The House of Palaiologos, Against the Tide: An Eastern Roman Timeline

[Herr Frage]

I've been re-reading this TL and I stumbled across this,
"There can be no greater friend, nor a more bitter enemy than one's own brother."- attributed to Emperor David I Palaiologos.

History has certainly taught him that lesson. Thomas of Morea's treachery against his brother's family has created an enduring feud in the House of Palaiologos. And his lifetime has witnessed a French Civil war that literally pit brother against brother.

As for the friend part, that seems a reference to Giorgios who has been David's strong right hand. Giorgios saving David's life was huge, had he just stayed on the ship he would have been crowned Emperor when they took the city instead. instead he risked his own life on the spur of the moment for David.

 

[Andristan]

Epic! though Milan is doomed now, abandoning the Crusader army on the eve of battle, well that has never happened before, definitely doesn't compare to bohemond in the 1st, that is, wow, seriously "call a crusade/ summon the emperor over the mountains" teach him a lesson, kinda deal. I think that John annulling his marriage is a bit harsh, even for that crime, but even with the legitimization, it still seems a bad move, also due to the whole bderoom/dungeon scene,
Is the new Hospitaller deal, an expansion of the old commandery system or something else entirely?

 

[Herr Frage]

Epic! though Milan is doomed now, abandoning the Crusader army on the eve of battle, well that has never happened before, definitely doesn't compare to bohemond in the 1st, that is, wow, seriously "call a crusade/ summon the emperor over the mountains" teach him a lesson, kinda deal. I think that John annulling his marriage is a bit harsh, even for that crime, but even with the legitimization, it still seems a bad move, also due to the whole bderoom/dungeon scene,
Is the new Hospitaller deal, an expansion of the old commandery system or something else entirely?

And lets not forget Milanese abandoned their fellow crusaders in exchange for a bribe. Silver pieces, Alfonso's heroic death, the antiMilanese propaganda writes itself. I wonder what his father will do to him when he gets back?

 

[Avitus]

Tongera, You know, sooner or later I will have to blow somewhere up, right when you least expect it

CELTICEMPIRE, I haven't done anything with him yet, but come to think of it his birth is very shorly after the PoD, and he's only 45 yeas old, so I may have a use for him yet.

Herr Frage, Alfonso's son (Ferdinand, in case you're curious) is twelve, so a little young, but not incredibly so. As for Alfonso, high honors in the church are pretty much guaranteed with the life he lead and the death he died.

Regarding Francis, he is in some deep shit, but he's his father's only son, so dealing with him will be a difficult balancing act for many. He does have one advantage though, which is that he is returning home ahead of the news of his treachery, o he gets a chance to tell his story his way first and hope that his version sticks with people even after the trut comes out.

And yes, the Kingdom of Jerusalem's chances of survival are exceedingly slim in the long term.

Andristan, John thinks with his head in the court and his heart in the bedroom (okay, maybe not just his heart). He's still conflicted, both about leaving Louise, and about letting her live in the first place, hence thereason why he blames himself more than anyone on both counts. As for the Hospitallers, it is mostly an expansion, but with a greate emphasis on recruiting in urban centers.

Starting on next update, totally up in the air as to how long it'll take, anywhere between a day and a week. Hopefully sooner than later.

 

[Herr Frage]

Will we be getting a map in the upcoming posts?

 

[cimon]

Avitus,

I have just read what you wrote in reply to Her Frage,with regard to the viability of the Crusader kingdom;Europe in this thread is not the one of 11th century,and progress is on the European side for many known reasons.

It is probable that a good organization and the appearance of state armies will entrench the young kingdom further.The creation of a servicable road between Jerusalem and the coast,would make the former a very hard nut to crack for the Easterners.I don't know if anyone here has seen Krak de Chevalliers,but I would hate to think anyone attacking or besieging it when the Krak mounts full artillery batteries for different missions(especially siege guns)...and of course such a miracle of fortification architecture would never remain unsupported;and it is not the only one...

 

[CELTICEMPIRE]

The survival of the Kingdom of Jerusalem will depend on outside support, and disunity among the Islamic powers. The latter will wain with the rise of the Charlotteans, and the former can't last forever. So they will have to be self-sufficient, have strong leadership, and be skilled in diplomacy. possibly forging an alliance with another Muslim power. So yeah, they should be able to survive for a few decades, but not as long as the original kingdom of Jerusalem.

