Hopefully the next update will be on the Crusaders? Can't wait for more sweet Crusader action!
The House of Palaiologos, Against the Tide: An Eastern Roman Timeline
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A strong smell of...Cathars including Scopolamentum...that is going to cause some serious problems in western Europe although 300 years have passed from the Northern Crusade against the Cathars it was well documented and remembered.
Strange caracter that Benedetto di Syracusa,I can't exactly figure him out...
Strange caracter that Benedetto di Syracusa,I can't exactly figure him out...
Tongera, I'm always a fan of alternate colonizers and colonizers in new places. Expect allot of that sort of thing TTL. As for your other questions:
1. That depends on whether you mean the effects of a moderately resurgent ERE, or of colonialism and Atlantic trade. If the former, then the effect is that the black sea is friendlier to Helenistic traders, and also that grain exports from the Crimea to Italy have shrunken on account of Byzantium taxing it to the hilt to get back at Venice. The latter hasn't had much effect on Black Sea trade. Sugar was never a big part of the trade, so Venice isn't affecting it with their adventures, while the Portuguese, although getting quite wealthy by sailing to India, are fairly insignificant in volume of goods moved compared to the landward trade along the silk road.
2. Not so good. Leftover rebels and brigands from the civil war are running rampant in Greece, although they aren't strong enough to pose a threat to the government, and piracy has grown in the absence of the Venetian fleet's protection, though not to a crippling extent.
3. Nope, and they'd probably be confused given that Byzantium is just another word for Constantinople. If they knew that its use meant that they were less than the direct continuation of Rome, then they'd be pissed. Their Empire is shrunken, but not their pride.
4. Emperor of China, King of France, Holy Roman Emperor, King of Castile, and Basileus ton Romaion (for Roman connections and associated prestige, not true power). Note that the King of Castile is more powerful than the HRE and possibly the King of France, but Castile is still considered something of an upstart with a history of mismanagement.
5. I'd prefer not to give too much away here, since colonialism will be responsible for a good many trade routes and major cities, but as for cities that have already boomed on account of trade compared to OTL, there is Antioch, Trebizond, Doros, Theodosia, Lisbon, and Syracuse.
ImperatorAlexander, Fear not, the next update will be filled with the Crusaders
cimon, Although they take some influence from them, the Charlotteans do not consider themselves Cathars. Of course, almost anyone who disapproves of them will make the connection, and attempt to use it against them, so it will all come down to who argues their point more eloquently I think.
Benedetto is a classic example of how history is more fun when its subjects are a bit chemically imbalanced, and that's all you need to know for now
1. That depends on whether you mean the effects of a moderately resurgent ERE, or of colonialism and Atlantic trade. If the former, then the effect is that the black sea is friendlier to Helenistic traders, and also that grain exports from the Crimea to Italy have shrunken on account of Byzantium taxing it to the hilt to get back at Venice. The latter hasn't had much effect on Black Sea trade. Sugar was never a big part of the trade, so Venice isn't affecting it with their adventures, while the Portuguese, although getting quite wealthy by sailing to India, are fairly insignificant in volume of goods moved compared to the landward trade along the silk road.
2. Not so good. Leftover rebels and brigands from the civil war are running rampant in Greece, although they aren't strong enough to pose a threat to the government, and piracy has grown in the absence of the Venetian fleet's protection, though not to a crippling extent.
3. Nope, and they'd probably be confused given that Byzantium is just another word for Constantinople. If they knew that its use meant that they were less than the direct continuation of Rome, then they'd be pissed. Their Empire is shrunken, but not their pride.
4. Emperor of China, King of France, Holy Roman Emperor, King of Castile, and Basileus ton Romaion (for Roman connections and associated prestige, not true power). Note that the King of Castile is more powerful than the HRE and possibly the King of France, but Castile is still considered something of an upstart with a history of mismanagement.
5. I'd prefer not to give too much away here, since colonialism will be responsible for a good many trade routes and major cities, but as for cities that have already boomed on account of trade compared to OTL, there is Antioch, Trebizond, Doros, Theodosia, Lisbon, and Syracuse.
ImperatorAlexander, Fear not, the next update will be filled with the Crusaders
cimon, Although they take some influence from them, the Charlotteans do not consider themselves Cathars. Of course, almost anyone who disapproves of them will make the connection, and attempt to use it against them, so it will all come down to who argues their point more eloquently I think.
Benedetto is a classic example of how history is more fun when its subjects are a bit chemically imbalanced, and that's all you need to know for now
I like it! Wasn't Venice the center of the European slave trade back in the middle ages, that is 9-1300s? and if so where did they get a law against slavery? I was under the impression that the sixteen years war was more of a draw in this TL than the 13 years war was in OTL, or is this a case of biased viewpoint?
I would like to see more of the the Habsburgs, especially the emperor, and all of the military orders, the best part of the middle ages were the knightly orders
I would like to see more of the the Habsburgs, especially the emperor, and all of the military orders, the best part of the middle ages were the knightly orders
An enduring anti-Polish Alliance? Well this selection of players will make thing interesting.
The Teutonic Knights don't seem to be going anywhere anytime soon. i wonder how the region will be affected with a knightly order remaining a signifiant power.
What has Constantin Dracula been up to?
It would appear England is destined for religious strife ITTL as well. And I wonder what you have planned for Scotland.
The ruin of Venice has begun it would seem.
Regarding the Crusade, I now am leaning toward it being at least a partial success. That is that we see a new Crusader Kingdom established, but maybe not with Jerusalem.
