Cold Days in January
January 8, 1973
Five defendants (Bernard Barker, Frank Sturgis, Eugenio Martinez, Virgilio Gonzalez and Howard Hunt) plead guilty as the Watergate burglary trial begins. Gordon Liddy and James McCord are convicted after the trial.
January 14, 1973
Elvis Presley's concert in Hawaii. The first worldwide telecast by an entertainer watched by more people than watched the Apollo moon landings. Asked about the on-going election crisis by reporters after the concert, Presley comments 'let's just make a decision and get it done. People are getting sick of this.'
Super Bowl VII: The Miami Dolphins defeat the Washington Redskins 14-7 to complete the NFL's first Perfect Season. At the end of the broadcast commentators Curt Gowdy and Al DeRogatis remark:
Gowdy: 'at least this game ends with a final result'
DeRogatis: 'yeah, all in one day. If only they could do that in Washington.'
These remarks become controversial.
January 15, 1973
President Nixon announces that since the North Vietnamese have made no concessions and have displayed no signs that they are willing to return to the negotiating table, the bombing will continue.
A Pentagon report released the same day shows U.S. aircraft losses at over 315 aircraft either shot down or heavily damaged. Aircrew losses are stated at 112 casualties and 181 missing and presumed captured.
Baltimore U.S. Attorney George Beall empanels a grand jury to investigate allegations of corruption and kick-backs in the letting of public works contracts in the Baltimore County and Maryland State government. Some of these allegations go back to when Spiro Agnew was Governor of Maryland (1967 – 1968).
House Conference Room - January 15, 1973
’I say give it up, do the country a service and let this thing be decided,’ Rep. Peter Rodino (D-NY) said. ‘We need a President before Agnew can take office.’
’Fine,’ Rep. Bob Wilson (R-CA) replied. ‘Get your members to sit on their hands and allow us to re-elect President Nixon. He’s tested and ready, the better choice…’
’If the American people thought that, they’d have re-elected him,’ Rodino argued.
’The American people didn’t elect your man either, Pete, so get off your high horse on that,’ Rep. Leslie Arrends (R-IL) broke in.
’Gentlemen, please. We’re here to try and reach a consensus, not re-state the obvious arguments,’ Jerry Ford said.
The meeting included Ford, House Majority Leader John McFall, the two whips, Democrat Rodino and Republican Arrends, plus the chairs of each party’s congressional campaign committees, Wilson for the Republicans and Phillip Burton (D-CA). Joe Waggoner (D-LA) represented McKeithen, while Del Clausen (R-CA) represented Nixon. Ford hoped they could hammer out a deal that enough members on both sides could be persuaded to go along with and end the cycle of useless ballot deadlocks; eighteen hours of meetings over five days had thus far gotten them nowhere.
’I’d like to remind y’all that Governor McKeithen won the popular vote last November, and the polls…’ Joe Waggoner said.
’By less than one percent? That’s a fluke, not a mandate,’ Clausen interrupted. ‘All the polls are saying is that the people are tired of this and they’re picking
ex-Governor McKeithen’s name because it happens to come first on an alphabetical list. I can show you polls where President Nixon is ahead…’
’Fixed by Republican pollsters I’m sure. What’s the question - who’d you choose for President, Richard Nixon or Charles Manson? Or maybe Arnold the pig?’ Rodino shot back.
Several voices rose in objection, each drowning the other out.
’Gentlemen – PLEASE!’ Ford, normally a mild mannered person, was close to exploding. Everyone was suffering from stress and lack sleep; Ford had slept no more than two hours a night since the 8th. ‘Can we not find some way out of this? We’re talking about the Presidency, the most important office in our government. Can’t we settle on one man to hold it for the next four years? I remind you that neither President Nixon nor
Governor McKeithen is an ogre, both will serve our nation with competence and distinction. The Governor has proven himself in seven years at the helm of Louisiana. All that’s keeping us apart is party loyalty, that’s what the problem is here.’
’Sound like you’re pulling for the Democrat, Jerry,’ Wilson remarked. ‘Planning to switch parties?’
’That’s uncalled for Bob,’ Arrends shot back. ‘Jerry is right, its party label that’s dividing us, not any real deficiency in either man.’
