Coats is definitely a beltway insider, but there isn't an obvious way for him to get back with the highly popular Indiana incumbents. So he runs for Governor with the support of the GOP establishment and develops a strong resume if Lugar or Bayh happen to retire/become vulnerable.
Decision Points: The Presidency of Al Gore
- Thread starter hcallega
- Start date
Coats is definitely a beltway insider, but there isn't an obvious way for him to get back with the highly popular Indiana incumbents. So he runs for Governor with the support of the GOP establishment and develops a strong resume if Lugar or Bayh happen to retire/become vulnerable.
Deleted member 16736
Oh, it makes sense for sure, and the governor's race is the most obvious way for him to stage a comeback. I wasn't trying to imply that what you did there didn't make sense, just that Coats' interest lies elsewhere and that he wasn't actually interested in the office for the sake of the office so much as for the sake of his career.
I appreciate that you let the butterflies go so far.
However, I imagine Mitch is getting a look-over from McCain's folks, too, at the behest of Lugar.
This is one of those great timelines that I've thoroughly enjoyed.
It's a New Day
The room was mostly dark, besides a few beams of light trickling through one of the windows. A faint sound of chirping birds could be heard as the world began to rise. Outside, the smell of rain still lingered from the previous night. It was early, just before 7:00, and the President sat alone in the Oval Office. He was ostensibly there to look over some overdue memos and briefing notes. But that wasn’t the real reason. Al Gore was there to think and to soak it all in. It was his last week in office, and he wasn’t ready to go. So much had been left undone. Whether it was short-term goals like middle class tax relief and pension reform or “big ideas” such as investing heavily in alternative energy and shoring up entitlements, the President had been blocked by Congressional Republicans time after time after time. Now his time had run out. The American people had chosen another leader; a member of the obstructionist opposition no less. Legacy had always been important to Gore. Looking out across the room he held sway over for four years, he was uncertain.
The last two months of the Gore Administration had been relatively dull. The President handled his defeat with grace, addressing the nation at 6:00 AM on November 3rd. There would be no recounts, no hanging chads, and no Supreme Court fights. Many of his advisors wanted him to fight. They said it was 2000 all over again. Long lines to vote and questions about counting machines in Ohio warranted at least a second look. But Gore wanted none of it. His Presidency was already seen as illegitimate by many Republicans. Fighting a battle he would probably lose for a second term would only make him look worse. While that didn’t stop the likes of Bobby Kennedy, Jr. and Jesse Jackson from protesting, the American electorate gave a sigh of relief. The Presidency had cleanly changed hands yet again.
Following his defeat, Gore began a period of inward thought. His presidency had certainly not been a failure. The aftermath of the September 11th attacks dominated his tenure. The war on terror had seen its fair share of success, despite the continued freedom of Osama bin Laden. While civil libertarians complained that the government overreached with its support for an expanded role of domestic and foreign intelligence agencies, most Americans thought the President did what he had to do. Voters were less certain about his “containment” rather than rollback of international supporters of terrorism. Attacks in Spain further reinforced these questions. The war in Afghanistan also drew criticism from both parties. American soldiers were operating in a sometimes confusing capacity as “nation-builders,” military advisors, and terrorist hunters. The nation sought clarity, and Gore had failed to deliver. But more than anything, the Gore Presidency would go down as a third Clinton term. The moderate policies of triangulation persisted, as did a divided government and lack of sweeping reform. Broadly speaking, Americans were happy with many aspects of how the government functioned. It wasn’t increasing taxes, slashing popular benefits, or creating recessions. But it wasn’t getting things done. John McCain promised to change that, and maybe that was enough to put him in the White House.
While the President contemplated his place in American history, the President-elect prepared to take his own ascent into power. John McCain was presented with a difficult initial challenge. Before he could govern, he would have to form a government. Republicans had been out of power for twelve years, and a slew of Congressmen, power players, and policy wonks sought a place in the new Administration. The task of assembling this team fell largely on two men. Rick Davis was McCain’s campaign manager both in 2000 and 2004. A wall of separation between him and the Republican nominee’s chief strategists calcified during both efforts at the White House. It was clear that there would be no role for the veteran politico in the new Administration. He was too polarizing. But Davis was a valuable resource in Washington. It was his job to identify and vet every potential cabinet nominee and deputy. It was a daunting job. He would be aided by former Senator Fred Thompson, a friend of McCain’s for many years and one of his campaigns co-chairs (a largely ceremonial position). Thompson was the public face of the transition team, appearing on cable news sets with the talking heads. This allowed Davis and his team the privacy to focus on assembling the best team possible to lead the country, and the conservative movement, over the next four years.