The weakened Mamluks get pounced on by Ottomans when the Turks are back up to snuff. The Crusaders either help prop up the Mamluks or carve off a chunk of their own. The ERE gets a new lease on life with the Straits obsession replaced with a fixation on reclaiming Jerusalem/Holy Land from the Crusaders.
Look forward to seeing what ends up happening.
The Teutonic Knights don't seem to be going anywhere anytime soon. i wonder how the region will be affected with a knightly order remaining a signifiant power.
What has Constantin Dracula been up to?
It would appear England is destined for religious strife ITTL as well. And I wonder what you have planned for Scotland.
The ruin of Venice has begun it would seem.
Regarding the Crusade, I now am leaning toward it being at least a partial success. That is that we see a new Crusader Kingdom established, but maybe not with Jerusalem.
The weakened Mamluks get pounced on by Ottomans when the Turks are back up to snuff. The Crusaders either help prop up the Mamluks or carve off a chunk of their own. The ERE gets a new lease on life with the Straits obsession replaced with a fixation on reclaiming Jerusalem/Holy Land from the Crusaders.
Look forward to seeing what ends up happening.
I just started reading this again, and it's still amazing! I love the unpredictable nature of this TL. Eagerly awaiting how the "Last Crusade" is going to turn out.
(The only thing that would make it better is if Thomas was to be the King of Jerusalem).
(The only thing that would make it better is if Thomas was to be the King of Jerusalem
).cimon, Not to worry, the Venetians are not yet making a profit, but suffice it to say that the figures that they are predicting for the near future are getting them excited. Besides, my reply mostly delt with the Portuguese, who are indeed making a profit already on the India trade.
JohnSmith, Venice would be somewhat disadvantaged on account of Gibraltar, but they have a long history of holding territories in similarly blocadable areas (namely the Black Sea) by simply not angering the powers that can cut them off.
Andristan, the problem isn't with slavery, just with enslavement of Christians, wich is very much frowned upon even in Venice. The Sixteen Years War was essentially a draw, but Samogitia was already lost to the Teutons by then. As for your requests, I've got some more on the Hospitallers below, and I'll work on some more Habsburgs in the near future, since I've been rather liking them TTL too.
Herr Frage, Some interesting speculation, but I couldn't possibly comment. I intend to have some fun with the Teutons, but at this point I've still got to choose what their ultimate fate will be. Constantin's life has been a little quiet, but I'll give a proper update on him soon, since an important event in his life is coming up.
CELTICEMPIRE, Thanks, and glad it's still good. Thomas doesn't want that, have you seen how middle eastern women dress.
ImperatorAlexander, here you are, sorry for the wait
New update! A little light on Byzantium and the Balkans, but I quite like it all the same.
1497
"Here we stand, the sons of one era, come to build a new one with the strength of our hearts and hands!-King Alfonso XII of Castile, at Jerusalem.
All across Europe, eyes turn to the east, where despite a rocky start, the crusade presses on. In such times of martial excitement, smaller matters are easily lost amidst the latest news from Outremer. This fact is not lost on those who would like matters handled quickly and quietly, and while Alfonso of Castile is away the Pope is far more malleable to the wishes of the princes of Europe. Among others, Doge Agostino Barbarigo of Venice, King John II of Portugal, King Philip I of Aragon, King John II of France, and Pierre d’Abussion of the Knights of St. John each have reason to wish to handle matters with his holiness privately.
Seeking legal protection for their lands in the west and those to which they had laid claim but not settled on, Doge Agostino Barbarigo of Venice seeks an audience with Pope Innocent VIII in order to receive his legal backing on the matter. The primary reason for this is the Aragonese exploratory expeditions, which have raised the question of what western lands Venice has the exclusive right to claim. While the only Venetian settlements of note in the west are San Francisco on the island of San Elmo and Nova Ravenna on the island of Santa Maria (1), it is not in Venetian nature to give anything away for free, and land is certainly no exception. In their goal of keeping the Aragonese out of the New World, the Venetians are joined by an unlikely ally in their trading rivals the Portuguese, who are keen to prevent Aragon from joining the list of nations growing wealthy off of newly discovered trade routes, provided that Venice continues to recognize their exclusive rights to the Cape of King John route around Africa. The end result is a council, held in the ostensibly neutral city of Chambery in the Duchy of Savoy, and attended by representatives from all three polities. Unfortunately for the Aragonese, the Papal Legate representing Innocent VIII is a Venetian, Giovanni Michiel, who is deep in the Doge’s pocket well before the council begins. The result is the Treaty of Chambery, which essentially bars the Venetians from meddling in African trade south of Madeira, and the Portuguese from sailing west across the Atlantic past the Azores. The Aragonese are left conspicuously empty handed, barred from crossing either line without the permission of the territory’s claim holder, though the Venetians do make attempts to open negotiations again to sell small pieces of unsettled land to the Aragonese. The Aragonese are not amused, and do not buy the rights to any western land from the Venetians.
For King John of France, the matters addressed are far more personal. A minor outbreak of plague in Paris infects the palace, and although no members of the royal family are killed, the Dauphin Louis is bedridden for weeks. Estranged from his wife, and having no other children from their union, King John is awakened to the fragility of his line of descent. The result is twofold. Firstly, he seeks special permission from Innocent VIII to remarry. This is made complicated because an annulment would render his only child, Louis, illegitimate, but a well-placed bribe is all that it takes to turn the request for an annulment into a request for annulment and legitimization. Although it could be considered pragmatic and reasonable for Innocent to grant the French king’s request, the whole affair nevertheless provides ammunition for the political enemies of both parties, especially the Charlotteans.