’Why don’t we agree that Governor McKeithen should be elected, and that he will set aside a number of seats in his Cabinet for Republicans, people to be chosen by Nixon if he likes. Maybe even put Nixon in the Cabinet?’ McFall suggested.
’Does this look like the English parliament, John?’ Wilson snapped. ‘This is not about first among equals in some big coalition. Only one office really counts, all the rest is eyewash.’
‘Governor McKeithen would consider naming Republicans to his cabinet, of course,’ Waggoner said. ‘He might even consider Mr. Nixon.’
’As what, Postmaster General? Secretary of Agriculture? White House Usher? Give me a break,’ Clausen said.
’Maybe this is a point we can discuss,’ Ford said, anxious not to let the thread pass.
’I agree,’ McFall added.
’With all due respect,
gentleman, ‘ Clausen said. ‘All the so-called
compromises end up with President Nixon taking the fall. Why does that have to be the case? I believe that Richard Nixon is a great President and that is why I voted for him last fall, and why I support him now. Why should I betray everything I believe – no, what I know to be right - just to appease the Democratic Party? Why does my party have to take the hit and help put some backwoods cracker into the highest office in the land…’
’That’s an insult,’ Waggoner interjected. ‘I object to his language.’
’…just to make peace and restore order. Why can’t you people admit its over and let Richard Nixon get on with the job he’s obviously more qualified for and proven at?’
’Because he’s a skunk and a crook,’ Rodino said. ‘Why should we help Tricky Dick…’
Ford, Arrends and Burton, the three physically largest men in the room, had to pull Rodino and Clausen apart, and prevent the meeting from degenerating into a bench clearing brawl.
(from Gerald R. Ford,
A Time of Trial)
Individual members came to blows a number of times while the contingent election was going on. Tempers were frayed by long, repetitive votes, lack of sleep, strain and a general sense of frustration that got to us all.
Les Arrends was right when he said party loyalty was the problem. Everyone stuck to their party’s man in the initial ballot rounds because it was seen as a loyalty question. Then, as the balloting went on, earlier positions became entrenched, and the thought of changing your vote for the sake of getting it over with came with a huge cost in pride and stature. Of course it didn’t help that Bob Wilson was keeping tabs on our side for the Republican Congressional Committee, and of course Phil Burton was doing the same for the Democrats. Even Bob Dole sat in the gallery some days, watching from on high for any signs that someone was going to bolt. People’s futures were in these men’s hands.
I didn’t think much of Senator Dole’s attitude; I think he had got it into his head that he was going to save the Republican Party by keeping McKeithen out of the White House, and the government in Republican hands, even if that meant four years of Ted Agnew at the helm. I don’t think he expected a position in an Agnew administration; far from it. But I do think he was looking ahead to 1976 and laying the seeds for his own presidential run. That was a conflict of interest, and it hurt our party and our country in the long run.
A lot of people said many negative – and some downright obscene - things about Ted Agnew during those votes. I didn’t know the man well enough at the time to have a firm opinion on his suitability to be acting President. Richard Nixon had found him sufficient in character and experience to hold the Vice Presidency, which is after all just one step away from being President, so I had to figure Nixon knew what he was doing when he selected him. More than a few men have come to the Presidency with an expectation that they would fail because they weren’t up to the job intellectually or because of some failing in their personality. Abraham Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt and Harry Truman all fell into that category, and they turned out far above expectation. I thought Ted deserved his chance to prove himself, and so I gave him the benefit of the doubt.
Phil Burton, John McFall, Les Arrends, Speaker Albert and I pursued the suggestion that whoever we elected President should put together a coalition cabinet with input from the other candidate, as a way of brokering a settlement. Otto Passman of Louisiana pointed out the flaw in our thinking, which – out of desperation I suppose – we overlooked at the time.
’Y’all go sell that to (Edward) Heath and (Harold) Wilson, and see if they can do it, one bein’ PM and the other Chancellor, see if they can do that in a system where it can work, before you try it here,’ Otto advised.
