A Time For Greatness: The Alternate Presidency of John F. Kennedy and beyond
- Thread starter PickledFish
- Start date
Love this so much!
ITTL, The Lieutenant was a far more successful show and ran for several seasons. This took up Roddenberry’s time and prevented the creation of Star Trek.
However, with Roddenberry responsible for one of NBC’s golden gooses, they were willing to throw a dump truck full of money at his feet without the need of a second pilot. They trusted his creative vision by this point ITTL and believed, rightly, it would be a hit show.
And IITL, Klingons have ridges from the beginning.
Wow worse timeline now, going from a pretty inspiring quote to some uninspired shitty religious one. Very Sad Lol.
otherwise this timeline is pretty interesting so far.
Events in 1970 (PART 1) - A New Decade Begins
EVENTS IN 1970 (PART 1) - A NEW DECADE BEGINS
Barry Goldwater’s year began with the signing of the National Environmental Policy Act into law on January 1st, 1970.
This act established the President’s Council on Environmental Quality to coordinate federal environmentalism efforts and work closely with agencies and other White House offices on the development of environmental and energy policies and initiatives.
Under NEPA, federal agencies would henceforth be required to evaluate the environmental effects of their actions through environmental assessments (EAs) and environmental impact statements (EISs).
“Our job is to prevent that lush orb known as the Earth from turning into a bleak and barren, dirty brown planet. I feel very definitely that this legislation, as well as my executive orders, are correct in cracking down on companies and corporations and municipalities that continue to pollute the nation’s air and water. Although I am a great believer in the free, competitive enterprise system and all that it entails, I am an even stronger believer in the right of our people to live in clean and pollution-free environments.
This legislation proves that our administration leads by example – even the President of the United States must consider the environmental impact of his actions. The American people have a right to expect those industrial leaders in the private sector to do their part as well. We will no longer tolerate large corporations dumping waste in our waterways and poisonous gases into the air we breathe, neglecting their responsibilities as good citizens. We must teach our children to be stewards of the great American landscape, or our grandchildren may not get to enjoy it as we have.”
Goldwater’s commit to environmentalism was not anything new to those who knew him well, but his die-hard right-wing supporters were resentful of his supposed “anti-business” position on the issue of environmentalism.
It was yet another sign that Goldwater was far more of a maverick than the conservative hardliners were ever comfortable admitting.
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On the 4th of January 1969, Barry Goldwater travelled to the United Kingdom for the funeral of Prime Minister Hugh Gaitskell.
It was an event that was simultaneously celebratory and sombre, as a nation came together to mourn the loss of its incumbent leader.
At the televised service, several men spoke he could conceivably be the next Prime Minister – however, the two leading candidates were unquestionably Chancellor of Exchequer James Callaghan and Foreign Minister Harold Wilson.
Goldwater had brief words with both men following the service, exchanging mutual adherence to NATO and other issues around foreign affairs. The President left the United Kingdom confident that there would be continuity with the Gaitskell government.
It would be another week before the United Kingdom would have a new, incumbent Prime Minister – not counting the caretaker PM George Brown who was presently serving.
James Callaghan, a protégé of Gaitskell, had gained the support of many MPs through his calls for continuity and his close personal relationship with the deceased former PM. His closest rival was Harold Wilson, who represented a soft leftist alternative to the centre-left moderate approach to Gaitskellism.
After a week of political jockeying, promises, balloting, and factional manoeuvring, it was announced that James Callaghan had become the new Leader of the Labour Party, and thus, the new Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. The influence of Labour’s right wing proved too great in the aftermath of Gaitskell’s still recent death for Wilson and the soft left to overcome.
Wilson would stay on as Foreign Minister, and there would be very few changes to the cabinet overall. In an election year, Callaghan would offer continuity and what he repeatedly called “the strong Gaitskell legacy”.
He led comfortably in the polls in the wake of a sympathy boost, but the election of 1970 was still months away. As the past few years had proven – you couldn’t guarantee anything in politics.
On January 22nd, 1970, President Goldwater gave his 2nd State of the Union address.
In this speech, he sought to outline how he sought to change the United States in the 1970s, first speaking on the issue of taxes and deficits, a cause close to his heart.
“We are now in a new decade – the decade in which our great nation will turn 200 years old. The 1970s represents a new chapter in this great experiment we call the United States. And as we have so many times in the past, let us embrace a new beginning with a bold new vision to meet the challenges of our time.
But while we renew our American Revolution on the march towards the 21st century, we must also bring an end to phony excitement and change for the sake of change and for government by street mobs."
He would then go on to outline the current state of America on the domestic and international front:
“We enter the 1970s on a path towards prosperity, though there is work to be done. The two greatest goals of any nation – a strong society at home and assured security from threats abroad – have seen two great steps towards their eventual completion carried out in the first year of this administration.
We have created the necessary fiscal conditions to supercharge the American economy through the 1970s, with lower taxes, more restrained spending, greater competition among private enterprise, and more small businesses than ever. Our changes to the tax code have created a fairer system, but there is more work to do.