With the annulment, King John of France and his son Louis become the two most eligible bachelors in Europe, as two generations of the depleted house of Burgundy begin searching for potential wives. King John, for his part, is remarried quite quickly, choosing Yolande of Savoy, eldest daughter of Duke Carlo of Savoy, in an attempt to gain support from his own nobility. Although not an heiress on account of the abundant male heirs of her family, Yolande does come with a strong pedigree of both nobility and fertility, and at age sixteen is the perfect age to begin producing heirs for the French throne. Despite this, no sooner has their marriage begun than rumors begin circulating that King John has begun to visit his ex-wife privately.
Bannols, France, November 3rd, 1497
John walked down the hallway. He’d sent almost all of the guards away, and was confident that those who remained could be trusted, but it was still too much. Anyone knowing was too much. Really, he didn’t even want himself to know. It was all so wrong. He reached the door, and extended his hand towards it, but then he retracted it, and began to slink away back down the hall. He had almost reached the corner, almost escaped the web, but he was weak, and he glanced back at the door just before he turned the corner. He took a step back towards the door, but stopped to for a moment to gather himself.
Looking up he sighed, “I’m going to hell, aren’t I?” Of course no answer came, and he soon began to walk towards the door again. After one last deep breath, he was ready, and pushed open the door.
And there upon the bed she lay, upon her side, exactly as he had remembered her, or perhaps more beautiful. She wore only a thin silken nightgown, and John came to the sudden realization that she had anticipated his arrival, despite the fact that he had sent word to let her know nothing.
“How did you know I was coming,” he said, as his eyes ran up and down her.
Opening her eyes and stretching, in a way that almost perfectly mimicked waking up, Louise replied, “There are some things you just know will happen. Unsatisfied, John folded his arms and looked quizzically at her. “Well,” she began thoughtfully, “I may have been tipped off a bit when your men searched the room for weapons. Dead giveaway for someone important coming really.”
“So you would have tried to seduce anyone important who came to visit you here?” said John cynically.
“No, I knew it would be you,” Louise said in a soft voice, “That part I just knew.” John looked around awkwardly, trying to avert his eyes from Louise and her visible curvature. “It bothers you, doesn’t it,” she said, “being with the woman who killed your brother.”
“More than anything ever could,” John said shakily. “How could you do such a thing?”
“Have you ever considered the possibility that you aren’t the only one who feels that way? You yourself are the son of the man who killed my father, how do you think that felt to me for all of those years?”
“That’s different!” said John, his voice rising into an angry yell. “I didn’t make him kill your father, and I’ve spent years trying to undo his mistakes. You killed Philip in cold blood when he was defenseless, and made bastards of his children!”
“Are you so different from him?” she said in a calm monotone, “Even now you are depriving me of our son, holding me as a prisoner out of spite, and sleeping with another woman.
Calming, John sighed and said, “Why did you do it? Please, just tell me why.”
Louise sat up and leaned towards John, and in a voice like a loud whisper she said, “Because he was the one thing I could not trust you to protect Louis from.”
“But what if he had kept his word?” demanded John. “What if he was the man I felt he was?”
“That was a risk I couldn’t afford to take. I am sorry it turned out that way, but I would have done whatever it took to keep Louis safe, and I would do it again now.”
For a moment or two they were silent, John staring at the floor as a tear rolled down his nose, and Louise staring at him with pity in her eyes. At last she ventured to break the silence, asking, “How is she?” John looked up questioningly, and Louise added, “Your new wife.”
“She is sweet and pretty, but she is cold too,” he muttered almost to himself.
“And is that why you have come to see me?” she asked, a bit crestfallen.
“One reason, but there are many more,” John said as he walked over to a nearby chair. He sat down, and continued, “I want to find a bride for Louis, and I’d like your input on the matter, since you are his mother.”
Moving to the corner of the bed and sitting down, Louise thought for a moment. “Is there anyone his age in Iberia?”
“Nobody, they’ve all been firing blanks lately apparently,” he said. “I was thinking of a German, or perhaps an Italian.”
“Definitely not a German, said Louise. The empire is a mess after what your father did to it, and there aren’t any Habsburgs his age. What about the Greeks? They’re doing alright, back in the church, but not strong enough to be a problem.”
“Perhaps,” said John as he scratched his chin, “I think they might have someone his age.”
“That wasn’t so hard. Do you want to take care of that other matter now?” she said as she toyed with the string that held her gown in place.
Smiling, John said, “I’ve got a few other things to discuss with you, but there is no reason they can’t wait until morning.” Louise smiled at him and stood up. She pulled at the string on her gown, and it fell to the floor. John set down his spectacles, and as he got up he thought to himself, Yes, I am going to hell, but I’ll have one night in heaven first, before locking into a kiss and romantic embrace with his ex-wife.
That night, and many nights thereafter, John got little sleep, his dreams plagued by the ghost of his brother.
* * * * *
The Hospitaller Order is also interested in obtaining papal support. Believing victory in the holy lands to be near, he seeks to expand Hospitaller influence in Europe. The reason is obvious; more land areas to defend will mean more men needed to defend them. Although the crusade has a large number of boots on the ground for the purpose of conquering the Holy Land, history has shown that very few of them will remain once their king leaves. This would leave the Hospitallers as the premier military force in the new Kingdoms, a desirable position to be in, provided that they have the men and funds to retain it. For this reason, Grandmaster Pierre d’Aubusson seeks to create a support system for his order in Europe, built at least somewhat on the foundations used by the Knights Templar. Among other things, he seeks the offering of indulgences for rulers who give lands to the order, especially for those monarchs who establish chapterhouses for the order in their capitals. Wishing to keep Europe’s focus on the crusade, Pope Innocent is very supportive of the plan, and himself establishes a Hospitaller chapterhouse in Rome. He also pressures Paolo, Prince Bishop of Sicily, to cede the Maltese Isles to the order in exchange for an annual tribute, though due to manpower constraints the actual institution of this will happen after the crusade has ended. It is also worthy of note that a chapterhouse is established in Barcelona by King Philip I of Aragon, in an attempt to cozy up to one of the greater naval powers following the Treaty of Chambery.