Of course, he’d hit the nail on the head. In Britain, where Heath was Prime Minister and Wilson Opposition Leader at the time, you could share out two equally important jobs in the Cabinet between two rivals. But, of course, Heath and Wilson headed rival political parties, so British partisan politics made it impossible for them to even consider such an idea. It only worked intra-party, and only then if one aspirant for the top job was willing to bend to his rival already in the PM’s job. Absent a national crisis, such as had fused a coalition between Churchill and Atlee during the War, it was – as the English say – just not on. (I recounted this story to a British friend of mine once, and he laughed for ten minutes at the idea). So if you couldn’t do it in a parliamentary system, how could you do it here?
Just as we have no formal opposition leader in America, we don’t have a consolation prize for the runner-up in a Presidential election either. The Vice Presidency was supposed fill that role under the original Constitution, but that had been quickly changed when it proved unworkable. In the event, we didn’t have that option; that had been the Senate’s choice to make, and they had filled the job.
Even if Richard Nixon were to serve as Secretary of State in a McKeithen Administration, or vice versa, our Cabinet is not a collection of equals. As Lincoln once put it, there’s only one vote that counts at that table. You can’t share that out to two men, only one can have the power, and behind whoever that may be there is a political party expecting the patronage and prerequisites of power, which includes the right to extend your philosophy of government over the policy making process. That, together with the shadow of fear cast by the various party committees and organizers, was the source of our deadlock and kept almost everybody from straying. So we were stuck.
January 15, 1973
Chinese authorities seize a Soviet freighter at the port of Chin-hsien, claiming that it is bringing in contraband goods not covered in the Sino-Soviet agreement to equip North Vietnam with
defensive weapons only
Soviet authorities denounce the Chinese action as an act of piracy.
(from Henry Kissinger,
Years of Crisis: Why the United States Failed in Asia )
We knew the Chinese policy in the past had been to allow the Soviets to tranship weapons to North Vietnam through their territory. This was a tightly controlled activity on the part of the Chinese government, given the icy state of relations between the two Communist giants. The Chinese would extract as a 'fee' for their co-operation in the form of a portion of the Soviet shipments, weapons they could no longer purchase from the Soviet Union directly, and which Moscow prohibited the East Bloc nations from selling to them.
This had changed in February 1972 when, during his historic trip to China, President Nixon had persuaded Mao and Chou Enlai to curtail arms shipments to Vietnam as part of an overall strategy to force the North to the peace table. In the months that followed the Chinese pressured the Hanoi government to come to terms with us. This put them at odds with the Soviets, who could only appreciate that North Vietnam was humiliating the United States and seemed likely to win their war. The Soviets had their eye on taking over the facilities built by us in South Vietnam, once that regime collapsed, in order to establish a permanent military presence in Southeast Asia.
The Chinese were not willing to grant the Russians such a free hand to do this, and at the same time wanted the conflict on their Southern border to end. In early 1972 a partial victory for the North, but which left a residual U.S. presence in the South, seemed to suit the Chinese fear of a permanent Soviet presence in Vietnam. Although Peking made overtures to the Hanoi government, the two sides experienced cultural difficulties which went back a long time in the troubled history of China and Vietnam: the initiative never went as far as the Chinese leadership had hoped. The Soviet Union remained the major patron of North Vietnam, and their most influential ally.
After the collapse of Richard Nixon's re-election effort, and the related decision by Hanoi to stay away from the Paris peace talks, North Vietnam began pressuring the Soviets for more advanced weapons. The Soviets in turn were more than eager to supply their ally, but had to fineness the Chinese into going along. Essentially, after the Soviet freighter
Omsk Komsomolets was accidentally destroyed by our B-52’s in Haiphong harbour on December 1st, the Chinese agreed to allow the Soviets to use their port, with its rail links to Hanoi. Undoubtedly, Mao and Chou Enlai decided that if the arms trade was going to go on anyway, they were going to monitor it and take their cut of the shipments. But the Soviets were deceiving the Chinese about just what they were sending through their territory.
