HanEmpire: Shimazu having to expend a lot of effort to consolidate their authority is another option (they’ll have to do that anyway). The Romans too are also seeing a large pool of trained manpower that can be tapped for their own uses given sufficient shiny incentives.
Arrix85: Thank you very much for doing this. In my defense I’ve been trying to follow early modern European dynastic trends but….dear God, what have I done?...was my first reaction.
RogueTraderEnthusiast: I don’t have much planned for Japan right now. Manchuria though is going to get interested as within the next 50 or so years the Khazars will be in the neighborhood.
Person123: China will be getting relief soon.
1614: The size of the Roman armament, under the personal command of the Megas Domestikos Anastasios Drakos-Komnenos, which surges into Hungary that summer is described hysterically by some contemporary Hungarian chroniclers at the absurd but oddly precisely figure of 517,451. Exactly where that number comes nobody knows. At this stage a combat contingent a tenth of that size is much more likely.
Waiting for Polish and Bohemian reinforcements and pleading with Emperor Friedrich personally for aid, King Andrew does not oppose the Romans on the frontier. Still, harassed by Hungarian and Croat Hussars and suffering from supply difficulties in the marshy terrain, Roman progress is slow.
On August 17th the Hungarian army commanded personally by King Andrew finally moves forward to challenge the Roman invaders. The forces under his command are quite formidable, the Black Army of Hungary twenty thousand strong, another eight thousand Hungarian infantry, four thousand German mercenaries, all well-armed veterans, four thousand Bohemian troops, also veterans from the Brothers’ War, plus eleven thousand Poles which include seven thousand heavy-armored cavalry.
Furthermore Andrew has a tentative promise of aid from the Emperor Friedrich, alarmed and annoyed by the presence of Roman agents in Austria. With the fall of Saxony and the defection of Bohemia, his brother’s days are numbered. The Bavarian Emperor is still not quite yet in a position to intervene directly but his support helps explain Andrew’s success in recruiting German and Bohemian troops.
Considering the possibility of substantial German reinforcements, Andrew’s decision to confront the Romans at first seems surprising. But despite the supply difficulties the Romans show no signs of stopping. Furthermore he is concerned now that having the Germans help him repulse the Romans might just be inviting one bear into his country to help throw out another. The end result for Hungary would be the same.
Despite the power assembled under his banner, the Roman armament facing opposite him on the plains of Mohacs is even greater. For the first time since the battle of Cannae during the reign of Andreas Niketas himself the full force of the guard tagmata is assembled on one field, the Athanatoi, the Varangoi, the Skolai, and the Akoimetoi. The Macedonian, Thracian, Opsikian, Optimatic, and Thrakesian tagmata are gathered as well, sixty six thousand total. Marching alongside them are ten thousand Vlach infantry and two thousand cavalry.
An attempt to jam up the Roman army and beat it in detail by attacking the van while it works its way through the marshes has some initial success, routing several detachments of Roman akrites working as skirmishers. A prompt counter-charge by the Akoimetoi backed by the 4th, 5th, and 10th Macedonian tourmai and the 5th Thrakesian smashes in the nose of the Hungarian van and drives it back before the Magyar reserves can intervene. The 8,400 Romans under the command of Leo Neokastrites proceed to beat off three more Hungarian attacks, giving the rest of the Roman army enough time to deploy out of the marshes.
By this point it is two in the afternoon. Battle becomes general a half hour later. An offensive launched by the Thracian and Opsikian tagmata is caught in a scrum by the Black Army and the Poles and badly punished, the Poles surging on in a great charge that carves a bloody swath through the Roman akrites until Macedonian fusillades begin cracking their skulls.
Meanwhile a furious firefight between the guard tagmata and the Bohemian/German mercenaries gradually chews through the latter while the Optimatic tagma curls around the Hungarian flank. The Optimates surge ahead as the guard kataphraktoi and turkopouloi, accompanied by the Vlach horse, pounce. At this point it is about four.
In less than twenty minutes the right third of the Hungarian army is annihilated as a fighting force, the center routing as the Thrakesian infantry pile into them. The exception is the Black Army, which holds out for another hour and a half despite being outnumbered over 2 to 1 by the Roman forces opposing it directly, before it is enveloped and annihilated in turn.
The losses on the Hungarian side are nothing less than catastrophic, close to nineteen thousand killed, wounded, and captured. The Black Army, by far the most formidable section of the Magyar army, is smashed beyond repair. And one of those slain, found dead face-down in a ditch in his golden armor, is King Andrew.
Andrew’s successor is his seven-year-old grandson Stephan, his son Bela having pre-deceased him because of the plague five years earlier. Stephan’s mother also died during the same outbreak so one would think that Stephan’s grandmother would take charge of the regency. Said grandmother is Theodora Drakina, youngest daughter of Empress Helena and little sister of Emperor Demetrios. Both Constantinople and Buda have studiously pretended to forget her existence since the outbreak of hostilities.
That is no longer possible but what is left of the Magyar nobility is not going to tolerate a regency headed by a ‘Greek’ princess. The Count of Pec, the Archbishop of Kalocsa, and the Voivode of Transylvania immediately begin bickering over who should take charge instead. Whilst the crown jewels, treasury, and court are hurried out of Buda to take refuge in Gyor little is done in the chaos to ensure an adequate defense of the capital. Included in the convoy is the Dowager Queen Theodora, although reports of her abuse by the Archbishop are almost certainly Roman propaganda.
