This is interesting to speculate on - it is indeed the great irony of Brexit (article touching on this in the Guardian this week and pointing out the strong Remain views of some of those who have stuck with the Tories despite the long-term Thatcher legacy in places like the Cotswolds) that, while initially supported largely by the Tory right and seen in the Blair years as a rural or shire position, it was facilitated above all by the votes of former heavy-industrial areas, admittedly partially because Labour were led by someone steeped in the Foot/Benn Eurosceptic tradition who wasn't inclined to go to those places and campaign hard for Remain as all other leaders from Kinnock (in the later part of his leadership at least) to Miliband would have been - but I wonder whether the heavily rural, pre-industrial orientation within PH's view of England/Britain might have worked against him had he become an MP in, say, Barnsley, however pro-Leave such an area was?
Peter's claimed concern for the former heavy-industrial areas and their social and economic decline always seems rather forced to me, as if he's having to convince himself of it (the same argument he always made for why Christopher had to write whole books making the atheist case, which he said his brother wouldn't need to write if he were confident about it). He wrote a column quite recently where he inadvertently gave this away - when making the case for more funding for what little remains of British industry and manufacturing, he said "the government clearly regard the industrial parts of Britain as a foreign country. Fine." Admittedly he meant this as a hook into saying (I think) that money given to foreign aid should be redirected to restore the economies of these places, but I felt he was giving something away about himself - that for all his boasted respect for socialist nobility and calls for economic independence and self-sufficiency, and belief that we should have kept the mines open &c, he still has a whiff of the Telegraph's "three Ws" about him (Worsthorne/Wharton/Waugh) which may have been opposed to the hucksterism of Thatcher, the boastful anti-intellectualism of Essex man, Sky TV &c, but which was simultaneously almost *pre-capitalist* to such an extent that it could never fully embrace the claims of heavy-industrial areas to be truly English or even British, and indeed had seen the power of such areas as a profound thread to British stability in the immediate pre-Thatcher period.
I'm not saying PH wouldn't have campaigned hard for the retention of an industrial base had he become an MP for a socially conservative, insular and backward-looking Northern seat (though he could never, ever have been an MP in Manchester or Liverpool, with their Remain votes and much greater antipathy towards Eng-nat flagwaving driven largely by their Irish influence and cosmopolitanism) but I do wonder whether the voters of such an area might have seen through him and the culture gap might have caused problems after a while, whether there might almost have been a sort of Jarvis Cocker "Common People" situation. Whether his claimed support and identification might have seemed forced, and he'd have been seen as a public school outsider "trying too hard". Ultimately I'd be inclined to speculate that in a parallel world without Thatcher (and obviously only then), where restricting the impact of capitalism on the shires was not completely pushed out of the mainstream of British Right-wing thought, he'd have fitted better as a rural Tory MP than as a Northern Labour MP in any timeline, real or imaginary. I'd be open to being persuaded otherwise, though, and certainly I can understand the argument that he could have led a "left-wing nationalist" movement from the backbenches and maybe even been an outside chance for an "insurgent" leadership bid which, as we all know, actually did happen and then was far more electorally successful than anyone imagined. So maybe. But I think that rural, feudal aspect of his outlook would have required some adjustments - there is of course the argument that much of Old Labour has more in common with Shire Toryism than it does with the metropolitan, trendy version, but its exponents have always been quite reluctant to recognise that similarity, so it would have been best had he never rediscovered that aspect of his childhood. I know that he says the "working class as vanguard" element was shot out of him by having to work with The Real Working Class, as Mailites (however unconventional he is within that description) always do, but he'd have needed to retain more of his original ideas to fit, with his manner and delivery, in an environment where working-class pride is essential.