The unfortunate accident that killed a second tier Soviet Central Committee official named Mikhail Gorbachev (and we had no reason to believe that it was anything other than an airplane crash caused by some technical problem or bad weather) and a group of Soviet technical experts returning from North Vietnam through China, exposed the fractious Sino-Soviet cooperation to pressures which neither side was prepared for. When the Chinese learned from Gorbachev’s papers (I understand that they survived the crash encased in a steel safe that, for some reason known only to Russian engineering, failed to destruct when the Chinese opened it) that the Soviets had been shipping advanced SAM S-6 anti-aircraft weapons and state-of-the-art MIG-25 high altitude interceptors to Vietnam, while declaring them as older weapons or industrial equipment, that was the last straw. These were weapons that the Chinese could not possibly purchase from the Soviets (nor obtain any approximate substitute from anyone else), and they were being supplied to country on China's Southern border which the Chinese viewed with suspicion. Should a ceasefire occur between our side and the North Vietnamese, the North could then turn these weapons on the Chinese as part of some Soviet coordinated squeeze on Peking, or at the very least imperil Chinese security along their common border. The introduction of these weapons certainly created a situation closer to a rough parity between the Vietnamese and the larger, though technically inferior, Chinese military forces.
Chinese national pride was wounded by the fact that the Soviets had smuggled these weapons through their territory, and the Chinese had only caught-on as the result of a freak accident. The Soviet attitude meanwhile hardened as their top leadership came to believe that the Chinese had deliberately done in Gorbachev and his party. As so often happens with these situations, ideological rigidity, cultural misunderstandings and mutual contempt mixed into a potent brew of war fever on both sides. All that was needed was a spark to set it off.
Given the uncertain state of our election, we were unable to do much about this during President Nixon's final days in office: we could only watch. Most disturbing, the Chinese, who had previously been helpful to our efforts to obtain a ceasefire with the Vietnamese, were now actively encouraging the Vietnamese to stand tough against our military. I think that after the President failed to defeat Governor McKeithen outright in the election, and – perhaps more significant to the Chinese leadership – after William Sullivan’s indiscreetly made some false, though sensational allegations about our activities in the 1968 election campaign, together with revealing
Operation Menu before the Ervin committee in October 1972, the Chinese leaders lost faith in the United States as a potential partner. This was the most serious damage Sullivan caused to our nation, and as a result he shares a measure of blame for what came afterward.
I, along with others at the National Security Council and at the Pentagon, suspected that the Chinese were hoping that our forces would destroy or damage the majority of the more advanced weapons the Soviets were giving them, and this motivation lay behind their refusal to help end the conflict after October 1972. In our state of distraction over domestic affairs, our military policy played right into Chinese hands, and did its part to drag the Chinese and the Soviet Union closer to all-out war.
January 16, 1973
Lt. George Bush jr. is identified as the son of the United States Ambassador to the United Nations. He is moved to an isolation cell, away from other POWs. Bush will later report that he was interrogated by Soviet personnel. His captors demand that he make a propaganda film, but Bush refuses to co-operate. He is then subjected to torture and chemical interrogation. Bush will later claim that he encountered Lt. Cmdr. John S. McCain III being tortured by the same Soviet personnel. His sighting will be disputed because this is nearly two months after McCain was reportedly killed by a U.S. bomb that hit the Hoa Lo prison.
January 17, 1973
Several thousand people protest outside the U.S. Capitol, demanding that the House elect a President. In a sign of the times, the protesters are divided over which candidate should be chosen, which leads to some ugly confrontations between various protest groups.
With the Chinese port cut-off to them, Soviet and East Bloc freighters resume the more hazardous course of shipping weapons directly into Haiphong and other North Vietnamese ports. As this activities continue these ships are shadowed by Chinese and U.S. naval units. This brings U.S. and Chinese warships into close proximity to one another on several occasions
January 18, 1973
North Vietnamese authorities announce that Lt. Commander John S. McCain III, USN, was one of the American prisoners killed by the U.S. bombing of Hoa Lo prison on November 23, 1972. McCain, a prisoner of war since 1967, is the son of the former Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral John S. McCain II. Lt. Cmdr. McCain is the first American casualty of the Hoa Lo bombing to be identified by name. The North Vietnamese decline to return his body, citing the emergency situation in Hanoi due to U.S. bombing as an impediment.
January 19, 1973
Chinese and Soviet border units exchange fire near Hien Shan-tou on the Sino-Soviet frontier in Manchuira.