The Roman army appears before the ramparts of Buda in a thoroughly foul mood. They took six thousand casualties of their own at Mohacs, the supply situation is even worse, dysentery is rearing its foul head, and the stings of hussar attacks show no signs of abating despite the victory. An initial sally by the garrison (mostly hastily drafted locals leavened with a few pardoned brigands) captures some Roman skirmishers and in a show of bravado or stupidity hurls said captives to their deaths from the ramparts.
A second sally though the next day is ambushed and cut to pieces, the panicked survivors fleeing back with the Romans hot on their heels. The gates are not closed in time.
Better to have been an inhabitant of Smyrna on the Black Day than to have lived in Buda when the Roman soldiers come pouring through the defenses. The common brutality of soldiers and the frustrations of the campaign are bad enough. But they are joined in the Romans by the seething hatred of the Romans for the Latins.
It is a sentiment long latent but given new potency in the early years of Helena’s reign as she and her sisters worked to improve relations with the kingdoms of the west. Despite the political rationale behind it, it is a policy that disgusts the Romans. The wounds of the Fourth Crusade and the Black Day, the War of the Five Emperors and the Time of Troubles, are still there. Despite the frustrations of Islamic relations, the noble figure of Shahanshah Iskandar has nevertheless won the admiration and respect of the Roman people.
In a way, he encapsulates the love-hate relationship between Rhomania and Islam going all the way back to the early 900s when the Patriarch of Constantinople Nicholas Mystikos said in a letter to the Abbasid Caliph that the Empire and the Caliphate were the two polities ‘which stand above all lordship on earth’ and that therefore they were ‘brothers superior to and preferred above their brethren’. Certainly such attitudes on either side are not guaranteed or even common, but there is always an undertone of respect and even admiration even if frequently dormant. “Go to the land of the Rum, for there be beauty unlike anywhere else on earth” wrote an Ottoman court poet during the Time of Troubles, continuing a centuries-old Muslim tradition of respect for Roman capacity for beauty and craftsmanship (and women).
But the Latin…they were supposed to be brothers in the faith. But instead there has been backstabbing and betrayal. The memory of Kallierges rings out strongly in the Roman psyche. Perhaps the bitterness over the wounds caused by the Latins compared to those inflicted by the Muslims is that the former came from those who should have been friends and brothers. Certainly the Romans have learned and borrowed much from the west, particularly the Italians, but one valuing their teeth would be wise not to say so out loud. To the people on the street the Latins are the scourge of God, a murderous, devouring people whose only god is gold.
The pent-up Roman hatred bursts forth in a sickening volcano. The population of Buda normally is around forty thousand but with refugees from the countryside was close to double that when the city fell. For four days they are subjected to a barrage of mass rapine, pillage, and slaughter, made all by the more horrifying by the systematic approach. Although whether or not it was organized from the top, the Roman atrocities are not random and disorganized. The Roman soldiers work through each district thoroughly and orderly.
The one section of Buda to be spared is the great library of the Kings of Hungary, the largest in Europe after the Imperial library in Constantinople. Its contents are carefully packed up and carted off to enlarge those of the Queen of Cities.
The city of Pest, safe for the moment on the other side of the Danube, watches in horror. The citizens of Pest wisely, albeit unheroically, make no attempt to rescue people on the opposite shore, thus avoiding Roman wrath spilling onto them. The city surrenders peacefully five days after Buda falls, accepting a Roman garrison and paying a substantial fee in coinage and also in grain, sheep, cheese, and wine. The occupation here is therefore comparatively quiet now that the Roman soldiery are somewhat calmed down, with any thought of disturbance quelled when the citizens are conscripted into digging mass graves for the dead of Buda.
Latin Europe is horrified by Buda. Even by the standards of city sacking Buda seems excessive, although some of the more lurid details may have been fabrications. Was it really true that Roman soldiers had spread out swords, points upwards, and thrown infants down on them while placing wagers on which blade they’d be skewered?
In Rhomania and Vlachia though celebrations run wild, with races in the Hippodrome and fireworks over the Golden Horn. After the years of frustrations and debacles in North Africa, Mesopotamia, and the trans-Aras, here is an unequivocal triumph. That the Latins have been clearly reminded of the might of the Empire makes it ever sweeter.
The campaigning season effectively ends with the captures of Buda and Pest, but winter negotiations go nowhere. Roman garrisons are installed throughout occupied Hungary. Meanwhile the Voivode of Transylvania, Janos Zapolya, secures control of the regency in early December. Given that his power base is in significant danger of being handed over to the Vlachs as the war stands now, he places his hope in the Emperor Friedrich. A fugitive Duke Karl is murdered on November 27th by a Pomeranian blacksmith after he is caught stealing some sausages for food. The Holy Roman Emperor is now Duke of Bavaria, Saxony, Brandenburg, and Schleswig-Holstein. No prince in the Reich has a hope of challenging him now.
Furthermore the six-year truce signed with Iskandar at Khlat is due to expire. Negotiations are underway to renew the accord but that is no guarantee they’ll succeed. So Janos can comfort himself that the situation is not necessarily as dire as it might appear. But on the other, Mohacs still tore the heart out of the Magyar nation. At this point, its survival could depend on the Germans and the Turks. For a proud people with a noble and distinguished history, that is possibly the hardest blow of all.