactive contamination makes sense. Once you collapse major governments and use ground-bursts on population centers, then we're left with a postwar situation that will only get worse as the years progress. Rainfall will tend to concentrate the remaining environmental contaminants at the lowest point of the area, which means you're left with extremely radioactive river and lake-shores.

Lastly, given the thankful reality that none of us has lived through a thermonuclear war (and hopefully never will), the atmospheric and environmental impacts are not fully understood. If we examine former testing sites in the South Pacific and Central Asia (the best parallels for this thought experiment), we're left with locales that might have a functional environment again, but which are markedly hostile to human habitation with underground radioactive concentrations. There's a reason why the US government owes the Marshall Islanders a few hundred million dollars for environmental rehabilitation and clean-up. And, there's a reason that the Chinese have not yet moved anyone back to the area near the Lop Nor testing site.
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Speaking of Bikini Atoll in the Marshall Islanders, this is there flag made in 1987 with the phrase that translates: Everything is in the hands of God
 
That all depends on the yield, detonation site, and other important factors. ....
Thank you very much!

Are people a little or more than a little irrational about radiation exposure in various forms?

I suppose we are, but I also think it cuts both ways. I will always be skeptical of the "don't be a wimp about radiation" school of thought. We Terran organisms are adapted to a certain degree of environmental ionizing radiation, a certain level of stuff gets ingested and we have exterior exposure to a certain level, from local radiation spikes and cosmic rays. Clearly both of these fluctuate a fair amount.

But some mass extinctions were really narrow passages, involving extermination of really high percentages of all organisms, leaving just rag tag and very few survivors to repopulate the planet on longer terms. A few thousand years is practically nothing in terms of evolutionary time, which is probably a lot faster than geological time especially when it is a matter of surviving lineages radiating into vacated niches. But we are talking about the survival of our species, and the degree to which high tech modern industrial civilization in some form can survive and recover, and for either of those, it matters a lot how much agricultural land yielding crops with acceptably low concentrations of radioactive isotopes people must ingest to eat the food remains--as dialog here points out, ruining such land is precisely a war planning goal on both sides of a major superpower exchange, and not necessarily just the land within the borders of the ostensible combatants either, as neutrals sitting out the exchange could be invaded and exploited to sustain one side or the other post-exchange. The logic of a major superpower all out war to the end leads to systematic ruining of the best assets known, the only limit being the capacity of each side to do damage to the other, which both tended to simply increase without limit.

Although nuclear weapons are absolutely expensive, they are actually quite efficient in terms of bang for buck; the major expenditure limits on both sides of the Cold War related more to "conventional" systems; both superpowers were strongly tempted to spend on WMD in the hope of economizing on the expensive conventional systems they judged they would need for equivalent strategic power.

I think it is a pretty bold claim to say Chernobyl involved greater contamination than a mid-80s nuclear weapons exchange would, perhaps you have some means of backing it up?

But consider this:

1) during a nuclear war between peer superpowers, each side is going to be trying to do as much damage to the other side's ability to strike at them as possible. To a great extent this involves the wholesale massacre of the other nation, since any industrial potential whatsoever can be weaponized in time. Such destruction is best accomplished by relatively clean airbursts, doing maximum area blast damage and starting firestorms; the fireball is way up in the air. {Edit--as our author points out, another consideration is precisely aimed at concentrating the degree of fallout ruining enemy ability to recover by ruining established city sites and agricultural land with deliberate ground strikes exactly to raise fallout levels; this only underscores my point here, reducing airburst utility to tactical situations}. But a major part involves striking at the enemy's hardened assets--missile silos, command bunkers, possible fortified underground industrial installations, storage bunkers, etc. For that you need groundbursts, to bring heavy hard blows to bear on hardened structures.