To have a prosperous nation, we must first end the war in Southeast Asia. And, my fellow Americans, tonight I am proud to report that we have entered the final phase of this conflict. The communist government in Hanoi has fallen, and now a united Vietnam can start to rebuild itself as a free, prosperous nation. We, and the other nations of the free world, will help them in this task.
As I speak, we are providing aid, training and support to our allies in the Army of the Republic of Vietnam as they battle the last of the communist holdouts. But rest assured, they too will be defeated, and our boys will come home. Though we will be free from the spending necessary to successfully prosecute an ongoing war, we shall never sacrifice our security for the false promise of domestic prosperity, because you cannot have one without the other.
But, with the end of the Vietnam War now within site, we can begin to look inwards at the cause of welcoming back our veterans to an even more vibrant, open and prosperous nation.
And I believe we can do this through a number of measures.
First, we must offer tax relief to our citizens. I call upon Congress to pass legislation that sits before the House and Senate which will reduce the tax rate by 5%. This shall be the start of an overall reduction in the tax code of 25% by the year 1974. With this tax relief, we will see a boost in productivity and wellbeing that will fuel the engine of prosperity for generations of Americans to come.
Secondly, and perhaps most boldly, I call upon a rejuvenation of our great Constitution, through two new amendments. One of these amendments is a ‘balanced budget amendment’ which will require the federal government cannot spend more than it takes in. Furthermore, I believe that the President should be given the power to veto items of the federal budget on a line-by-line basis, rather than an all or nothing approach. This ‘line-item veto’ amendment will eliminate one of the most insidious forms of government spending – political pork barrel programs which are unnecessary and the biggest source of government waste.
These amendments are not without precedent, and they are already found in many state constitutions across this nation. If the Congress approves and sends to the states these two amendments, there can be no doubt they would pass.
And we know they would pass, because the federal deficit has very real consequences for everyday Americans, in the form of inflation that has increased prices and a raised the cost of living. The simple fact is, we must balance our federal budget so that American families will have a better chance to balance their own budgets – these amendments I have outlined will give us the tools for the job.”
The two Constitutional amendments were devised by the likes of Milton Freidman and others during the economic summit Goldwater hosted the previous year and would prove to get acceptance largely along partisan and ideological lines.
Republicans viewed Goldwater’s measures as necessary to ensure the fiscal stability of the United States, while liberal Democrats mocked Goldwater for hypocrisy – he had framed himself as a defender of the original interpretation of the Constitution during the debate around the Civil Rights Act, yet now was demanding sweeping changes to the United States’ founding document.
But one thing was clear, economic victories on the home front were more essential than ever, as despite the rosy outlook offered by Goldwater’s speech, the economy was beginning to flag as 1970 began.
Rising inflation, a war between China and the Soviet Union, a resurgent anti-Vietnam protest movement leading to renewed protesting, and growing competition from the likes of Germany and Japan had spooked investor confidence. A recession was on the horizon unless something changed.
Goldwater’s next topic was, true to form, the topic of vigilance against the Soviet Union.
“And friend and foe alike must be aware, that even as we pursue prosperity here at home, we will never shy away from our commitment to the free world as we face down the forces of communism. The Soviet Union has proven that they will stop at nothing to achieve their goals, but we are unafraid, undaunted, and fully prepared to halt their expansionist desires at every turn.
They have shown their true face to the world, and the world is rallying around us and against them.”
Goldwater’s next major policy announcement was on the subject of crime.
“I would like to commend this Congress for the passage of the last year’s Crime Bill. But there is more we must do to win the war on crime. We must take on the drug pushers and the crime lords directly.
I call upon the Congress to pass the sweeping series of reforms that have been introduced to stop the spread of drugs, protect police officers, and prevent dangerous criminals from turning our courts into revolving doors with abuse of the bail system.”
Further crime legislation was vitally important to the Goldwater White House. Several provisions of his 1969 Crime Bill had been challenged in courts and there was a risk that several provisions could be overturned by the Supreme Court.
With the threat of the liberal court chipping away at their anti-crime legislation, the White House and Congressional Republicans were very eager to run on an anti-crime platform in the mid-terms on the back of more “tough on crime” laws.
Goldwater would also dedicate a substantial amount of time discussing his support for the environment. He endorsed an expansion of protected acreage, legislation to reduce and control air quality, preserve water quality, and to provide tax incentives for business that chose to monitor and reduce their ecological impact. Furthermore, he that, “the American people deserve more than just our awareness of their environmental concerns, they demand action by the Congress and the executive to meet this challenge.”
In total, almost one third of his speech would be dedicated to environmental issues.
With his agenda laid out for the year, it was now on Congress to pass the legislation. Gerald Ford, the ever-loyal Speaker of the House, had been guiding Goldwater’s tax bill through the Congress since the latter part of the previous year and it had passed in December of 1969.
Efforts in the Senate were slowed because of health issues surrounding Senate Majority Leader Everret Dirksen.