The White House - January 19, 1973
Richard Nixon greeted his probable successor with a warm handshake. He guided him to one of the two facing sofas in the center of the Oval Office, while he seated himself on a chair next to the sofa. The President and Vice President chatted amiably while a steward poured coffee for them, and then left the room.
’Well Ted, it looks like this will be your office by this time tomorrow. Are you ready?’
’Raring to go. I’ve done this before, in Annapolis. You know, I’m thinking of having my first name presented as Teddy, like Teddy Roosevelt. You think that sounds good?’
Nixon smiled to block any negative expression that might come from his thoughts. ‘I’ll leave that to you, ah, Ted. You know, the Presidency is a lot more complicated than a Govenorship. There’s a reason why they call the man who sits in this office the leader of the free world. It’s an awesome responsibility.’
’I know it’s a big job, Mr. President – Dick, but I’ll get the hang of it. I’ve had a great teacher in you, just like you did in Ike. Don’t worry, all will be a-ok.’
Nixon might have admired his confidence if he could reassure himself it wasn’t just blind ignorance of what he was about to face. He also noted Agnew’s use of the diminutive ‘Dick’ – it was the first time in their relationship – going back to the 1968 campaign – that he had ever addressed Nixon by the name reserved for Nixon’s close friends.
’I’m confident you’ll do alright,’ Nixon lied. ‘And I’m available to you – any time - if you need counsel. ‘
’Thanks Dick, but I’ve already decided to make Don Rumsfeld my White House counsel.’
’Rumsfeld?’
’A very sharp young man. He’s not a lawyer, but he understands the law better than anyone else I know, especially where politics is involved. And he knows his way around Congress. That will be invaluable to me.’
’But keep some of the seasoned hands around here too. Bob Halderman and Erlichman…’
’They’ll be hard to replace, of course, but there’s talent out there. Don is working on a list for me as we speak.’
That little bastard must have been kissing Agnew’s ass when no one was looking, Nixon thought. ‘I’d resist the temptation to rely too heavily on any one advisor, Ted. You want to have a number of different voices giving you advice, you know, to be able to smoke out someone’s agenda.’
’I’m pretty clear on where I want to go and what needs to be done. Of course I’ll need expertise to help out, but we’ve got lots of that around here. One thing I want to do is get out and show the people that this crisis hasn’t weakened our nation or our government.’
’In your position, I’d want to be cautious at first. You don’t know what’s going to happen in the House. I’d stay close, at first.’
’They’ll never reach a consensus, they’re to equally divided. You know, I thought I will campaign in ’74 with a message that voting for Republicans will be a step toward bringing you back. Frankly, my biggest hope is to hand the office back to you, someday.
’I’m flattered, Ted. In the meantime, please know that I want you to succeed.’
’I’m confident in that, Dick.’
’You’ve been briefed on what’s happening with China and the Soviets?’
’Kissinger went over that; frankly I think he’s making too much of it.
’Really? How so?’
’If the Reds want to go to war, I say we let them. They’ll tear each other apart, and while they’re doing that we can settle this thing in Vietnam.’
Nixon was not a religious man, but a Roman Catholic prayer – of all things – came to his mind when he heard those words.
Mary, Mother of Jesus, help us sinners now and at the hour of our peril. ‘Ted, we have to keep in mind that if a Soviet-China conflict escalates, they could go nuclear. Even without that, a prolonged conflict would seriously destabilize Asia, maybe the world. Our allies in Japan and South Korea, not to mention India and Australia, they’d all be very upset if we let this get out of hand without trying to stop it. I’d suggest sending Henry to see if he can calm the waters before its too late.’
’I think you’re overrating his talents, but I’ll listen to what he has to say. Still, do you think if they lose a war with the Russians, the Chinese people will rise up against the Communists? Wouldn’t that be an accomplishment, helping Chiang to move the real government back to Peking? Even Ike couldn’t do that, right?’
The was a fire roaring away in the fireplace, and the temperature in the Oval Office was above seventy; yet Richard Nixon felt icy cold at that moment.
God, I wish I’d picked Rockefeller, or even Romney. God help me, even Ronald Reagan looks ok right now.