In Outremer, the crusade sees a very productive year, thanks to the Mamluk policy of destroying the fortifications of coastal cities. This leaves the coastland between Syria and Egypt almost totally vulnerable, Gaza exempted of course. With Damascus taken and garrisoned, King Alfonso of Castile, Prince Thomas of England, and Federico of Naples, the Brienne claimant to Jerusalem, lead their forces south along the coast, taking the cities of Beruit, Sidon, Acre, and Jaffa on their way to the Crusade’s ultimate goal, Jerusalem. Thanks to the active supplying of the Castilian and Hospitaller fleets the crusade is amply supplied all along the coast. They are harried the whole way by detachments loyal to the Mamluk general and contender to the throne Janbulat, but Janbulat isn’t confident in his ability to defeat the crusaders and still have the strength to defeat his rival Sultan Muhammad bin Qaitbey, and so he falls back in the crusaders’ wake.
Good news in the north brings good news further south, as confidence rises in the crusaders surrounding Gaza. Despite being outranked by Francis of Milan, George Palaiologos’ advocating an assault on Gaza makes him popular with the troops, and he soon begins actively politicking within the camp in an attempt to lead an assault. Riding the wave of fresh fervor brought on by the northern success, he succeeds in pressuring Francis into allowing him to lead an assault, though Francis personally washes his hands of the operation. His fears go unrealized, as the crusader assault overtakes the city, which has been besieged for over ten months, on April 4th. Although it is uncertain whether the story is true, George makes the claim of being the first man into Gaza, and acquires a reputation for daring and confidence among the crusaders. For Alfonso of Castile, who has not been impressed by the Milanese heir thus far, it is enough for him to begin issuing his orders to the Gaza forces to George instead of Francis, something that the latter considers to be quite a snub.
In preparation for the final assault on Jerusalem, Alfonso recalls the forces at Gaza, leaving a fairly sizeable garrison to protect against the remaining Mamluks. The siege of Jerusalem begins on April 22nd, but here the crusaders’ luck begins to run thin. The immediate threat to one of the holiest cities in Islam serves as a considerable boost to religious fervor among the Mamluks, and Janbulat uses this to his advantage. Changing his mission from taking the throne of Sultan Muhammad to driving the infidels into the sea, and besieges Gaza. Immediately his numbers begin to swell, as devout Muslims, including deserters from his rival Muhammad, flock to his banner in the name of their faith. Their determination and fervor are rewarded, as the city’s remaining population rise up against the crusaders and open the gates, delivering the city back into Mamluk control on June 8th, after little more than a month of crusader occupation.
His numbers swelling daily, Janbulat becomes emboldened. He knows that the crusaders are totally dependent on supplies from the Castilian fleet, and so he makes to position himself between the crusaders and the coast. To further secure his position and damage that of the crusaders, he attacks Jaffa. The port’s garrison, horribly outnumbered, flees and is rescued by the Castilian fleet, but the loss of Jaffa makes resupplying the army at Jerusalem almost totally impossible. Desperate for more time to complete the siege, Alfonso reroutes the main supply line to come along the road from Damascus, but this leaves a long stretch of road that is simply impossible to defend between the crusaders and their supply depot, and when Janbulat sends out cavalry detachments to guard the road, the route becomes essentially impassible.
Pressed for time by their congested supply lines, the crusaders redouble their efforts to take Jerusalem quickly. Their lack of larger cannons hurts them considerably in this goal, but they are not the only ones under pressure to make something happen. The large numbers of poorly paid religious fanatics in Janbulat’s army mean that while he can appreciate the advantages of bleeding the crusaders white before engaging them, his poorly controlled forces cannot, and his own supply lines are struggling to deal with supporting his forces given that most of Egypt is still in the Sultan’s hands. The situation becomes a game of endurance between the two forces, as they attempt to force their opponents to move while maintaining their own unity.
August sees the stalemate break, for on August 9th Jerusalem’s defenses are breached, and the crusaders pour over the walls and storm the city. Their frustrations are vented upon the population despite the efforts of their leaders the city is looted for all it’s worth, although food is scarce after three months of siege. As soon as the rampaging forces are subdued, the leaders make their way to the Church of the Holy sepulcher. Those who were found taking refuge within were spared without any religious questioning, and immediately afterward Federico of Naples was crowned as King Frederick I of Jerusalem by Cardinal Egidio Delfini, the mission crusade’s Papal Legate and titular Patriarch of Jerusalem. The news is fast in reaching Janbalat’s forces, and they are not amused. In light of his failure to defend the holy places of Islam, his forces demand that he march to retake Jerusalem immediately, or be abandoned. In no position to let half his army go free, Janbulat moves against Jerusalem, hoping all the while that he has starved the crusaders enough to make them fall easily.