In September of 1969, Dirksen had undergone surgery to treat recently diagnosed lung cancer. While there some concerns he might develop potentially fatal pneumonia, he ultimately survived and would return to Congress in time for Goldwater’s State of the Union.
The return of Dirksen, the mostly Republican makeup of the Congress, and the general popularity of the policy, saw it pass the Senate in early February, after which it was promptly signed into law by President Goldwater.
It was a major domestic victory for Barry Goldwater after the Presidency largely defined by foreign conflicts. Such a victory was vitally necessary with the mid-terms coming up.
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Late January saw a major development in the California’s gubernatorial race.
LA Mayor Tom Bradley announced his intention to challenge Ronald Reagan in 1970 for the governorship.
Bradley had won a narrow race in 1969 against controversial incumbent Sam Yorty, and although he had not been in the position very long, he still enjoyed a great deal of support and excitement among liberals who were desperate to see Reagan ousted after almost a decade of Republican rule.
Upon announcing his intention to run at a rally in Los Angeles, there was an immediate surge of support from Bradley’s electoral coalition in urban areas – namely, ethnic minority voters, church leaders, and liberals.
“My greatest concern in this race is that our present government has seen fit to pit Californians against one another. Rich against poor. White against black. Urban against rural. It is time we come together to put a stop to this divisive brand of politics. We are one California, and we need a government that knows and practices it to its core. And I believe I can bring this leadership to California as Governor.”
Around the same time, the United States led an effort to expel the Soviet Union from the United Nations, following what UN Ambassador William Miller called, “an attempted atomic genocide and a completely contravention of every value this body was created to uphold”.
The motion was defeated, largely as a result of efforts by the nations of the Non-Aligned Movement, including many African nations. Following the defeat of the American-backed effort, the Tanzanian delegation was reported dancing in the chamber, incensing many politicians including Ronald Reagan.
The day after Bradley’s announcement, shortly following a press conference, Reagan exchanged words with one of his top political advisors, Edwin Meese, shortly after exiting the stage.
“Did you hear that Tom Bradley is running for Governor?” Meese stated.
“Bradley? Well, maybe those monkeys in the African delegation would vote for him,” the Governor responded, in a seemingly off the cuff quip. Meese responded with a chuckle.
Little did they know however, that some of the audio recording equipment from the news media present had picked up the comment
Reagan’s comments were plastered all over nation news headlines, and many Democrats pounced, calling his attacks, “divisive”, “bigoted” and “insulting” to both the African American community and LA’s mayor.
Bradley was relatively subdued in the face of Reagan’s racist remark, saying:
“I am not offended for myself. I am hurting for the people of California, many of whom are concerned they have a Governor who would describe 1.4 million of his fellow citizens with such ugly language.”
The morning after the news leaked of Reagan’s comment, he went before the press to deliver an apology.
“To the people of California, particularly those in the African American community, I profoundly and unreservedly apologise for comments I made in the heat of anger, not directed at any one person, but in frustration at what I believed to be a dangerous decision by the United Nations. Whatever my reason, there can be no excuse for my words, which caused pain to so many. But I make this pledge to you now – I shall do all that is in my power to make it up to you, the citizens of this great state.”
However, substantial damage to Reagan’s political image was done, and many found themselves giving Bradley a second look in the wake of the media storm generated by this controversy.
With the mid-terms inching closer, the California race would be one to watch.
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The middle of February saw a provision of Goldwater’s crime bill that allowed for the use of illegally collected evidence in court be deemed unconstitutional. As many conservatives feared, the overwhelmingly liberal had acted to void that provision, stating that it violated the 6th Amendment.
Outrage was immediate, and many conservatives, both in Congress and in activist circles, began to dismay over the state of the Supreme Court. There was an outcry for “conservative voices” to again play a prominent role in the highest court in the land, but this of course, depended entirely on a vacancy arising.
But whatever anxiety was generated over the Supreme Court soon melted in the face of a labor union strike that would shake the United States to its core.
For several months, New York postal workers had grown more and more frustrated with their pay and working conditions. They charged that Manhattan offices were unsafe to work, while the pay was inadequate, benefits were lacking, and management practices were outdated.
In the beginning of 1970, Congress attempted to alleviate these concerns by overing a 4% pay rise, while they voted to increase their own pay by 14%. This incensed many union members, who felt insulted by what they called “a token gesture”.
On March 17, 1970, in New York City, a branch of the National Association of Letter Carriers (NALC) Branch 36 met in Manhattan and voted to strike, and began picketing at midnight. Word of the strike spread throughout the 5 boroughs and soon, thousands of postal workers in New York were striking.
When speaking to reporters, White House Press Secretary Tony Smith stated that, “The President is watching the situation in New York closely. He wants the American people, and the strikers to know that their action is in violation of the law, and Barry Goldwater has no time or tolerance for law breakers.”
The next day, when departing from Air Force One, Goldwater was asked by a journalist for a statement on the ongoing strike. The President responded that, “My statement will be pretty clear when I give it, very soon.”