Also, how are the Crusaders armed? Are firearms widespread in the Crusading armies?

 

[Deleted member 67076]

Just read the entire timeline, and I'm really liking this Avitus

 

[Avitus]

Herr Frage, I usually do a new map to accompany each new decade, so we'll see one with or slightly before the 1500 update.

cimon, there is some truth to that, but I don't think that the crusaders are technologically superior enough to resist any determined local Muslims for the long haul, at least not alone, and despite the relative success of this crusade compared to others the likelyness of other nations defending them purely out of religious good faith is decreasing with each passing year. Now if the Kingdom of Jerusalem were to become a client kingdom of someone more powerful, then they may have a shot at long term survival, but without Alfonso around that task becomes a bit more difficult because of the lack of an obvious choice of foreign backer.

CELTICEMPIRE, the crusaders were armed, on average, considerably better than their adversaries. Although handheld gunpowder weapons are still slightly less popular than bows, they are nevertheless an important and significant portion of the crusader arsenal. Early field guns also played a part, as the extended supply lines and need for maneuverability convinced the crusaders to avoid heavier siege guns altogether.

Soverihn, goodness you're fast. Anything particular you like or don't like so far?

Update time! Hopefully I'm not crossing the line into softcore porn with this one

1498

"Rome wasn't built in a day, and neither shall it be destroyed in one."-Orhan II, Ottoman Sultan


The aftermath of the Battle of Jerusalem is felt across the Mediterranean. Without a doubt the greatest effect of the battle, and arguably of the crusade, is the death of King Alfonso XII of Castile. His importance to his nation is difficult to overstate, and it can be said that he belongs to a certain elite class of renaissance rulers who almost single handedly brought their nations into the modern world. His reign saw the conquests of Navarre and Granada, as well as the establishment of the first Castilian conquests in Africa. For all that, it is his modernization of the Castilian army and navy, the former being arguably the most professional force in Europe by his death, that would be his greatest legacy, a legacy so strong that to this day men injured or killed in the service of the Spanish army are given the A12 medal, named in his honor. In the more immediate wake of his death, King Alfonso leaves his twelve year old son Ferdinand to succeed him as King Ferdinand V of Castile, along with a regency council headed by the queen mother Joan of Portugal.

For the Milanese more than anyone else, the crusade’s final outcome is disastrous. Francis of Milan’s defection is bad enough, but that the battle was won even without his forces, and that he was given payment for his defection by one of the Mamluk leaders, makes the offense unforgiveable. Francis and his troops outpace the news of the battle to Cyprus, but making arrangements there for transportation back to Italy costs him quite a bit of time. By the time they arrive in Greece the news has fully caught up with them, but they are served well by the Greeks lukewarm acceptance of the crusade, and are able to pass through Greece unharmed. In the Venetian colonies however, they meet the anger of the populace. When they arrive in Venetian Modon, the Venetians attempt to apprehend them for deserting the crusade. The Milanese troops are able to escape by running the meager blockade set up by the locals, but they are given chase. Aware of the situation and hoping to gain Papal favor by apprehending the traitor, King Edward of Naples sends out his fleet. The Milanese troops are alarmed when the Neapolitan fleet appears on their horizon. With it standing between them and the Duchy, there is little chance of their making it home. What’s more, the crews of the hired ships are almost totally unwilling to go further under these circumstances, and only the threats of the well-armed Milanese are able to convince them to move forward. When the first shots were fired by the Neapolitan cannons, the troops decide that they’ve had enough. White flag were raised by mutinous Milanese troops aboard Francis’ own ship, and the other ships raised similar flags upon seeing their leader’s surrender. Francis was handed over to the Neapolitans by his own troops on the condition of their being allowed to return home unmolested, an agreement that the Neapolitans do in fact honor.