The United States Capitol - January 20, 1973
At 11:50 am Speaker of the House Carl Albert formally notifies Chief Justice Warren Burger that the House has failed to select a President-elect.
At noon, in a subdued ceremony held inside the Capitol Rotunda, Spiro Theodore Agnew is sworn in for another term as Vice President of the United States. Moments later, Chief Justice Warren Burger administers the presidential oath to Agnew, who then becomes acting President of the United States. After Agnew has taken the oath, Burger, instead of uttering the traditional ‘congratulations Mr. President,’ says ‘God be with you, sir.’
Acting President Agnew's inaugural speech - Jan. 20, 1973
Mr. Chief Justice, President Nixon, Speaker Albert, my fellow Americans:
The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution. But I assume the acting Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts.
I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President, that I have succeeded to the first office of the land only by a turn of fate, and assumed this office only as a caretaker of our great government until such time as the final decision shall be made by those empowered by our great civil contract - the Constitution - do so according to law. Until such time as this happens it is my intent to serve this nation as Chief Executive in a manner which will protect our freedom and security, but which will not exceed the limited mandate I have been given.
If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises. Recently I campaigned for the office of Vice President in support of our President. But, though I have not campaigned for the Presidency, I will not shirk it. Those who elected me to serve another term as Vice President were my friends and are my friends. They were of both parties, elected by all the people and acting under the Constitution in their name. It is only fitting then that I should pledge to them and to you that I will be the acting President for all of the people. It is appropriate that I should act to earn their trust by applying myself to steadfastly govern with integrity and humility.
Thomas Jefferson said the people are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty. And down the years, Abraham Lincoln renewed this American article of faith asking, "Is there any better way or equal hope in the world?"
I intend, as soon as it practicable, to request of the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate the privilege of appearing before the Congress to share with my former colleagues and with you, the American people, my views on the priority business of the Nation and to solicit your views and their views. Even though a contingent election is pending in the House, it is not likely at this time that we shall see a speedy resolution. But the nation and the world cannot wait indefinitely on this matter. There is no way we can go forward except together and no way anybody can win except by serving the people's urgent needs. We cannot stand still or slip backwards. We must go forward now together.
To the peoples and the governments of all friendly nations, I pledge an uninterrupted and sincere search for peace. America will remain strong and united, but its strength will remain dedicated to the safety and sanity of the entire family of man, as well as to our own precious freedom.
To our adversaries and those who wish us less than the best, I warn you that our resolve is as strong today as at any time in our past. The United States of America remains fixed in its dedication to freedom and to the preservation of the security of the world. Throughout my tenure, however long or short, I will pledge myself to protecting our friends and meeting any challenge put forward by our foes. This is a responsibility of this office which transcends any single man. To the world I say, if you choose not to walk with us, then you risk being thought of as our adversary, for we will not sit idle and allow our domestic concerns to distract us from our nation's historic responsibility in the world. In your hands, not mine, rest the power of peace or conflict in this world. Join with us then on the path of peace, and we shall have no need of conflict or the engines of war.
I believe that truth is the glue that holds government together, not only our Government but civilization itself. That bond, though strained, is unbroken at home and abroad. Wherever our nation goes, we must be the beacon of truth and the herald of freedom. As President Kennedy once said, we did not chose this role, it was thrust upon us by history and fate, but we, as a people, are more than equal to this responsibility.
My fellow Americans, our Constitution works; our great Republic is a government of laws and not of men. Here the people rule. But there is a higher Power, by whatever name we honor Him, who ordains not only righteousness but love, not only justice but mercy. And by this truth will we overcome the painful and more poisonous divisions which have cut through our society. Let us restore the golden rule to our political process, and let brotherly love purge our hearts of suspicion and of hate. Let us proclaim once more that we are a nation of righteousness, pledged to the higher course in all of our affairs.
With all the strength and all the good sense I have gained from life, with all the confidence my family, my friends, and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good will of countless decent, upright Americans I have encountered in recent visits to more than 40 States, I now solemnly affirm my promise to you to uphold the Constitution, to do what is right as God gives me to see the right, and to do the very best I can for America.
May God bless you and the United States.