Chernobyl bore some passing resemblance to a ground burst, insofar as the RBMK design involved bricks of graphite interspersed with fissionable material units. As I understand it, a runaway fission chain reaction flareup produced a surge of heat that could be characterized as a small fission explosion, but this was sufficient to crack the containment; hydrogen liberated from the coolant water then burned in a chemical explosion blowing the roof off the core, and that exposed quite hot graphite moderator to the air, where it burned intensely. The moderator itself had picked up some fission daughter products and I guess the carbon itself or other elements in the structure had been neutron-activated, and the heat of the flames picked up fissionable unit dust, itself liberally dosed with daughter products and decay products as well as uranium, and it all went up as soot and combustion gases. So that has some semblance to a ground burst. But limited; the quite miscellaneous mix of materials to be transmuted right there at the fireball in a ground burst is going to produce more of a witches brew I think and the action of the intense heat release is going to draw it all up into the sky quite vigorously.

2) you (@Dunois )seem to be thinking solely of daughter isotopes and perhaps acknowledging some neutron-activated stuff from ground bursts, but a major part of nuclear fallout is actually the unfissioned portion of the fissionable material itself. Now were I in the nuclear weapons design biz, I certainly would want to make my warheads so they fissioned as much of the fissionable material as possible, to get maximum bang from the considerable bucks involved; everything points to that kind of efficiency. But I don't think it is actually that easy to achieve. Certainly early generation fission bombs managed to induce a fission chain reaction in only a portion of the weapons grade material comprising their fissionable cores. Presumably the art of nuclear chemistry has improved and nowadays (and nowadays probably not a lot better than in 1984) the percentage of material fissioned is much much higher, perhaps better than 90 percent.

But still, a substantial mass of the fissionable material will fail to fission at all, and simply be superheated into an ultrahot plasma, which as the core remnants expands cools down to a hot gas creating a shock wave, The surviving U-235 or plutonium will be mixed with quite a lot of other material, mostly nitrogen and oxygen in an air burst, or God knows what drawn up into a ground burst fireball; either way it will wind up forming compounds that will be rained out in a big swathe over the Earth's surface.

The thing is, plutonium is quite nasty and unlike the daughter product isotopes you are fixed on, it has a very long half life too.

And the heavy use of battlefield "tactical" weapons makes the percentage of unfissioned material higher I would think, since it is easier to design a big bomb for most efficient fissioning, versus a small bomb, where to make it go boom at all one might need to lavish on lots of extra fissionable material that won't actually fission. We can't just multiply megatonnage expended by a fixed fraction based on the most efficient weapons; the actual average fraction will be higher, and higher the more small yield strikes there are. "Dial-a-yield" works precisely by dialing down the efficiency a given bomb can theoretically achieve after all.

3) You are confusing the kind of radiation damage that attacks human bodies from the outside, versus what I think would do the damage post-exchange, which is far less vigorously decaying substances that last a long time and are taken up into the ecosystem, taken inside bodies, of plants and animals and any humans who eat any of these, or drink contaminated water. The isotopes do not have to be terribly intense in their net energy release to do a lot of damage when each decay event is happening right inside a living organism; every erg of their ionizing potential will result in ionization trails within the body, every micrometer of the paths of the decay particles destroying cells. In this, a long half life material like plutonium is what does the damage.

Chernobyl I believe was a uranium reactor; whereas I gather modern nuclear weapons tend to use plutonium. It is the release of much of this material as so much dust that I believe poses the major threat to global ecosystems.

It may well be that a full on mid-80s exchange between NATO and the WP would be just medium or even small on the scale of extinction events Earth has suffered already. But the question for human survival is, what percentage of arable land remains arable; where if anywhere will crops be able to grow that won't each be laced with such poisons to such a degree that lifespans are reduced to a handful of decades or less for humans who eat them. If those lifespans are down below the age of fertility, and fertility is reduced by heavy fallout loads, then our species will face possible extinction due to the survivors of the Exchange being unable to adequately reproduce.