The first of September plays host to the Battle of Jerusalem. The crusaders have indeed been adversely affected by their supply cuts, and while most of the men are still alive and standing, this has come at the cost of half of their horses, unfed and ultimately eaten by the starving crusaders. In addition to having had the better of the supply situation, the Mamluk forces are gifted with two other advantages. The first is illness, which has cut a swath through the Castilian camp, including King Alfonso, who is bedridden right up to the day of the battle. He feigns recovery in order to inspire his troops and rides into battle with them, but it is obvious that he is not well enough to do so. The second advantage gifted to the Mamluks comes from Francis of Milan. Fearing the worst in the coming battle, and at odds with most of the crusade’s other leaders, he secretly offers to abandon the crusade in exchange for a large bribe from Janbulat. Expensive though it is, it is an offer that is too good to refuse, and Janbulat accepts. Consequently, Francis and 4,000 Milanese soldiers abandon the crusade on the night before the battle, leaving roughly 35,000 crusaders to face at least 50,000 men under Janbulat. The crusaders, for their part, are not without some advantages, namely their superior defensive position and their numerical advantage in cannons, but all things considered morale is low leading up to the battle in the crusader’s camp.
The battle is very much a contest of infantry. The crusader cavalry is depleted, while the Mamluk cavalry, relatively small to begin with on account of the large percentage of fanatics and levies in Janbulat’s army, are still short of significant detachments that were used to raid the crusaders’ supplies. As such, the skirmishing is minimal, and the battle shifts to the infantry before noon. According to the later writings of Federico of Naples, one of the only extant contemporary accounts of the Spanish Crusade, Alfonso of Castile “Spoke gloriously of the coming battle to the troops at one moment, and turned his head away from them to vomit the very next, such was his determination to lead them, and his determination to hide his frailty from them.”
After firing the last round that they could get out of the cannons before the Mamluk lines reached them, the crusaders simply charged down the hill on which they stood, in a combined infantry and cavalry charge. Very little was held in reserve, and all of the crusade’s remaining leaders participated in the charge. The battle is remembered particularly for its length, and many died of heatstroke and dehydration under the day’s burning sun. The fighting lasts well into the evening without either side giving in, but as evening falls a rumor begins to spread among the Mamluks that Janbulat has fallen. Several units flee, and those remaining, unable to communicate well enough to discern what had happened to their leader, begin to fall back. In fact, Janbulat is captured alive sometime after the initial rumor of his death. The retreat exposes the Mamluks to additional casualties, as the crusaders, rather than pursuing them, instead begin firing on their retreat, sending out the remaining skirmishers and reigniting the cannons. All and all some 7,000 crusaders and 16,000 Mamluks meet their fate, leaving the Mamluks still with a slight numerical advantage, but it is in leadership that the battle is decided, and Janbulat’s forces are lost without him.
Not altogether surprisingly, Alfonso of Castile is far the worse for wear after fighting what can easily be described as one of the most grueling battles of the era while ill, and he leaves the battlefield not on a horse, but a stretcher.
Jerusalem, September 1st, 1497
Thomas looked around uncertainly. No aids were with him, only a handful of his guards had managed to. Where the hell is William, he thought to himself. Outside his immediate circle of guards he was surrounded by men of every nation in Christendom, from Englishmen to Cypriots, and he didn’t like it. So many foreign tongues speaking their secret languages made him feel uncertain, and being in an unfamiliar place with no translator and no idea what to do next wasn’t helping things. He was tired, and had minor wounds in both his legs.
Suddenly there was movement, something other than the idle milling about of uncertain survivors. Spaniards were yelling, and pushing down the street. Why can’t you all speak French like civilized men, he thought as he craned his neck for a better view. Thomas was bilingual, but that had meant almost nothing since he’d left France. Castilians, Italians, and Greeks combined to make up two thirds of the crusaders, and between being bombarded by all of their languages he’d managed to learn absolutely nothing. Now in the confusion, he wished he’d tried harder. With all that had happened he wasn’t even totally sure if they’d won the battle.
The Spaniards pushed through, and Thomas stepped back to allow them passage. At length he called out in French, asking what was going on, but none of them even noticed he’d spoken, much less turned to respond to him. Through cracks between the soldiers he saw that they were carrying something, and through glimpses he became convinced that they were carrying a stretcher. Must be someone important, he thought, and he decided to follow them.
He called to his guardsmen, “Come with me,” and they did. He wondered who it could be. Of course the men surrounding the stretcher were Spaniards, and that might mean that they were carrying the King of Castile, but realistically, with how many Castilians there were in the army they could have just wound up carrying someone else by virtue of being the only ones around. Then of course, it could be an enemy, as Thomas was almost sure he’d heard about an important captured enemy an hour ago, but he wasn’t sure what to do or think.
As they walked down the streets, Thomas’ mind wandered. He’d seen so many terrible things today, things he’d always dreamed of seeing, and things he hoped he’d never see again. He’d seen battle at Damascus, but that was nothing compared to this. Here, he’d killed man, and even worse, he’d seen his own men killed. What am I doing? Why the hell am I here? Silent tears fell from the corners of his eyes, and he looked down to hide his shame from his men.
All of a sudden he bumped into the man in front of him. The man looked back in annoyance, but then turned back. Looking up, Thomas realized that they were at the church. It looked like a beacon in a sea of human uncertainty, the only landmark that Thomas recognized. He silently crossed himself, and continued to follow the other men inside as the doors opened. Some of the Castilians moved to restrict his entrance, but Thomas raised his shield, revealing his crest of the white rose, and one of them recognized it and let him pass. Inside the church, Thomas could see the scene unfolding, as the men holding the stretcher set it down in front of the altar. He could see now, it was indeed the King of Castile. He was disheveled, with cuts all over his visible skin. Where he wasn’t cut, Thomas swore he looked paler. His hair and beard were coated in blood, sweat, and grime. He lay unmoving, and Thomas wondered if he were dead, but then his eyes flashed open, and he brought a hand before his face, as though to simply look at it.