The Neapolitans deliver Francis to Rome quickly, despite no prior agreement having been made between King Edward of Naples and Pope Innocent VIII. The result is a confusing mess that in many ways favor’s Francis. Although he had earlier officially condemned Francis for his treachery, Pope Innocent is unsure of what to do with Francis. Milan is one of the most powerful duchies in Italy, and executing its heir could be dangerous. Then there is the matter of France, which Milan is a vassal of, and could harbor expansionist plans in central Italy. Of course, Francis actually has a better claim on the French throne than King John II, making his intervention in favor of Francis unlikely, but still a frightening prospect. In light of this, Francis is made a privileged prisoner in the Castel Sant’Angelo while Pope Innocent attempts to negotiate with Duke Charles of Milan. Charles is understanding of the situation. It is quite obvious that allowing Francis to return to Milan, his life unchanged, is impossible, and will likely mean war with any devout Catholic nation, and possibly even France if the king should decide to add Milan to his personal possessions. That said, leaving Charles without an heir at the age of fifty two, and with a living wife of the same age is also not an option. Francis, for his part, is already married to Mary of Burgundy, the half-sister of King John of France, but has only one surviving daughter by this union, Catherine. In light of this, Duke Charles attempts to negotiate, not for Francis release or being allowed to return to power, but for him to be allowed to live in the Vatican’s protective custody and be visited by his wife, in hopes that their union will produce a son who is more palatable to the people. Despite being a plan that ultimately reduces Francis’ importance to his ability to produce an heir, many historians call it a masterstroke in the art of making the best of a bad situation on Charles’ part. There is also evidence to support the idea that Charles didn’t think much of his son even prior to the crusade, and that he had hopes of trying again to create a more suitable heir in his grandson. Pope Innocent has no real reason to object, especially after he is assured that all of Francis’ expenses will be paid for by Milan, and so arrangements are made to keep Francis in Rome permanently. The news is poorly received in Rome, and several small riots break out, but ultimately the Romans grudgingly accept it, along with the rest of Italy.

In the Kingdom of Jerusalem itself there is a reprieve from fighting, as the Mamluk war of succession takes an unexpected turn. Janbalat’s expulsion from the kingdom with his army intact was hoped by the crusaders to buy them time before the Sultan Muhammad ibn Qaitbey could turn his armies against them, but Janbalat has unexpectedly made the most of his situation. In what can only be described as one of the most well executed smear campaigns in early modern history, Janbalat politically attacks his rival for not actively defending the Holy Land from the crusading forces. His claim that the sultan cares nothing for Islam, nor for defending his people from abuses like those committed by the crusaders upon capturing Jerusalem. By the same token, he paints himself as the man who put defending the people and the Holy Land above his quest for the throne, and paid the price for it thanks to the sultan’s treachery. Sultan Muhammad is simply not equipped with the skills to deal with such a compelling attack on his personal morality. Soon enough there are riots in the streets of Cairo demanding a campaign against the crusaders, and the fickle Mamluk court factions begin to sense a sinking ship and abandon it, in the hopes of currying favor with a new regime.

With things going badly, Sultan Muhammad attempts to assemble his forces. Outnumbered by a margin of no less than 10,000, he nevertheless holds his own against Janbalat’s forces outside of Cairo for three days from March 12th to March 14th. On the fourth day, despite his now proven capability as a field commander, the Sultan is betrayed by several companies within his forces, their officers most likely having been bribed with generous positions under Janbalat’s new administration. Janbalat is not unreasonable, and out of respect for his enemy, as well as in an attempt to keep up his reputation for heroism, he allows Muhammad to live after having his right hand cut off, sending him into retirement outside of Alexandria. Although he is moderately secure in his position, Sultan Janbalat is not eager to attack the crusaders so soon after his defeat by them, and furthermore he believes that the longer he waits, the more of the crusaders will return home, making his eventual reconquest of the region easier. For this reason he officially makes peace with the crusaders, but demands that each city under the crusaders control be allowed to retain at least one mosque as a means of saving face. The crusaders agree, but that does not stop them from turning the Dome of the Rock into the headquarters of the Knights of St. John in Jerusalem, nor from similarly reusing many other mosques to suit their needs so long as the one mosque quota is met.