On March 21st, after several days of chaos in New York City, President Barry Goldwater and Secretary of Labor George Shultz gave a speech on the White House lawn which presented the strikers with an ultimatum.
“These strikers,” Goldwater stated, “Are breaking the law which they swore to uphold in their employment contract - that they would not strike against the United States government. We are willing to negotiate and have negotiated with New York’s postal workers for the past several weeks now. Rather than accept our very generous terms, which increased their salary and benefits to levels far above other federal employees, they have chosen to jeopardize the lives of some 16,000,000 of their fellow New Yorkers.
Well, the citizens of that city will not let themselves be bullied, and nor will I allow this travesty to continue. If a selfish new wish to act like criminals and disadvantage their fellow citizens and taxpayers, then this administration shall treat them as such. To all strikers I say this – return to work in 72 hours or your employment will be terminated.”
Unfortunately for Goldwater and his administration, this ultimatum only served to galvanize further union support for the strike. Within a day of the speech, postal workers from across the nation in the United Federation of Postal Clerks, the National Postal Union, the National Association of Post Office and General Service Maintenance Employees, the National Federation of Post Office Motor Vehicle Employees, and the National Association of Special Delivery Messengers all joined in their shared action.
This alone was economically crippling – made worse by other public sector unions deciding to join America’s postal workers in striking. Teamsters, the United Auto Workers, and Air Traffic Controllers were among the many union groups who made the decision to strike.
By the end of the 3-day period, several thousand New York strikers were fired, and several strike leaders arrested. Much was made of the administration focusing on New York City, rather than the 210,000 postal workers involved in the on-going wider strike effort across the nation. President Goldwater had to be talked out of firing every striking public sector worker he could by Secretary Shultz, insisting this would cripple the US economy to an extent not seen since The Great Depression.
In firing the New York City workers, Goldwater suggested he had fulfilled his promise and would replace the fired workers, while continuing his negotiations with remaining union members from a place of strength.
This explanation managed to anger both sides of politics. Liberals and the broader left viewed Goldwater’s actions as cruel and disruptive, while conservatives viewed Goldwater’s solution as a cop out and half measure against lawbreakers.
Governor Ronald Reagan entered the fray when he suggested that the national guard should be deployed to break up picket lines when enough workers had picketed around Richard Nixon International Airport (formerly Los Angeles International Airport) to completely shut the building down. This added fuel to the car, and soon, parts of California grinded down to a halt.
Rather than scare the unions into submission this act instead served to strengthen their resolve, with the added caveat that all fired workers had to be re-hired. Martin Luthor King, years into his Poor People’s Campaign, joined the strikers, many of whom were black, in New York. Following thus, he toured across the nation, giving moral and spiritual support to strikers, while harshly criticising the Goldwater administration
On the 24th, Goldwater released a statement that he would not back down:
“Throughout my career I have always stood firmly against union bullying of our Constitutionally elected government. Political expediency will not cause me to change my position. An agreement will only be reached through good faith negotiation, not by bullying a thug tactics by union officials.”
That same day, President Goldwater declared a state of emergency citing the economic impacts of the strikes.
On March 25th, the stock market had experienced a one-day drop of 14.2 points, worse than any recorded drop in history of the Dow Jones Industrial Average. The stock market had to be closed to prevent more nervous investors from getting out of the market.
On the 26th, Goldwater invoked the Taft-Hartley Act to have Attorney General William Rehnquist to seek a federal injunction to end the on-going strike
To alleviate concerns, Goldwater attempted to replace striking workers from across multiple sectors with members of the US military. In the early morning hours of March 27th, Congress passed legislation which would allow for understaffed public sector departments to borrow private sector workers who could “adequately do the required work” from businesses that agreed to lend them in exchange for tax credits. The Vital Work Continuation Act of 1970 was later estimated to do very little to alleviate worker shortages across numerous industries but was seen as very politically necessary by Republicans and even some Democrats.
By March 30th, the strikes which had mostly been peaceful and non-violent up until that point, soon devolved as strike-breakers from the private industry arrived at cross picket lines, while frustrated citizens began attacking groups striking workers. Millions upon millions of letters and packages were undelivered, items were out of stock at stores, many airports were shut down, and factories were closed.
In several cities, violence which erupted at strikes devolved into civil unrest and rioting, resulting in the National Guard being called in.
In a rare bright spot, enough workers returned to work at LAX after the picket line was disbanded to allow for the running of several services. They cited negotiations with Los Angeles Mayor Tom Bradley as the reason for many returning to work.
This decision by the leadership and many union members was controversial, not least of all because the political implications of the act. Los Angeles Unions agreed to return to work in exchange for promises and favours if Bradley were to become Governor. But even with Bradley’s position as LA’s mayor, there was much he could promise them.
With this perceived act of leadership, Bradley’s popularity immediately saw a boost, while Reagan’s, on the back of his “monkey” comments and controversial actions during the strikes took a hit.