McCain’s cabinet would be stocked with a diverse group of politicians, businessmen, and former military leaders. It was also a group populated by many longtime friends and advisors to the President-elect. The first cabinet choice was a Democrat. John Breaux served in the Senate from 1986 to 2004, and was a well-known moderate and supporter of bipartisanship. Though he endorsed and campaigned for Gore, he was good friends with many Republican members of the Senate. Hailing from the oil-rich state of Louisiana was another positive, and McCain tapped Breaux to serve as his Secretary of Energy. The selection was well-received by members of both parties and the media, who saw it as an early effort to reach out to Democrats. Another retiring Senator would remain in Washington with the new Administration. Arlen Specter, a moderate Republican, was narrowly defeated in the primaries earlier in 2004. He was good friends with McCain, and received the honor of being selected to lead the Department of Veterans’ Affairs. This was another popular choice among both parties and McCain’s maverick image. These early cabinet choices helped to bolster the incoming President’s popularity, and early approval ratings placed him the low-60s, despite the incredibly close electoral results.
Three women were chosen for the cabinet. Elaine Chao, the wife of Senate Majority Whip Mitch McConnell and a veteran of the past two Republican administrations, would lead the Treasury Department. Mary Peters and Lisa Graham Keegan, two advisors to the McCain Campaign and Arizona natives, would lead Transportation and Education, respectfully. A trio of western governors was chosen to join the western President. Wyoming’s James Geringer would lead Interior, Utah’s Mike Leavitt would take up the mantle at HHS, and Montana’s Marc Racicot would oversee the heavily-bureaucratic Department of Agriculture. Conservative super lawyer Ted Olson (of Bush v Gore fame) was given the honor of being named Attorney General. None of these choices raised much controversy. Despite the conservative views of most of the new cabinet members, Senate Democrats were unwilling to block their nominations on partisan grounds. Minority Leader Tom Daschle publically stated that “we (Senate Democrats) look forward to working with the new Administration. Our goal is not to make John McCain a one-term President.”
McCain’s foreign policy team would reflect his record as a hawkish, pro-military Senator. Nebraska’s Chuck Hagel, a fellow veteran of Vietnam and advocate of greater spending accountability at the Pentagon, was chosen to lead Defense. The more internationalist John Bolton would be the new President’s choice to represent the United States at the United Nations, while former Pennsylvania Governor Tom Ridge was put in charge of securing the nation’s homeland security. Last but not least, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Colin Powell, was given the honor of being the first African-American Secretary of State. The selection of an entirely Republican foreign policy team drew the ire of some doves in Congress, but only John Bolton’s nomination received serious scrutiny. Even then, Bolton was confirmed on his first try. The new National Security Advisor would be Randy Scheunemann, the Senator’s foreign policy advisor on the campaign trail. Unlike in the Gore Administration, the foreign policy team would play second fiddle to McCain himself. With an illustrious military and foreign policy record, he would take the lead in making decisions in regard to the war on terror and international relations.
In contrast to his foreign policy selections, the next President chose to surround himself with an independent economic team. These were men and women at the top of their professions. John McCain was no expert on the subtleties of markets. He knew that, and wanted to make sure his cabinet members could fend for themselves and work freely. The top job, Secretary of the Treasury, went to former Senator Phil Gramm. A Texan, Gramm was famous for his support of balanced budgets and financial deregulation. His selection played well with Wall Street, who had seen an unprecedented era of minimal government oversight since the late 1970s. Gramm would continue, if not expand upon, that regime. This selection played significantly worse among Democrats, who were skeptical of Gramm’s ardently conservative and partisan views. After a series of intense hearings, McCain’s most controversial nominee was confirmed on a largely party line vote. The President-elect’s other nominees were less vigorously opposed. Mitt Romney, CEO of Bain Capital and chief organizer of the 2002 Salt Lake City Winter Olympics, was put in charge of furthering the interests of American business as the top dog at the Commerce Department. HUD would be led by another veteran of the corporate world, Steven Preston. Within the White House, economic policy would be the foray off Carly Fiorina (CEO of Hewlitt Packard) and Allan Hubbard, who would lead the Council of Economic Advisers and the President’s National Economic Council respectively. With this group assembled, it was clear that a push for tax cuts, lean regulations, and free trade would form the central economic orthodoxies for the McCain Presidency.
While the soon-to-be President’s transition into the Oval Office drew most of the media’s attention, there was still some work to be done in the lame duck session. Al Gore held no false hopes of suddenly passing his bottled up agenda. Republicans felt empowered, even if their victory was by the thinnest of margins. Tom DeLay and Trent Lott were not about to bend over backwards for an outgoing President, one they had fought with for four hard years. With that in mind, Gore chose to take up a single issue before the end of his first term. There was a pressing need for a reorganization of the intelligence community, where multiple chains-of-command and competing domains often stood in the way of departmental efficiency. Both parties agreed that some reform and streamlining was needed. To achieve that goal, President Gore urged Congress to pass legislation creating the position of Director of National Intelligence, elevate the Director of Homeland Security to a Cabinet Secretary, and clarify which areas fell under which agency. Republicans were willing to back the President in this area, largely because it would make the transition into the White House easier for McCain. Democrats, eager to bolster their national security credentials, were also supportive of the plan. Both Houses of Congress passed the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 by wide margins on December 2, granting President Gore a last piece of legislation to sign before riding off into the sunset.