Withdrawing his hand from his face, Alfonso began to chuckle. “¿ Estamos en la iglesia?” he asked.
“Sí, mi rey,” one of the guards responded.
“Finalmente,” he sighed, “puedo morir aquí.”
Alfonso smiled and closed his eyes, and Thomas, unable to understand what had been said, guessed what had happened.
“God’s speed Alfonso,” he said, and with that he turned and began to leave the church, unsure of exactly where to go, but sure that he didn’t want to be there.
* * * * *
Alfonso of Castile’s death is a painful blow to the crusade, but his role as the crusade’s leader is quickly and unexpectedly filled by King Federico of Jerusalem. He manages to keep a cool head, and realizes that even with Alfonso dead they are in a position to profit from the battle. Janbulat is still in the crusaders’ custody, and Federico is quick to ensure that he is not allowed to know that Alfonso is dead. He is certain that, if Janbulat is killed, Sultan Muhammad will not take long before he moves to retake Jerusalem, ad so it is determined that Janbulat must not be killed. Instead, Federico negotiates for Janbulat’s release. For his part, Janbulat is in no position to bargain, nor to waste time. He knows that his army will disintegrate without him, and if there is any chance of his winning the civil war his army must survive. Federico’s demands are simply for peace, and the return of the territories retaken by Janbulat on his march to Jerusalem. It is not a difficult offer to accept for Janbulat, who assumes that driving the crusaders out will only get easier with time, but even after accepting Federico keeps him on a short leash, and does not return him to his forces until November, by which time Gaza and Jaffa have been returned to the Kingdom of Jerusalem and Janbulat’s army is outside of the kingdom’s borders. The surviving crusaders decide to winter in Jerusalem, minus Francis of Milan, who by this time is already on his way home, having fled to Cyprus aboard the Hospitaller fleet ahead of the news of his treachery and hired a merchant fleet to transport his forces the rest of the way home.
(1) Roughly Ponce in OTL Puerto Rico.
JohnSmith, Venice would be somewhat disadvantaged on account of Gibraltar, but they have a long history of holding territories in similarly blocadable areas (namely the Black Sea) by simply not angering the powers that can cut them off.
Andristan, the problem isn't with slavery, just with enslavement of Christians, wich is very much frowned upon even in Venice. The Sixteen Years War was essentially a draw, but Samogitia was already lost to the Teutons by then. As for your requests, I've got some more on the Hospitallers below, and I'll work on some more Habsburgs in the near future, since I've been rather liking them TTL too.
Herr Frage, Some interesting speculation, but I couldn't possibly comment
. I intend to have some fun with the Teutons, but at this point I've still got to choose what their ultimate fate will be. Constantin's life has been a little quiet, but I'll give a proper update on him soon, since an important event in his life is coming up.CELTICEMPIRE, Thanks, and glad it's still good. Thomas doesn't want that, have you seen how middle eastern women dress
.ImperatorAlexander, here you are, sorry for the wait
New update! A little light on Byzantium and the Balkans, but I quite like it all the same.
1497
"Here we stand, the sons of one era, come to build a new one with the strength of our hearts and hands!-King Alfonso XII of Castile, at Jerusalem.
All across Europe, eyes turn to the east, where despite a rocky start, the crusade presses on. In such times of martial excitement, smaller matters are easily lost amidst the latest news from Outremer. This fact is not lost on those who would like matters handled quickly and quietly, and while Alfonso of Castile is away the Pope is far more malleable to the wishes of the princes of Europe. Among others, Doge Agostino Barbarigo of Venice, King John II of Portugal, King Philip I of Aragon, King John II of France, and Pierre d’Abussion of the Knights of St. John each have reason to wish to handle matters with his holiness privately.
Seeking legal protection for their lands in the west and those to which they had laid claim but not settled on, Doge Agostino Barbarigo of Venice seeks an audience with Pope Innocent VIII in order to receive his legal backing on the matter. The primary reason for this is the Aragonese exploratory expeditions, which have raised the question of what western lands Venice has the exclusive right to claim. While the only Venetian settlements of note in the west are San Francisco on the island of San Elmo and Nova Ravenna on the island of Santa Maria (1), it is not in Venetian nature to give anything away for free, and land is certainly no exception. In their goal of keeping the Aragonese out of the New World, the Venetians are joined by an unlikely ally in their trading rivals the Portuguese, who are keen to prevent Aragon from joining the list of nations growing wealthy off of newly discovered trade routes, provided that Venice continues to recognize their exclusive rights to the Cape of King John route around Africa. The end result is a council, held in the ostensibly neutral city of Chambery in the Duchy of Savoy, and attended by representatives from all three polities. Unfortunately for the Aragonese, the Papal Legate representing Innocent VIII is a Venetian, Giovanni Michiel, who is deep in the Doge’s pocket well before the council begins. The result is the Treaty of Chambery, which essentially bars the Venetians from meddling in African trade south of Madeira, and the Portuguese from sailing west across the Atlantic past the Azores. The Aragonese are left conspicuously empty handed, barred from crossing either line without the permission of the territory’s claim holder, though the Venetians do make attempts to open negotiations again to sell small pieces of unsettled land to the Aragonese. The Aragonese are not amused, and do not buy the rights to any western land from the Venetians.