The union protests were soon matched with anti-war protests, who saw this has a golden opportunity to push for their goals while the Goldwater administration was frozen by the ongoing Postal Worker strike. This only served to put more pressure on state and local officials, and more and more National Guard units were called upon to quell the resulting violence.
However, with so many National Guardsmen deployed in Vietnam, this severely limited their involvement in the ongoing unrest. As a result, lesser trained police officers were tasked with riot control. This resulted in several ugly scenes on America’s television screens, which were described on radio, and written about in newspapers.
On Saturday, April 9th, several strike leaders outside the of the postal industry were arrested, in the hopes it would break the strike. By now, commerce had significantly slowed, and violence had descended on communities across America – Goldwater was determined to stop it his own way.
But with the prospect of an economic recession looming, his success or failure would define the next phase of his presidency.
April saw a period of transition for the government of Cuba. Cardona’s 6-year term as President had come to an end. Since the corruption scandal of 1968, his popularity had steadily declined. The election of the legislature which took place the previous year saw a coalition between The Christian Democratic Party and The Conservative Republicans.
This welding between religious and fiscal conservatives extended itself to the election of the Cuban President – 34-year-old Jesús A. Permuy.
Permuy was a devoted Catholic who fled to Miami in 1962 and returned to Cuba in 1964. He had quickly gained a name for himself in the field of housing and infrastructure construction, earning himself a reputation as one of the most beloved men in Cuba and a civic leader. He repeatedly turned down offers to enter electoral politics, but was swayed after the 1968 government corruption scandal to get more involved.
Eventually, the Christian Democrats, a coalition of Catholics but also some Protestants and other denominations, were able to sway him to appear on the ballot to be Cuba’s next President, a mostly ceremonial position.
Permuy agreed and won the election in a landslide.
At his inauguration, he stated that Cuba was “an explicitly faith-based nation guided by the ultimate law – the word of God” and hosted an event afterwards that saw many faith leaders from across the world mingle and meet with Cuba’s new head of state. Representatives of the Catholic church were there, along with American religious leaders like Jerry Falwell, Billy Graham and Pat Robertson.
Robertson, in particular, was taken in by what he would later call “a revelation in terms of how the state could serve God” and immediately sought to export the melding of religion and politics. In his speeches he immediately began railing against the practice of abortion, traditionally seen as a ‘Catholic issue’, and met with Republican leaders over their receptibility to faith based political action.
Eventually, on the backdrop of continued labor strikes and protests, Robertson was able to score a meeting with the President himself in the White House.
“Mr President,” Robertson began, “we have an opportunity here to change American politics. Unite religious voters under your banner, and you’ll never lose another election. Bring people together on issues like abortion, school prayer and pornography. Moral issues.”
“Pat,” Goldwater responded, “I’ve got bigger problems to deal with than coddling up to preachers at the moment.”
“These protests aren’t really about economics, Mr President,” Robertson shot back, “These people are aching for more than just material needs. They need spiritual guidance and moral leadership.”
“I’m not against religious expression and moral leadership,” Goldwater replied, “But trying to form a monopoly on religion under our banner seems like a fool’s errand. Martin Luthor King is one of the most popular preachers in America. And abortion is not a conservative issue.”
“Mr President, you’re in trouble as it is,” Robertson warned, “Don’t miss this opportunity. There are millions calling out for leadership, don’t turn your back on them.”
“I think we’re done here, Pat.” Goldwater said bluntly.
Robertson left the White House bitterly disappointed but said to a member of his entourage:
“If Barry Goldwater won’t be the champion we need, then let’s make our own.”
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By 1970, it had been years since Panama occupied space in America’s public consciousness. Kennedy’s successful negotiations with former President Marco Aurelio Robles had seen a thawing of tensions between the two nations in 1965.
However, internal divisions, a growing class divide between rich and poor, and Latin America’s history leftist guerrilla movements threatened to destabilize the nation.
In response, Robles decided to consolidate power and influence. With the aid of Kennedy’s and Goldwater’s CIA operatives, Robles established a system of spies and informants to root out disloyal forces in the military and government who might organise a coup - always a concern in fragile South American democracies.
In 1967, Marco Aurelio Robles created an Institutional Security Service – a paramilitary group whose whole purpose was to protect Panama’s leader and ensure the stability of the incumbent government. It would not be long before many inside the country, and foreign NGOs, accused them of being a force for repression inside Panama.
It would not take long for a rivalry to emerge between the Security Service and the National Guard. More and more, the National Guard was sidelined in favour of the Security Service, and resentment grew. There were grumblings of a coup in 1968, but these amounted to little with the National Guard’s loss of power and prestige.
However, the situation changed after David Samudio Avila, Robles’ successor, won the Presidency in 1968 after a controversial election that saw allegations of corruptions thrown around by all sides. From the very start of his Presidency, Avila was dogged by rumours of an illegitimate victory and had an entrenched opposition that participated in protests and demonstrations against his every action.
Not only that, but by April of 1970, Panama’s internal political divisions and growing inequality had seen a small number of leftist guerrillas spring up in rural areas. These guerrillas were not regarded as a threat by either the National Guard or the Security Service who were focused on each other.
