A New Beginning - Our 1992 Russian Federation

Basically due to our actions which involved sanctions and heavy support for separatist regions in the 90s Transnistria and Gagauazia got their independence in exchange for us allowing Moldova to unite with Romania (union failed in the end).

But outcome remains the same. Transnistria and Gagauazia are independent state's and Moldova joined NATO.
Fair enough. So we should annex Gagauzia to Ukraine too if they are willing.
 
Technically we could give them Crimea back if they join Union State to restore some goodwill and shore up pro Russian support in Ukraine.
I'm all for Crimea inside Ukraine, but would the Crimean people be okay with pushing them around like a ping pong ball?

I'll say its worth it anyway, we aren't going to be doing this again, this will be an once in a century arrangement.

Keeping Ukraine stable is essential, we don't want to lay with a rotting corpse. Federalization and unification with the Union State are good enough carrots to Crimea.

They wouldn't be returning to be looked upon but to rule Ukraine as the President's main support base.

Besides, their economic interests lie in the Dnieper basin.
 
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Should Transnistria and Gagauzia be allowed to join the Union State?
C) I'm for Transnistria but Gagauzia should remain independent but as an ally since it'll be a hassle for us a lot more than Ukraine.
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I'd rather keep Crimea since it's population is mostly Russian than Ukrainian. We could try to make Crimea into a joint Ukrainian-Russian supervision of Crimea...?
 
it'll be a hassle for us a lot more than Ukraine.
I don't think it will. Gagauzia has like 130k inhabitants, it's smaller than a Moscow neighbourhood. Just because they are Turkic it doesn't mean they are going to be difficult to rule. They have much more interest in being part of the multi-ethnic empire which hosts a lot of turkic peoples than the tight nation state of Moldova. We are talking about an extremely pro-russian region which is more than 90% Orthodox.

Initially I believed they would serve us better inside Moldova and that making the Moldovans angry about it wasn't worth the trouble. But considering they are a fully independent nation, I say they will serve us better inside Ukraine than being an independent state. Not only are they a region so loyal to the USSR which got as far as supporting the 1991 Coup, but they will serve to rebalance Ukraine a little bit more in our favour.
 
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Union State - Mercosur Association Agreement (2008)
The association agreement signed between Union State and the Mercosur countries in 2008 was a watershed moment in the trajectory of global economic integration and geopolitical alignments. This comprehensive agreement, borne out of extensive negotiations and strategic deliberations, aimed to forge closer ties, deepen economic cooperation, and unlock new opportunities for mutual growth and development. Spanning a wide range of areas including trade, investment, regulatory frameworks, and sustainable development, the agreement represented a bold step towards harnessing the collective potentials of Russia and the Mercosur bloc. The decision to pursue an association agreement between Union State and the Mercosur countries was grounded in a confluence of historical, economic, and strategic imperatives. Against the backdrop of shifting geopolitical dynamics and evolving global trade patterns, both parties recognized the need to adapt to changing realities and forge new partnerships. For Russia, the agreement offered a strategic pathway to diversify its economic ties, reduce dependency on traditional markets, and assert its influence on the global stage. Similarly, for the Mercosur countries, deepening cooperation with Russia presented an opportunity to strengthen regional integration, bolster economic resilience, and enhance their geopolitical standing.

Negotiations for the association agreement between Union State and the Mercosur countries were characterized by meticulous attention to detail, robust engagement, and mutual respect for each other's interests. The agreement encompassed a comprehensive set of provisions aimed at facilitating trade liberalization, enhancing investment flows, and promoting sustainable development. Key areas of focus included tariff reduction or elimination, regulatory harmonization, intellectual property rights protection, and environmental sustainability. Both parties sought to strike a delicate balance between advancing their own interests and fostering a conducive environment for mutual prosperity and cooperation. The association agreement held profound implications for trade and economic relations between Union State and the Mercosur countries. By removing barriers to trade and investment, the agreement sought to create new avenues for economic growth, job creation, and innovation. Russian exports, ranging from energy resources, machinery, and high-tech products, stood to gain greater access to Mercosur markets, while South American agricultural products, automobiles, and manufactured goods could find new opportunities in Russia. The agreement aimed to stimulate economic dynamism, diversify export markets, and enhance the competitiveness of both parties in the global arena.

Beyond its economic dimensions, the association agreement carried significant strategic implications for Union State and the Mercosur countries. It represented a strategic alignment aimed at fostering closer political cooperation, enhancing regional stability, and challenging the dominance of Western powers. By deepening ties with Mercosur, Russia sought to expand its geopolitical influence, assert itself as a key player in South America, and promote a multipolar world order. Similarly, for the Mercosur countries, the agreement offered a pathway to diversify their strategic partnerships, reduce dependency on traditional allies, and pursue a more balanced foreign policy. While the association agreement held immense promise for mutual prosperity and cooperation, it also presented a set of challenges and obstacles that needed to be addressed. Implementation issues, including regulatory harmonization, infrastructure development, and institutional capacity-building, could pose significant hurdles to the realization of its objectives. Divergent interests among member states, geopolitical tensions, and external pressures from other global powers could complicate the implementation process and undermine the agreement's effectiveness. Moreover, economic disparities, structural imbalances, and social inequalities within and among participating nations could pose challenges to inclusive growth and sustainable development.

In conclusion, the association agreement between Russia and the Mercosur countries signed in 2008 represented a significant milestone in the journey towards deeper economic cooperation, regional integration, and mutual prosperity. By forging closer ties, promoting trade liberalization, and fostering strategic partnerships, the agreement laid the groundwork for enhanced economic growth, geopolitical stability, and shared progress for all participating nations. While challenges and uncertainties remained, the agreement offered a promising framework for addressing common challenges, harnessing collective potentials, and advancing the interests of Union State and the Mercosur countries in a rapidly changing global landscape. As the parties embarked on the journey of implementation, they set sail towards a future defined by cooperation, resilience, and shared prosperity.
 
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