The first Republican President since George H.W. Bush was sworn in on January 20, 2005. It was a bitter cold day, and tension was high. It was the first post-9/11 inauguration, and the secret service was out in force. Snipers walked the rooftops and police walked every street corner. For Democrats, it was the first taste of defeat in years. Republicans felt hopeful. For the first time since 1955, the GOP controlled the Presidency and both Houses of Congress. It was a chance to pass a conservative agenda. Taxes would be cut, waste slashed, and national security restored to its rightful place at the top of the country’s agenda. Leaders in both Houses of Congress were prepared to move quickly to pass the new President’s agenda, and the new Administration was prepared to begin a new era in Washington. Change was on the horizon, and John McCain was prepared to deliver it. His inaugural address was straight-forward and honest. With a focus on foreign policy, the new President still found time to address domestic concerns. The straight-talk express had officially arrived.
“As Americans, we do not take our freedom for granted. We are a strong nation, the greatest on Earth. But we must be ready to defend it. There are those that seek to destroy all that we hold dear. It is time to take the fight to our enemies, and hold every country accountable. America did not ask for this fight, but we will finish. Today, I pledge to you that I will take the fight against terror to the gates of hell. We will be safe, and we will finish what they started on September 11th.”
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This parallelism could've been done subtler. Otherwise, the update is fantastic as always. With Bolton and Gramm, it's going to be an interesting ride.
Nice update, though I have to question the realism of McCain's economic team, it feels strange that Carly Frorina and Meg Whitman are heading up the Council of Economic Advisers and the National Economic Council as they are businesswomen rather than professional economists. It wouldn't be particularly unrealistic in the case of the NEC, but with a non-professional or non-banker Phil Gramm as Treasury Secretary not having a single economist in the administration is not that plausible.
Romney did get commerce secretary! Don't approve of Mary Peters for DOT, since she tried to kill the Dulles Metro. Or is that being built ahead of schedule ITTL? Surely a transportation bill must've been passed.
Nice choices. You forgot who McCain's picks were for FBI and CIA and who's his chief of staff?
Orville_third
Banned
McCain could keep the current FBI director on.
Apparently everyone's forgotten about Olsen and his role in fighting Clinton (ditto Bolton). Of course, he might have changed since then. The Religous Right will likely not be a fan of McCain.
Did Alan Keyes abandon the Republican Party like he said he would in 2000 if McCain got the nomination?
Apparently everyone's forgotten about Olsen and his role in fighting Clinton (ditto Bolton). Of course, he might have changed since then. The Religous Right will likely not be a fan of McCain.
Did Alan Keyes abandon the Republican Party like he said he would in 2000 if McCain got the nomination?
What about the Neo-Cons? Think they'll be locked out of the McCain Administration. And what about Iran? What did the Gore presidency do?
Haha yeah I spent a while trying to make that line a bit more subtle. Didn't really flow right, so I kind of forced it.
Replaced Whitman with Alan Hubbard. Didn't think about the necessity of at least one professional economist in the Administration.
He's kept the same team in place. Michael Hayden has been nominated as the first Director of National Intelligence. Chief of Staff is John Lehman, with Mark Salter as special adviser to the President.
He did leave the party, not that it particularly matters. Keyes is a syndicated talk show host in ATL, and he publicly changed his registration to the Constitution Party during the RNC.
We shall see. Then again, they're less influential than in OTL without Bush in the White House.
The only real neo-con is Bolton, whose selection appeased the Bill Kristol types (as did McCain's aggressive campaign rhetoric.)
As far as Iran, Gore imposed Obama-style multilateral sanctions.
John Quincy Adams (in hindsight), James K. Polk (left because he felt he wouldn't live to finish a second term), Chester Arthur (Same as before), and borderline with William Howard Taft. Plus nowadays (2013) people roughly 60% approve how Bush 1 did in office.
Granted, H.W. Bush's image has rehabilitated a bit since he left office (it really started before he left office in late '92) but the same poll I think you're looking at (CNN, from summer '12), put Carter's approval at 54%. I doubt most people consider H.W. Bush's presidency good, or a success - especially historians.
Like Carter, it will consistently rank toward the bottom of the latter-20th century presidents (FDR onward).
At best, one-term presidents can hope for probably being seen as an average president. Gore might fall into that realm - something I think H.W. Bush is closer to than, maybe, Carter.
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Stolengood
Banned
I consider him bad, though.
John Quincy Adams was a good, nay great, President. Let's hope Gore gets the same afterglow applied to him.