With peace for the crusaders comes a shifting of priorities. For as long as the war was ongoing, the crusader forces had been unwilling to leave, but now King Federico finds himself attempting to hold down a force of men that are mostly more than ready to return home. While he knows that he cannot keep them forever, Federico needs to have them at least a little longer in order to get his kingdom on its feet. For the French, this proves to be relatively easy. Compared to the other forces, a large number of the French crusaders came in hopes of gaining new lands that they simply wouldn't have had a chance of obtaining back home. The Castilians are able to be persuaded to stay the remainder of the year in honor of King Alfonso XII after Federico calls upon them to stay in Alfonso’s name. Those Italians who remain after the Milanese desertion are mostly men loyal to Federico’s family, many of them intent upon staying in the Holy Land for the long haul, but for the English and Romans, staying on is a much harder sell. They have no strong allegiance to Federico or Alfonso, nor any prevailing belief that they must be forgiven for something in their past. These last two groups ultimately leave the Kingdom of Jerusalem together, though they are forced to do so on foot on account of the Castilian navy’s unwillingness to help them leave the crusade. In this way, they inadvertently help to secure the kingdom by opening up diplomatic channels with the Ottomans. Due to proximity, they negotiate through the Syrian Beylik. There Ibrahim Bey, the beylik’s leader, on the advice of his retired grandfather Sultan Orhan II, agrees to let them pass through his lands, and is able to convince Sultan Murad III to do the same.

Antioch, May 8th, 1498

“Alright, I understand letting the crusaders through, that will leave less men to defend Jerusalem and Damascus, but why aren’t we going to kill them while they’re in our lands and then invade?”

Orhan shook his head in exasperation. “That the heirs to my house should be a trio of morons like you and your brothers, I must truly be cursed. If we attack them now, and break a treaty to do so no less, then we will almost certainly be beset by a new force to rival the original crusade. I’ve heard rumors that the Neapolitans are disappointed by having played no great part in the crusade, and the Germans as well. If we gave them such provocation then I have no doubt that they’d send forces against us.”

“But,” Ibrahim broke in, “if they do send men then we’ll just call for my brother’s aid. I doubt that they can beat the combined might of the House of Osman.”

“They did it before outside of Konya, or have you forgotten already?” Orhan replied. “Besides, the point of this is to expand your control, not your brother’s. If you called for his aid, then you would almost certainly be signing all of the conquered lands over to Murad and that dog Yusuf. The entire point of establishing this Beylik was to keep something out of Yusuf’s hands. If you invited him to bring soldiers into your territory, then your own power would be weakened, most likely fatally.”

Sitting down, Ibrahim sighed, “Alright, then when do we move? We can’t just let the Mamluks retake the area.”

“What do I always say you need more of?” Orhan asked.

“Patience,” Ibrahim sighed in annoyance.

“And brains,” said Orhan, “but yes, we must have patience in all things, and in war most of all. When you’re playing for your life, only a fool is hasty. We need to wait for the politics of the nations with a vested interest in the Levant to favor us, and not Janbalat, Yusuf, or some westerner. We are the weakest of the four of us, so our window of opportunity will be exceedingly small. Now what do you think might indicate that our time has come?”

“Fighting among our enemies?”

“Excellent,” Orhan smiled. “I may just make a sultan of you yet.” Ibrahim smiled, but then Orhan’s expression soured. “Moron! If that’s all it takes to gain your confidence then you’re as good as dead!” At this Ibrahim got up, shot his grandfather an annoyed look in the eye, and proceeded to leave the room. “Excellent,” Orhan said to himself, “soon you’ll know not to take shit like that from anybody.”

* * * * *

The peacetime for Jerusalem also heralds a great drive for construction. Fuelled by money from the Hospitaller order, the Papacy, and goodwill gifts from various Christian monarchs, King Federico begins to rebuild fortresses that have been long since demolished by the Mamluks in order to keep them out of crusader hands. Many of the soldiers who stay on are made to work on building up the new defenses, as well as quarrying stone from unused buildings. The two chief sources are old ruins and closed mosques. Although many of the more famous mosques are saved from destruction by being reused as churches by the crusaders, smaller ones very often serve as a source of stone. To this day the Second Kingdom of Jerusalem (as it is often called in modern times) is considered a very damaging period for the architectural record of the Levant on account of the crusader drive to rebuild everything without religious significance into a fortress. Of course, this destruction is proof of the industriousness of the crusaders, and many of the previously unfortified settlements along the Levant coast can already boast respectable defensive structures by the end of the year. Particular attention is paid to Acre and Jaffa, which are considered to be the dual life lines of Jerusalem.