4) if fear of radiation is "irrational," many actors in the development of nuclear energy have suffered the opposite extreme, consistently underestimating again and again how damaging ionizing radiation can be. It started with Mdme Dr Curie herself of course. Operation Crossroads, generally known as the Bikini tests, was meant to be three "shots", but only two were actually set off. Crossroads was in interservice rivalry terms the US Navy's attempt to rebut USAF charges that the Navy was obsolete. During the course of WWII, most USN ships had been heavily armored, against enemy aerial bombing attacks, and in fact after the Able and Baker shots, Navy predictions that various ships included in the test would hold up quite well quite remarkably near the A-bomb fireballs were borne out.

What doomed many of these test ships though was--fallout. The intensely dirty water that washed over decks in the Baker shot (Able was air-dropped and an air burst; Baker was a bomb set off in shallow water; Charlie was to have been a bomb deeply submerged) was so "hot" that the Navy had to acknowledge any damage control crews would have been fatally irradiated, and so the ships generally sank because such crews could not be introduced to the ships to prevent their sinking.

Now that of course refers to the sort of high intensity fallout that poses a threat from outside the body of course. The point here is to highlight that optimism about being able to discount the importance of radioactive materials. This is a chronic pattern of nuclear advocates and weapons designers; again and again the general risks of radioactive contamination have been underestimated, and actual experimentation has again and again been quite sobering.

Take the attitudes of Ted Taylor and Freeman Dyson to the development of the Orion space propulsion concept for instance. Both of them are on record in retrospect saying it was probably a good thing the program was abandoned for various reasons. Taylor for instance remarked that back in the late '50s and early '60s they were pretty confident that "cleaner" fusion releases would soon be a reality, not relying on primary fission, and he was later glad that was not the case since the main handle on nuclear weapons proliferation is control of ability to obtain or create weapons grade fissionables, whereas fusion bombs bypassing a fission trigger would be pretty much impossible to control. Dyson observed that their attitude that Orion launches would not seriously increase general fallout levels related to the fact that nuclear testing was growing exponentially, due fundamentally to the fact that one experiment tends to generate multiple new questions requiring more than one future test to resolve experimentally; if this trend were not arrested, then the additional releases from Orion launches would be a small addition to total fallout levels being created. But Dyson also agreed that actually the levels of fallout being generated by the actual testing going on were already reaching seriously alarming levels, and ongoing air testing would inevitably cross the line to serious health damage, so the test ban treaty was a Godsend; if that meant no Orion launches from Earth, so be it.
 
@General_Paul , I'm imagining the chapter where that American explores the battlefield in Inner Mongolia in 2047 would look like these. These are OTL pics of tank graveyards, plane graveyard in Bagram AB, Afghanistan, and OTL nuclear craters created during nuclear tests.
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@General_Paul, here is archive footage of Chinese Premier Zhao Ziyang visiting the White House on January 10, 1984. Does it still occur in this timeline? If it does I'd imagine the U.S. and China come up with a deal how to defend and support each in the case of Soviet aggression.

 
A hearty hello to all readers!

I hope you are all doing well in the midst of COVID. It's been quite a few months since I managed to get pen to paper (work stress, etc.), but I've started working on another postwar informational update. Not sure if everyone is interested or not given the circumstances, but here it is anyway. As always, comments and questions are welcomed and invited!

© Paul Goodfellow and After the Scifi Apocalypse, 2015. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from the author is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Paul Goodfellow and After the Scifi Apocalypse with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.

USE OF RATIONING TO MAINTAIN CONTROL OVER THE POPULATION IN POST-WAR HONG KONG:

“…at the heart of the post-war transformation of Hong Kong was the use of rationing by the colonial administration (or what was left of them) to keep the population alive on a dwindling amount of food. Stockpiling had taken place in the months leading up to the war, which provided the city’s government with a large amount of rice, vegetables, meats, and canned foods that could be used in the immediate aftermath. In large bunkers, warehouses, and other caches throughout Hong Kong and the New Territories, government officials amassed large amounts of food that could be used to support the population after the cessation of hostilities in the event of a general nuclear exchange.