On April 23rd, 1970, legislation that would raise the salaries of politicians inspired a massive demonstration outside of Palacio de las Garzas.
Rather than assist the Security Service to suppressing the demonstration, the National Guard supported the protestors, and stormed the Palacio de las Garzas.
While Avila was not present in the governmental office at the time, the prospect of losing the seat of power to the military and a group of rioters was inconceivable to him. While they had initially been taken by surprise, the Internal Security Service waged a brutal counterattack to reclaim the building.
The Internal Security Service then went on the attack, raiding National Guard barracks and rounding up known members of the group. Eventually, when it became clear that the National Guard could not win a convention fight against the better armed, better trained security service, they melted into the landscape, making contact with the scattered leftist guerrillas and adopting their covert tactics.
Colonel Omar Torrijos would emerge as the leader of the new anti-Avila resistance – renamed the Panamanian People’s Front – and he would make clear that he intended to form a new government free from the influence of “the armed forces, the oligarchs and the bad priests” and would instead be “for the poor, not for the owners”.
This new ethos, and the PPF’s association with leftist guerrillas, was enough to set off alarm bells in Washington. With a military already strained due to the ongoing Vietnam War, there would be no US boots on the ground outside of increased security around the Panama Canal, but Congress passed legislation that would provide arms and other logistical support to the Panamanian government.
Secretary of State Lucius D. Clay met with President Avila at his residence shortly after the bill was passed and sought to reassure the leader that America remained entirely committed to preventing a leftist takeover of Panama.
The Panamanian Civil War had begun and was yet another major headache for the Goldwater administration.
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As 1970 dragged on, Americans were treated to another unpleasant sight – strikers being arrested en masse in response to the ongoing, illegal strikes occurring around the country.
Using tactics derived from the civil rights movement, strikers began to adopt a strategy of overcrowding jails and push the system to breaking point. As a result, buses full of arrested strikers would be transported sometimes hours away to entirely different jurisdictions to be processed and jailed.
With each failed attempt at negation, and each day that passed, the stock market dipped lower. The economy was all but guaranteed to slip into recession with the end of the second quarter coming up.
With an ongoing war in Vietnam, a civil war in Panama, and the midterms approaching, the ongoing strikes were absolutely disastrous for the Goldwater administration, and the American people were fed up.
But there was substantial public anger directed at America’s unions as well, and the agonising strikes were exhausting all involved.
On May 19th, 1970, an agreement was reached that saw the postal workers return to work with an 10% pay increase, a commitment to improve workplace facilities and practices, and all dismissed workers not convicted of any mob related violence would get their jobs back.
The agreement was treated a major victory for the unions and a political loss for the Goldwater administration – after months of struggle, an economy brought to its knees, and civil strife, the public perception was that Goldwater had caved in to the demands of the unions.
Goldwater would remain tight-lipped about the whole affair, leaving his staff to address the public in the aftermath of the agreement, while he stewed in the executive residence.
Eventually, he would have no choice but to speak on the matter when cornered by the press:
“We can’t be held down by union disagreements anymore, not when there’s a war to win. But make no mistake, we intend to pursue legislation in the Congress that will prevent this from ever happening again.”
This gave many a fear that more union strikes would occur, and the period of national anguish would begin again.
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On May 27th, 1970, President Goldwater touched down in Saigon, Vietnam to meet with troops and make a major speech on the progress of the pacification of the remaining Viet Cong resistance.
He spoke first to American servicemen at Long Binh Post:
“The Viet Cong is a broken force, the false and failed communist government has fallen, and our mission is almost complete. As I speak to you tonight, our coalition of free nations is combatting the scattered remaining communist holdout cells, and laying the groundwork for a free, prosperous, and unified Vietnam.
And we shall not leave until the mission is done. But the time is coming soon for you the brave fighting men of America’s armed forces, and all those who support them such as nurses, chaplains, and other essential personnel to return home and celebrate your great victory. But this will only come as soon as the security of the whole of Vietnam can be assured. Because a premature withdrawal is worse - much worse - than no withdrawal at all.
Because Americans do not leave a job half finished.
And we complete this great mission, not just for the people of Vietnam who have suffered so much in the cause of their own liberation, but for all those great Americas, who gave their lives so that this Southeast Asian country could be free from the grip of tyranny.
None of these sacrifices shall be in vain, and those who gave their lives shall be remembered forever in the great annals of history as revolutionaries, in the same breath as the patriots at the Battles of Lexington and Concord. And you too shall be among those honoured few who helped bring freedom and liberty to a people in need.”
And then in a joint press conference alongside South Vietnamese President Trần Thiện Khiêm, Goldwater again reaffirmed his commitment to “withdrawal on a timetable that ensures the security and stability of the new Vietnamese government” and stated his belief that Vietnam would soon “begin the transition to a vibrant, prosperous democracy free from the corrosive influence of authoritarian communism”.