For King John of France, the matters addressed are far more personal. A minor outbreak of plague in Paris infects the palace, and although no members of the royal family are killed, the Dauphin Louis is bedridden for weeks. Estranged from his wife, and having no other children from their union, King John is awakened to the fragility of his line of descent. The result is twofold. Firstly, he seeks special permission from Innocent VIII to remarry. This is made complicated because an annulment would render his only child, Louis, illegitimate, but a well-placed bribe is all that it takes to turn the request for an annulment into a request for annulment and legitimization. Although it could be considered pragmatic and reasonable for Innocent to grant the French king’s request, the whole affair nevertheless provides ammunition for the political enemies of both parties, especially the Charlotteans.
With the annulment, King John of France and his son Louis become the two most eligible bachelors in Europe, as two generations of the depleted house of Burgundy begin searching for potential wives. King John, for his part, is remarried quite quickly, choosing Yolande of Savoy, eldest daughter of Duke Carlo of Savoy, in an attempt to gain support from his own nobility. Although not an heiress on account of the abundant male heirs of her family, Yolande does come with a strong pedigree of both nobility and fertility, and at age sixteen is the perfect age to begin producing heirs for the French throne. Despite this, no sooner has their marriage begun than rumors begin circulating that King John has begun to visit his ex-wife privately.
Bannols, France, November 3rd, 1497
John walked down the hallway. He’d sent almost all of the guards away, and was confident that those who remained could be trusted, but it was still too much. Anyone knowing was too much. Really, he didn’t even want himself to know. It was all so wrong. He reached the door, and extended his hand towards it, but then he retracted it, and began to slink away back down the hall. He had almost reached the corner, almost escaped the web, but he was weak, and he glanced back at the door just before he turned the corner. He took a step back towards the door, but stopped to for a moment to gather himself.
Looking up he sighed, “I’m going to hell, aren’t I?” Of course no answer came, and he soon began to walk towards the door again. After one last deep breath, he was ready, and pushed open the door.
And there upon the bed she lay, upon her side, exactly as he had remembered her, or perhaps more beautiful. She wore only a thin silken nightgown, and John came to the sudden realization that she had anticipated his arrival, despite the fact that he had sent word to let her know nothing.
“How did you know I was coming,” he said, as his eyes ran up and down her.
Opening her eyes and stretching, in a way that almost perfectly mimicked waking up, Louise replied, “There are some things you just know will happen. Unsatisfied, John folded his arms and looked quizzically at her. “Well,” she began thoughtfully, “I may have been tipped off a bit when your men searched the room for weapons. Dead giveaway for someone important coming really.”
“So you would have tried to seduce anyone important who came to visit you here?” said John cynically.
“No, I knew it would be you,” Louise said in a soft voice, “That part I just knew.” John looked around awkwardly, trying to avert his eyes from Louise and her visible curvature. “It bothers you, doesn’t it,” she said, “being with the woman who killed your brother.”
“More than anything ever could,” John said shakily. “How could you do such a thing?”
“Have you ever considered the possibility that you aren’t the only one who feels that way? You yourself are the son of the man who killed my father, how do you think that felt to me for all of those years?”
“That’s different!” said John, his voice rising into an angry yell. “I didn’t make him kill your father, and I’ve spent years trying to undo his mistakes. You killed Philip in cold blood when he was defenseless, and made bastards of his children!”
“Are you so different from him?” she said in a calm monotone, “Even now you are depriving me of our son, holding me as a prisoner out of spite, and sleeping with another woman.
Calming, John sighed and said, “Why did you do it? Please, just tell me why.”
Louise sat up and leaned towards John, and in a voice like a loud whisper she said, “Because he was the one thing I could not trust you to protect Louis from.”
“But what if he had kept his word?” demanded John. “What if he was the man I felt he was?”
“That was a risk I couldn’t afford to take. I am sorry it turned out that way, but I would have done whatever it took to keep Louis safe, and I would do it again now.”
For a moment or two they were silent, John staring at the floor as a tear rolled down his nose, and Louise staring at him with pity in her eyes. At last she ventured to break the silence, asking, “How is she?” John looked up questioningly, and Louise added, “Your new wife.”
“She is sweet and pretty, but she is cold too,” he muttered almost to himself.
“And is that why you have come to see me?” she asked, a bit crestfallen.
“One reason, but there are many more,” John said as he walked over to a nearby chair. He sat down, and continued, “I want to find a bride for Louis, and I’d like your input on the matter, since you are his mother.”
Moving to the corner of the bed and sitting down, Louise thought for a moment. “Is there anyone his age in Iberia?”
“Nobody, they’ve all been firing blanks lately apparently,” he said. “I was thinking of a German, or perhaps an Italian.”
“Definitely not a German, said Louise. The empire is a mess after what your father did to it, and there aren’t any Habsburgs his age. What about the Greeks? They’re doing alright, back in the church, but not strong enough to be a problem.”
“Perhaps,” said John as he scratched his chin, “I think they might have someone his age.”
“That wasn’t so hard. Do you want to take care of that other matter now?” she said as she toyed with the string that held her gown in place.
Smiling, John said, “I’ve got a few other things to discuss with you, but there is no reason they can’t wait until morning.” Louise smiled at him and stood up. She pulled at the string on her gown, and it fell to the floor. John set down his spectacles, and as he got up he thought to himself, Yes, I am going to hell, but I’ll have one night in heaven first, before locking into a kiss and romantic embrace with his ex-wife.
That night, and many nights thereafter, John got little sleep, his dreams plagued by the ghost of his brother.