No one in London, or indeed in the city, could know whether or not the Soviets would go through with their threat to turn the city into a pile of charred radioactive cinders. Thus, longer term food caching was not considered a viable option. From the large amount of documents which have been declassified in recent decades, researchers and historians have come to understand a stark truth of British planning in regards to Hong Kong: It was unlikely that the city would survive a general nuclear exchange with the Soviet Union, and planning for its survival would likely prove an exercise in futility. It was thus that the city and territory of Hong Kong experienced the Third World War; not as a survivable experience, but as one that was likely to lead to its imminent destruction.

When the city survived the war, and the haggard survivors of the city exited their bomb shelters, basements, underground parking garages, and ship holds, they emerged into a world that no one had expected them to see. City leadership under Governor Youde were placed in the extremely unenviable position of providing food, water, and breathable air for around five million residents who survived.

Radiation Exposure and Inadequate Shelters

Although no exact count was gathered by the government, it has been estimated that nearly three-hundred thousand prewar residents died during the two weeks when residents were forced to take shelter underground or in vessels in the harbor. Surviving records indicated that at the height of the city’s exposure to fallout from strikes in Guangdong Province, local radioactivity reached 200-300 mSv in the ambient air in downtown Hong Kong. Accurate readings are hard to identify from surviving records, but it is believed that in some parts of the New Territories close to the border with Guangdong (such as Tuen Mun and the Lo Wu Border Crossing Area) ambient radiation levels reached nearly 1000 mSv as unseasonably violent storms moved south, pushing fallout from interior strikes towards coastal areas.

Recent geological surveys and studies of mass graves indicate that these high radiation levels were the likely cause of death for many residents who took shelter in underground parking garages and other structures that lacked adequate shelter from atmospheric fallout. Mortality was largely linked to weakened immune systems combined with cramped living space in these locations, which allowed for the easy spread of communicable diseases. Together with high ambient atmospheric radiation, mortality rates among the city’s elderly and immune-compromised populations rose above 30% in some shelter areas. As there were not adequate surveys among survivors in any of the city’s shelters, postwar researchers have been unable to link inadequate shelters with the extreme spike in postwar cancer rates in northern neighborhoods and villages. However, radiation-linked cancers in the New Territories were shown to increase significantly in the locations closest to the Guangdong border. Leukemia, glioblastoma, and other aggressive cancers located in the lungs, digestive tract, and circulatory system became common among the wartime generation in the decades after 1984.

A 2039 University of Hong Kong Medical School study indicated that between ten and twenty-five percent of the generation that survived the Third World War suffered from some form of either cancer, immune-suppressive, or other radiation exposure related illness.

During those two weeks, the city’s military garrison was responsible for a number of live-fire incidents at major border crossings which resulted in the deaths of thousands of civilians attempting to cross over from the People’s Republic to Hong Kong. As with those residents who died due to radiation exposure, there are few adequate estimates for the number of deaths caused by the use of live ammunition against civilian refugees who tried to force the crossings at Lo Wu and elsewhere. The government had taken the opportunity during the escalation phase of the war to mine most of the border area on the British-controlled side of the border, and placed machine gun posts in areas where it was believed refugees would attempt to cross over and seek refuge within the territory. Deaths related to these two defensive schemes are likely to have been in the hundreds, if not thousands, as desperate refugees from Shenzhen and elsewhere sought shelter from the radiation and their fellow survivors.