President Khiêm gave a vague a statement of agreement that “the transition to democracy would occur in a timely and appropriate manner” and left it at that, to which Goldwater gave a nod.
He also met with several soldiers who were recently commended for bravery in the field of battle, including one Corporal James Danforth Quayle, who had received a battlefield promotion, bronze star, and purple heart for his actions at the Battle of Fansipan.
He and a group of his men had pursued a group of communist guerrillas who were conducting effective strikes launched from partway up Indochina’s tallest peninsula, Fansipan.
During the fighting, Quayle was able to carry a wounded soldier to safety after he’d been badly wounded by debris from a grenade explosion, the result of friendly fire. Despite sustaining (admittedly less severe) injuries himself from the same blast, Quayle was able to carry the wounded man to safety and later rejoined the battle, successfully eliminating the insurgents and earning himself his awards and the promotion.
It took all Quayle had to hold back tears as Goldwater shook his hand and told him how proud his father would be.
However, not all the recent heroes of Vietnam would be alive to see their bravery honored.
Lieutenant Bob Kerrey was killed in rural fighting in the west of Viet Tri. He continued to command his despite severe injuries but died on the operating table at a military base he was flown to after the battle. He would receive posthumously Medal of Honor for his bravery.
It was the deaths of men like Kerrey, dozens upon dozens of them in recent weeks, that had given the American public reason to grow weary of the war.
“If the communists are beaten, why can’t my husband come home?”
“Why are our sons still in Vietnam if we freed all our boys who were imprisoned?
“Can’t the South Vietnamese do the rest on their own? Why do we need to keep dying for it?”
These were the questions asked by the American public in the immediate aftermath of Goldwater’s speech.
Democrats say an opportunity to gain favour with a war weary public. While the usual anti-war crowd spoke up, like George McGovern and Eugene McCarthy, even some pro-war politicians like Hubert Humphrey and Ted Kennedy to demand a clear timetable on the withdrawal from Vietnam.
“What we need from President Goldwater is not speeches,” Senator Kennedy said, “What we need is a plan. A date by which we know our brave men in uniform will be home by.”
When asked whether they thought returning to Vietnam was a mistake, 46% of Americans said yes, 40% said no, and 14% remained ensure.
It was yet another complex, divisive issue Goldwater would have to deal with.
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Honestly would not surprise me if Goldwater is a one term President. On the other hand, it would not surprise me if he won by the skin of his teeth. There we are, I have both sides of the coin covered with regards to the future of this timeline! I can't possibly lose! I don't want to appear biased (Even though I am) but there's something about seeing Goldwater being unpopular and his refusal to back down and thus make matters worse that gives me a warm fuzzy feeling.
Interesting turn of events; an alt-PATCO turning into a British style general strike was not on my bingo card
It allegedly almost happened ITTL. Had Nixon taken legal action against the strikers, a bunch of other unions were promising to strike alongside them. With someone like Goldwater in the White House, that would be like pouring gasoline onto the fire.
Frazier vs Liston / Ali’s path to redemption
Frazier vs Liston / Ali’s path to redemption
On June 14th, 1970, a major heavyweight title fight took place between Joe Frazier and Sonny Liston.
Liston, a former heavyweight champion, had gone undefeated for over 5 years, and faced down the undefeated Heavyweight champion of the world.
Smokin’ Joe Frazier had established himself as a true elite, heavyweight champion and many viewed the past-his-prime Liston ad easy pickings.
While his exact age was unknown, Liston was known to have been born around 1930, making him approximately 40 years old.
The two men walked into the ring, both in hooded robes – Frazier in red, Liston in black – faced each other down. The two men looked each other in the eye, sharing an ice-cold stare.
Madison Square Garden was in for another Heavyweight title bout. The bell rang.
Both men took to the corner, and Liston began pumping out his piston-like, ramrod of a jab. Despite Frazier’s erratic movement, the jabs found their mark, whipping Frazier’s head in a way that few jabs could.
It was the backbone of his style – Liston’s left jab was one of the best, and he was employing it to great effect against Frazier early. Meanwhile, Frazier was not able to land any of his trademark hooks to the head but landed a few hooks and uppercuts to the body.
The first round was relatively uneventful, but Liston won it on all 3 scorecards on account of his accurate jab and more consistent work.
Round 2 saw much the same happen. Liston had won the first 2 rounds on all 3 scorecards.
In round 3, Liston, growing in confidence, followed up his legendary left jab with a powerful overhand right which crashed against Frazier’s head, rocking him to his boots and forcing to clinch so as not to fall.
Frazier spent much of the rest of the round in recovery mode, his already limited vision left blurry from the impact of the vicious punch, and his equilibrium utterly shot. Liston stalked, launching his jab and backing Frazier up for the remainder of the round, looking to land another big shot.
In round 4, Frazier, seemingly recovered, had a better round. The older Liston had exerted significant amounts of energy trying to knock Frazier out in the previous round, and Joe had conserved his.
Frazier got in close, and landed two handed barrages to Liston’s granite sternum. But even the toughest fighter couldn’t stand up to body punishment for too long.