In Byzantium, Emperor David is finally secure enough to begin work on restoring Constantinople after the civil war. Chief among his concerns is the reconstruction of the Theodosian walls. Following their shredding during the civil war by Ottoman cannons, the walls are in bad need of repair, but more than that the war has proved that, after a millennium of near impregnability, the Theodosian walls have been outpaced by the power of gunpowder artillery. For this reason, beginning with the most damaged segments, David begins tearing down old sections of wall and rebuilding them to be lower, thicker, and sloped, in the style of newer fortresses. His efforts to rebuild are made much easier by the fact that the old sections of wall still contain a good deal of usable masonry, which is meticulously mined to be reused. The new walls are similar in overall size, meaning that minimal amounts of stone, comparable to simply repairing the old walls, need to be quarried from other sources.

The other news is more personal. Both the emperor and his younger sister Anna are to be married, to Dauphin Louis of France and Elizabeth Hunyadi of Smyrna respectively. The marriage of Anna to Louis comes as something of a surprise, given the lack of strong existing ties between the Romans and French, though few would argue that their union didn’t make sense. Both come from ancient lines of nobility that any monarch could be proud to claim descent from, and given the lack of a suitable Iberian princess and the political implications of marrying a German, English, or Italian bride, Anna is a very safe choice for a French kingdom that is decidedly tired of political gambling. She will wed Prince Louis on May 19th. Despite a lack of prior knowledge of French, Anna proves to be a fast learner, and while she enters Paris as merely a foreign curiosity, an exotic eastern princess with a claim to being a Roman, she soon becomes a popular socialite in her own right. As for the marriage itself, in her own words, she “was just glad to be wed to someone her own age.”

As for Emperor David’s marriage, his is a far more deeply political affair. This stems from a far more complicated political situation in general, as Elizabeth’s father King Matthias is a man of great regional importance around Byzantium. Although de jure he is only in control of Smyrna, de facto his influence in Hungary includes full control over the eleven year old King Louis II, making him the true power behind both Hungary and Bohemia, and thus the most powerful man in the Balkans. By offering his daughter in marriage to the most prestigious man in the Balkans, he is making a bold and obvious play for his family’s claim to Hungary, and with the relative military powers of the Romans and Hungarians it is an offer that David is unwilling to refuse. Although the marriage is accepted on political grounds, the emperor does a poor job of hiding his personal distaste for the match. The bride to be is two years his elder (she twenty three to his twenty one), and has a rumored reputation for promiscuity that does nothing to enhance imperial prestige. She is also maternally a distant cousin of the emperor, through their shared descent from Alexios IV of Trebizond (1). To her credit, she does speak perfect Greek, having lived much of her life in Smyrna, and is recorded to have been a pretty woman by contemporary sources, as well as being well educated by her father’s exceptional court tutors. Their marriage takes place on August 27th at the Hagia Sophia Cathedral, in a celebration overflowing with pomp and imperial splendor, mostly paid for by the King of Smyrna, who attends the ceremony personally, along with most of his children, minus his eldest son Janos and his youngest son Ladislaus, who remain in Hungary and Smyrna to defend their father’s interests in those places.

Constantinople, August 27th, 1498

She looked towards the headboard of the bed, and as she was on her back it looked as though she were looking up. David could just see that her eyes were closed, and while her expression and subtle moans would be taken by most as a sign that she was enjoying herself, to David it looked very much like she didn’t want to be there. Good, he thought, I don’t want to be either. He closed his eyes and tried to imagine a happier place. His mind took him back to the church earlier that day, and he remembered his sister in law. What was her name? he thought to himself, irrationally worried at the thought of having forgotten it. Sophia! He remembered, and he stifled a sigh of relief as he remembered her, her long black hair and pretty eyes, her ample bosom and lips. She had barely spoken to him, but he had relished every word she said and every move she’d made. Her, he thought, I could enjoy, and he began to fantasize about his sister-in-law, until at last it was over.

Breathing heavily, he rolled over off of his wife, and stared up at the ceiling, a look of contentment in his eyes. Somewhat uncertainly, Elizabeth looked around, before lying on her back beside David. She turned her head and began staring at him, and he began to feel uncomfortable.

At length he turned to face her and asked, “What is it?”

She hesitated for a moment before saying, “You’re terrible. Is this your first time?”

Annoyed, David rolled his eyes and said, “A lady wouldn’t know that, and certainly wouldn’t say it aloud.”

She gasped in outrage, and he began to get out of bed. “How dare you insult me!” she shrieked, “my father will have your head for this!”

Without looking back, David put on a light robe and some sandals before saying, “Right, he’ll have my head, and you’ll have my servants, one after the other.” She gasped again, but David didn’t stay to hear what came next. He walked out the door, shut it behind him and, spying a guard walking down the hall he called out to him, “You there! Make sure that nobody comes into or out of this door unless I allow it.”