The government’s immediate task after ambient radiation levels fell below 50 mSv was the disposal of these bodies, as well as border security, public safety, and the decontamination of the New Territories and Hong Kong Island. Two of the tasks; disposal of bodies and decontamination, were identified as tasks which could be accomplished using the large numbers of mainland refugees without Hong Kong residency visas. As with many of the other previously mentioned measurement matrices, there is no surviving record of the exact number of mainlanders who managed to get across the border into Hong Kong before the nuclear exchange. Estimates range between 40 and 75,000, though some historians (Dr. Chen Fu Xing at Hong Kong Normal University) believe the number to be significantly higher given casualty figures from Kowloon Walled City and farm villages in the New Territories. Dr. Chen argues that at least 140,000 mainland refugees managed to cross the border into the colony prior to the Exchange without legal status. An equal number, if not more, had stacked up at the Lo Wu Border Crossing at the time of the Exchange.

Many of these refugees spent the two week Shelter-in-Place order in extremely inadequate underground shelters. In the communities of Fanling, Sai O, Tuen Mun, Lak Ma Chau, and Yuen Long, limited shelter space was already filled to capacity by local residents and relatives brought in from Guangdong under the January 1984 Family Shelter and Protection Act (FSPA). Under this act some 35,000 relatives of Hong Kong residents were allowed to emigrate to the territory as temporary refugees with a window of 180 days to remain in Hong Kong before their refugee status lapsed and they would need to apply for permanent residency. Surveys conducted during the early 2000s by Hong Kong University discovered that at least double that number (70,000+) had claimed FSPA (called ‘Fispas’ in Hong Kong English) protective status between 1984 and 1997 when the colony was granted formal independence by the British Parliament.

In all, it is probable that the Hong Kong government was faced with the task of feeding and sheltering at least 75,000 FSPA refugees along with 60-70,000 unregistered mainland refugees and 5.3 million Hong Kong residents. Shelter space was already limited before the war, with many Hong Kong residents taking shelter in basements, vegetable cellars, parking garages, and other ad hoc fallout shelters. In a 1989 article, South China Morning Post journalists uncovered dozens of families who built cinder block shelters in the lowest levels of buildings under construction in Kowloon and Tseuen Wan. It is believed that many hundreds more of these ad hoc constructions were built in the days and hours prior to the exchange, with most failing to provide enough shelter from heavy fallout particles to keep families from succumbing to radiation sickness before the lifting of the Shelter-in-Place order in April.

Under January and February 1984 Emergency Orders, none of the ad hoc shelters were recognized as officially sanctioned shelters. This meant that at the time of the exchange (February 25, 1984), many thousands of refugees and Hong Kong residents were not allotted any amount of materials to assist in shelter construction. This, along with immediate postwar Labour-for-Food rationalizations, likely contributed to the extremely high mortality among Hong Kong’s poorest families.
 
Part II
Good Morning Readers!

I give to you the second part of the above update. As always, questions and comments welcomed.

© Paul Goodfellow and After the Scifi Apocalypse, 2015. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from the author is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Paul Goodfellow and After the Scifi Apocalypse with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.

Labour-for-Food: Starvation Rationing in a Land of Plenty

By mid-March, the lifting of the shelter-in-place order by Governor-General Youde and his advisory staff created a new set of challenges that city government would need to tackle: Burying the dead and decontamination of Hong Kong Island, Kowloon, and the New Territories. Some of the worst contamination fell in the northernmost villages of Sha Tau Kok, Lo Wu, and Lak Ma Chau, directly abutting the border with Guangdong Province. In these areas, some of the heaviest patches of Strontium-90 were identified by community civil defense groups and garrison forces deployed along the border. Decontamination was initially limited to garrison forces using standard decontamination protocols (heavy brushes, soap and water, and caustic chemicals to strip top layers). However, the use of limited amounts of cleaning solution was considered by both civil leadership and Governor-General Youde to be impractical given the logistical constraints. Chemical manufacturing was limited within the territory, and most cleaning products that would aid in radioactive clean-up were in short supply. Most had been seized by garrison commanders prior to the Exchange and were rationed to clean uniforms and protective gear. This left the city with a comparatively limited supply of caustic cleaning solutions with which to scrub surfaces of heavy patches of Strontium-90, Cesium-137, Iodine-131, and the other byproducts of radioactive fission which rained down onto the territory from Soviet nuclear strikes along the Pearl River and elsewhere in Guangdong Province.