Frazier had won his first round on all the three judges scorecards, and in the 5th, clearly began to find his rhythm. He was bobbing and weaving, avoided Liston’s offense, and began to have more consistency with his legendary left hook.
Liston however, took them very well, absorbing several punishing blows to the head and seeming relatively unshaken. But still, it was Frazier’s round for sure.
In round 6, Liston’s jab finally got him in trouble. Liston pumped out his jab, under which Frazier ducked and came up with a left hook. Liston’s moment sent him careening into Frazier’s left fist, and the impact knocked Liston flat on his back.
He was up at 8 however, and the fight continued. Frazier was in the zone, however, and now it was he who was the hunter and Liston the prey. Frazier walked down Liston, backing him into the ropes and slugging away, wearing down the older former champion.
After round 6, Liston was utterly spent. He was more tired than he’d ever been in his life, but he wanted to give it one last effort – Liston would put everything he had into this next round, win or lose. He would win or go out on his shield, as a champion should.
So, the two men came out and produced one of the greatest rounds of action in heavyweight history. 3 minutes of nonstop action, with both men throwing caution to the mind and bombing away with everything they had in their arsenal.
However, it was Frazier who was more active, who’s punches had more force behind them, and who’s hook was just a little tighter. Neither man went down, but Liston went back to his corner utterly exhausted. He quit on his stool after the 7th, and Frazier won a technical knockout.
Frazier gave props to Liston calling him “a worthy opponent” and “showed he’s still a great champion”, but then pivoted to his next challenger – Muhammad Ali.
“Clay has been saying a lot of things about me,” he said to a journalist who was interviewing him the ring, “And I want to shut him up again.”
Ali, who’d been in the crowd watching the fight, stormed the ring with his entourage.
“Joe Frazier looked like slow, stiff, and sloppy,” Ali began, “I took out Sonny Liston easier in my two fights, and Joe was almost knocked out by the old out of shape ugly bear! I’ll knock that sucka Joe Frazier out if we fight again.”
“Why don’t you come closer and say that?” Frazier responded.
The two men faced down, before Frazier shoved Ali. The two men then got into a physical tussle, before their respective entourages and the police broke them up.
It was an ugly incident for the sport of boxing but created substantial interest in the bout.
Ali had already fought twice in 1970, winning both bouts by stoppage in dominant performances against Chuck Wepner and Jack Bodell. He was looking much more in shape and muscular than he had been previously, and many were impressed by Ali’s new physique and more aggressive style.
Rather than dancing around all night, he’d become more prone to sitting down and punches and breaking men down with offense. He still danced of course, but also incorporated a smothering clinch that allowed Ali to sap them of their energy.
Boxing experts were fascinated – how would the new bigger, more physical, more aggressive Ali do against the champion who’d already beaten him once? It was a tantalizing prospect, made all the more exciting by the animosity between both men, and the fact that Ali continued to be a divisive figure.
“What white America is doing to the Vietnamese is a crime,” Ali would later say to a room full of journalists, “Makin' brown people to kill other brown people. That Barry Goldwater is nothing but an old KKK leader. He just swapped out the white hat for a suit and tie.”
Goldwater, never one to avoid controversy responded, “I heard Mr Ali’s comments. And I didn’t appreciate them. I’ve stood against the Klan my whole career. I for one hope that Joe Frazier knocks him out.”
“But that’s just my opinion…” He added with a smirk.
GOLDWATER BACKS SMOKIN’ JOE was on the front cover of the New York Times next issue.
It was all the ammunition Ali needed to reignite his argument that Frazier was “an old Uncle Tom”. The ugly spectre of racial animosity reared its head once more, and it was again Frazier and his family who suffered.
“I’m going to knock that motherfucker out next time,” an irate Frazier said to the news media, provoking a minor controversy in itself.
The Frazier/Ali rematch was signed 2 weeks after Frazier’s victory against Liston and was already shaping up to be every bit as captivating as their first fight – and it would take place at the Tigers Stadium in Detroit, Michigan.
The rematch of the century was on – would it live up to the first?
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Man, I just want to say that these chapters are terrific! It's not that I don't have an interest in boxing, but I do not particularly have a understanding of where one even begins with it, so I have never actually read a blow-by-blow account of these types of matches. But whenever you do this, it's really exciting and well told.
Yes he survived the knockdown and the fight was stopped due to Martin’s eye injury
Even towards the end of his career/life, Liston was a wrecking machine
Fair, I only asked that because it gave birth to prominent event in American sports
That’s how I feel about boxing in real life but the way you present the matches in the story is more entertaining than the real thing, so you are doing a good job there!
Seems like President Goldwater has his hands full.... it does feel like things are somewhat falling apart for him though.
Even united I cannot see Vietnam being anything other than an authoritarian 'democracy' of the tin pot type - see also Panama.
At least WWIII has been avert for now heh?
Even united I cannot see Vietnam being anything other than an authoritarian 'democracy' of the tin pot type - see also Panama.
At least WWIII has been avert for now heh?