“I shall Basileus!” replied the guard, and with that David left the area in order to find a hot bath so that he could scrub his mind of all that had transpired in his chambers.

* * * * *

To the north, Constantin, Prince of Wallachia, attempts to gain an alliance with his former enemies the Polish, by marrying Hedwig, daughter of King Alexander of Poland. This marks a growing trend by Constantin, namely his attempts to break free of the somewhat domineering influence of his cousins in Moldavia. Further afield, a surviving son, Miguel, is born to King John II of Portugal and his wife Catherine on June 3rd, following two still births in the preceding years of their marriage. Lastly, King Edward of Naples and his wife Victoire welcome a third son, Nicholas (named in honor of Edward’s maternal cousin) on November 8th.

Beyond Europe, the Venetian Sugar Islands see some action. The Duke of Milan, in an effort to look sincere in his repentance for the disgrace that his son and forces committed in the holy land, has at least half of the returning soldiers from the crusade arrested. Although it is impossible to tell the innocent from the guilty in terms of who did what while in the holy land, it seems that Charles was willing to take his officials’ best guesses as fact. He proceeds to deal with the Venetians under the table, and ultimately offers to commute the arrested soldiers’ sentences to ten years of hard labor in the sugar islands in exchange for a sum of Venetian gold. The deal is accepted, and will soon set a precedent for shipping criminals to the sugar islands to work off their sentences. Despite this, the purchase of the Milanese deserters will ultimately cost the Venetians quite a bit, because the Milanese soldiers are not alone when they cross the Atlantic. With them rides what is perhaps the greatest terror that the peoples of the New World would ever face; smallpox. While the colonists in the Sugar Islands suffer from the outbreak of the disease, costing the lives of perhaps twenty percent of them over the course of the next five years, for the natives the disease is devastating on an unparalleled level. While the disease’s arrival is poorly documented in San Marco and Santa Maria, on San Elmo various sources describe whole villages of natives being destroyed. For the natives themselves, the outbreak of the disease has a polarizing effect on their attitudes towards the Venetian settlers. Some of them, seeing the higher survival rates of the settlers, believe that the settlers are, or possess, the key to survival, and attempt to imitate the settlers, moving closer to their settlements and often converting to Catholicism. Others somewhat more correctly assume that the settlers are to blame for the epidemic (although this belief is founded on superstition, not the factual transmission of disease), and attempt to isolate themselves from the settlers. This often fails to protect them in any greater numbers from the disease, due to imperfect quarantines, but it does serve to push the natives involved closer together, both physically and idealistically.

(1) Numerous Trebizondian royals were exiled to the Aegean over the 1400s, so I am assuming Matthais' wife to be a descendent of Alexander Megas Komnenos, who was exiled from Trebizond to Lesbos around 1430.

 

[Tongera]

Nice update. Wouldn't David try to learn to enjoy his wife? Also, is seems that Ibrahim isn't the brightest bulb in the box.

 

[Deleted member 67076]

Good update. Will the marriage mean mean Franco-Roman relations get better?

Also as for anything I don't like, well I wish there were more maps to help visualize the changes.

 

[Andristan]

classy; love the crusader bits, like the (kinda/sorta)hint that the KoJ will last till modern times. I gotta say, Orhan II, as much as i dislike the Ottomans, is one of my favorite dudes in this timeline. It seems that francis kinda got off easy, with a house arrest with conjugal visits in Rome, though i dont know what else you could do with him, politically.

 

[CELTICEMPIRE]

What is the general public opinion concerning the Union with Rome? Is the anti-Unionist movement still relevant?

 

[ImperatorAlexander]

Although a surviving KoJ would be pretty awesome I just don't see it resisting a united Islamic power indefinitely.

 

[cimon]

Generation Gap?

That was a very mature update Avitus;Ottomans at least speaking with eastern 'decorum'(Orchan) and his son like a 20th century... teenager
(I suppose rebels and rushing youth were the same then and now-a late fifteenth century generation gap?) I just feel that this youngster is going to do something no good to the Muslim cause;

 

[Herr Frage]

Well if the up and coming Bey is showing his strength like this, it bodes well for the KoJ in the medium term. Looks like the 2nd KoJ will be around a few decades at least.