Because Strontium-90 had been understood for decades before the war as a ‘bone-seeking’ particle, which would enter the bloodstream via inhalation or contaminated food consumption and attach itself to the bone marrow causing aggressive bone cancers and leukemia, it was identified as a primary target for removal. With limited chemical stores, and the deployment of most of the Hong Kong Garrison and surviving international forces along the Guangdong border for security and territorial integrity, Governor-General Youde along with the Hong Kong Legislative Council and Executive Council made the decision to utilize the city’s population to carry out the neighborhood clean-up operations.

With electricity, gasoline, and diesel heavily rationed for all but essential government and defense services, neighborhood clean-ups initially were carried out by residents within those neighborhoods. This included the digging of mass graves for the estimated 300,000+ who died during the city’s Shelter-in-Place order, and light decontamination of outdoor surfaces. Most of the territory’s prewar urban elite were left out of the decontamination and clean-up orders, using their political connections to avoid the compulsory public labour order issued by the Legislative Council (LegCo) and Governor-General’s Office. On Hong Kong Island, decontamination was carried out by residents of public housing estates living in Pak Kok, Tsak Yue Chung, and other neighborhoods adjacent to Victoria with public housing within walking distance. This created a significant class divide between the extremely wealthy and the rest of the city.

With neighborhood groceries closed, and most of the territory’s arable land irradiated to some degree, food would be difficult to come by for the foreseeable future. As the territorial government had stockpiled food in the lead up to the Exchange, LegCo and the Governor-General’s Office agreed to use these stockpiles as a medium of payment rather than issuing currency. This was done as many city planners and public officials agreed that issuing currency as payment would only lead to further social disorder and likely hyperinflation given limited food stocks. Except those ultra-wealthy who could lobby and bribe their way out of the Labour-for-Food Rationalization Program, the rest of the city was placed on what was essentially starvation rations. For nine hours’ labour per day, each resident would be allowed 950 calories of food for their efforts. There was no differentiation made between children, adults, elderly, pregnant women, or those with serious illnesses.

This effective leveling of caloric intake among Hong Kong residents was in stark contrast to those wartime refugees without residency. For those without either residency or FSPA status, rations were restricted to 800 calories per day, 150 calories less than permanent residents or FSPA status. Many of these refugees resided in areas like Kowloon Walled City, the most densely populated area on Earth prior to the Exchange. Death rates among Walled City residents during the shelter-in-place order has never been accurately established. Oral histories collected by historians and cultural anthropologists in the 2010s and 2020s estimated the death toll at 30-40,000, a 60-80% fatality rate for those with prewar addresses in the Walled City. With refugees streaming into the territory prior to the Exchange, it is likely that the Walled City’s population had surged from 50,000 to nearly 80,000.

Using the highest estimate released by the Hong Kong Recovery Administration in its 2004 survey of wartime refugee settlement, it is likely that the Walled City and other non-FSPA refugee enclaves in the New Territories had fatality rates between 30 and 50%. The Walled City had a fatality rate nearing 50% due to inadequate shelter and some of the highest levels of Strontium-90, Iodine-131, and Cesium-137 fallout contamination recorded in Kowloon. Postwar weather modeling indicated that a particularly heavy patch of fallout from the Soviet Guangdong strike was carried by a weather front into the New Territories and ended up falling on the patch of land between Kai Tak International Airport and the Kowloon Walled City. These refugees and residents were given the option of starving to death, or receiving restricted government rations to bury the dead and carry out decontamination. On April 4, 1984, one of the best known photographs of the war in Hong Kong was taken by a South China Morning Post journalist of a line of emaciated Walled City residents carrying out piles of dead and dying residents in shirt sleeves, wearing bandannas and torn cloth over their faces, while Royal Hong Kong Police watch in gas masks; rifles and riot batons unslung to enforce order.
 
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