Disappointed Frncis basically got off with house arrest. I imagine the leanicy shown by the Papcy to such a traitor will give further credence to the antiPapal forces quietly rising. Vemnice trying to overcompensate for past trangressions here?

I suppose there will be no Spain now with an heir born to Portugal?

Interesting move by Constantin. Is Wallachia still Orthodox?

The Rock palying host to the Knights? Oh my, just oh my.

Good to see the Theodsian walls rebuilt and updated. How goes the integration of the former Ventian holdings and the lands gained from the Ottomans? I imagine David will be fortifying the new interior as best as he iable. or perhaps focus on the port cities in conjunction with his naval revival? I hope Giorgios is brnging back some loot to help pay for all of this.

Venice is doomed. Their treaty gibving them such license in the New World has assured that. Castille is newly powerful and with Alfonso gone will likely want to follow the money. Brittany is also a natural maritime kingdom. And England and Irealnd are likely to be seeking out waelth with peace breaking out.

Venice has overeached, they do not realize it yet. Once the size nd worth of thep rize becoes appartent the Western maritimes will want a cut, and that Treaty becomes a major inconvenience. Add to that the grudhe the Romans will be carrying and the poltics of Italy . . .

Doomed.

Was she serious about threatening the Emperor of the ERE with beheading? That seems simply foolish.

 

[Avitus]

Tongera, He might, but I think expecting that the first night of his marriage is a bit much. He's still disappointed, and is taking everything she says in the worst ways. As for Ibrahim, not everyone who plays an important role in history can be smart

Soverihn, Yes, the marriage will help Franco-Roman relations, which haven't been bad so much as absent in recent years. I'll try to get some more frequent maps up in the future, I just need to get in the habit.

Andristan, Orhan is a favorite of mine too. I originally had him as a puppet of Candarli for his whole life, but then I decided I liked him too much, and the same thing happened at least twice more in situations where he wasn't originally supposed to survive.

CELTICEMPIRE, Still relevant, but at a bit of a low point right now on account of the Emperor's brother and heir presumptive being a successful crusader.

ImperatorAlexander, Indeed. The problem is that holding Jerusalem puts a massive target on your back, much like holding Constantinople did for the ERE. States like Trebizond, Serbia, Wallachia, and Moldavia could be given a free pass because they didn't hold territory with huge cultural and religious significance. Of course, the KoJ is worse off because Jerusalem isn't as hard to take by siege or assault.

cimon, I definitely took some creative license with Orhan and Ibrahim, but I can't find any reason to think that it would be so different for families talking then and now.

Herr Frage, Ibrahim is good news for the KoJ, but he is still only 20, and Orhan is still around to keep him out of some of his stupider situations. That's what happens when you groom your son for success and then he dies leaving you with only his stoogely sons.

Francis' situation will have serious long term effects on all involved, although he himself is getting off way better than he deserves.

Wallachia acknowledges the union, though the effects are minimal in practice (the same thing happened OTL too at various times, but the bad blood built up between orthodox and Roman Catholics was nothing near as bad as in Greece). Moldavia and Georgia don't really acknowledge the union, while the Rus are kinda fence sitting politically, but staunchly orthodox in the general population.

The Venetian territories are being integrated with minimal effort, though I'll do a more detailed update on them and Bithynia soon. Venice will not be able to keep other powers out of the Americas if they are determined, and the Aragonese are already very interested in the west.

Elizabeth doesn't really plan to get David killed, though she is pissed, and does hope that there is something her father can do to make the situation better for her.

I have a surprise planned for a little later today that has to do with the TL, though it is neither a proper update nor a map. Feel free to speculate in the meantime.

 

[cimon]

Avitus,

A...very creative licence(!!) I doubt that the junior could speak to his father like that especially a sovereign...I could smell a...dungeon for corrective purposes of the impertinent puppy...

 

[Herr Frage]

I have a surprise planned for a little later today that has to do with the TL, though it is neither a proper update nor a map. Feel free to speculate in the meantime.

Someone has done fanart of an ITTL character and or a battle?

A wiki entry?

A picture of yourself in imitation period relevant armor?

 

[Avitus]

Nice guess, got it on the first try too

David I Palaiologos, Emperor of the Romans and King of the Bulgarians, age 21

Oh yeah, I'm the artist Hope ya like it, update coming sometime later this week.