* * * * *
The Hospitaller Order is also interested in obtaining papal support. Believing victory in the holy lands to be near, he seeks to expand Hospitaller influence in Europe. The reason is obvious; more land areas to defend will mean more men needed to defend them. Although the crusade has a large number of boots on the ground for the purpose of conquering the Holy Land, history has shown that very few of them will remain once their king leaves. This would leave the Hospitallers as the premier military force in the new Kingdoms, a desirable position to be in, provided that they have the men and funds to retain it. For this reason, Grandmaster Pierre d’Aubusson seeks to create a support system for his order in Europe, built at least somewhat on the foundations used by the Knights Templar. Among other things, he seeks the offering of indulgences for rulers who give lands to the order, especially for those monarchs who establish chapterhouses for the order in their capitals. Wishing to keep Europe’s focus on the crusade, Pope Innocent is very supportive of the plan, and himself establishes a Hospitaller chapterhouse in Rome. He also pressures Paolo, Prince Bishop of Sicily, to cede the Maltese Isles to the order in exchange for an annual tribute, though due to manpower constraints the actual institution of this will happen after the crusade has ended. It is also worthy of note that a chapterhouse is established in Barcelona by King Philip I of Aragon, in an attempt to cozy up to one of the greater naval powers following the Treaty of Chambery.
In Outremer, the crusade sees a very productive year, thanks to the Mamluk policy of destroying the fortifications of coastal cities. This leaves the coastland between Syria and Egypt almost totally vulnerable, Gaza exempted of course. With Damascus taken and garrisoned, King Alfonso of Castile, Prince Thomas of England, and Federico of Naples, the Brienne claimant to Jerusalem, lead their forces south along the coast, taking the cities of Beruit, Sidon, Acre, and Jaffa on their way to the Crusade’s ultimate goal, Jerusalem. Thanks to the active supplying of the Castilian and Hospitaller fleets the crusade is amply supplied all along the coast. They are harried the whole way by detachments loyal to the Mamluk general and contender to the throne Janbulat, but Janbulat isn’t confident in his ability to defeat the crusaders and still have the strength to defeat his rival Sultan Muhammad bin Qaitbey, and so he falls back in the crusaders’ wake.
Good news in the north brings good news further south, as confidence rises in the crusaders surrounding Gaza. Despite being outranked by Francis of Milan, George Palaiologos’ advocating an assault on Gaza makes him popular with the troops, and he soon begins actively politicking within the camp in an attempt to lead an assault. Riding the wave of fresh fervor brought on by the northern success, he succeeds in pressuring Francis into allowing him to lead an assault, though Francis personally washes his hands of the operation. His fears go unrealized, as the crusader assault overtakes the city, which has been besieged for over ten months, on April 4th. Although it is uncertain whether the story is true, George makes the claim of being the first man into Gaza, and acquires a reputation for daring and confidence among the crusaders. For Alfonso of Castile, who has not been impressed by the Milanese heir thus far, it is enough for him to begin issuing his orders to the Gaza forces to George instead of Francis, something that the latter considers to be quite a snub.
In preparation for the final assault on Jerusalem, Alfonso recalls the forces at Gaza, leaving a fairly sizeable garrison to protect against the remaining Mamluks. The siege of Jerusalem begins on April 22nd, but here the crusaders’ luck begins to run thin. The immediate threat to one of the holiest cities in Islam serves as a considerable boost to religious fervor among the Mamluks, and Janbulat uses this to his advantage. Changing his mission from taking the throne of Sultan Muhammad to driving the infidels into the sea, and besieges Gaza. Immediately his numbers begin to swell, as devout Muslims, including deserters from his rival Muhammad, flock to his banner in the name of their faith. Their determination and fervor are rewarded, as the city’s remaining population rise up against the crusaders and open the gates, delivering the city back into Mamluk control on June 8th, after little more than a month of crusader occupation.
His numbers swelling daily, Janbulat becomes emboldened. He knows that the crusaders are totally dependent on supplies from the Castilian fleet, and so he makes to position himself between the crusaders and the coast. To further secure his position and damage that of the crusaders, he attacks Jaffa. The port’s garrison, horribly outnumbered, flees and is rescued by the Castilian fleet, but the loss of Jaffa makes resupplying the army at Jerusalem almost totally impossible. Desperate for more time to complete the siege, Alfonso reroutes the main supply line to come along the road from Damascus, but this leaves a long stretch of road that is simply impossible to defend between the crusaders and their supply depot, and when Janbulat sends out cavalry detachments to guard the road, the route becomes essentially impassible.
Pressed for time by their congested supply lines, the crusaders redouble their efforts to take Jerusalem quickly. Their lack of larger cannons hurts them considerably in this goal, but they are not the only ones under pressure to make something happen. The large numbers of poorly paid religious fanatics in Janbulat’s army mean that while he can appreciate the advantages of bleeding the crusaders white before engaging them, his poorly controlled forces cannot, and his own supply lines are struggling to deal with supporting his forces given that most of Egypt is still in the Sultan’s hands. The situation becomes a game of endurance between the two forces, as they attempt to force their opponents to move while maintaining their own unity.
August sees the stalemate break, for on August 9th Jerusalem’s defenses are breached, and the crusaders pour over the walls and storm the city. Their frustrations are vented upon the population despite the efforts of their leaders the city is looted for all it’s worth, although food is scarce after three months of siege. As soon as the rampaging forces are subdued, the leaders make their way to the Church of the Holy sepulcher. Those who were found taking refuge within were spared without any religious questioning, and immediately afterward Federico of Naples was crowned as King Frederick I of Jerusalem by Cardinal Egidio Delfini, the mission crusade’s Papal Legate and titular Patriarch of Jerusalem. The news is fast in reaching Janbalat’s forces, and they are not amused. In light of his failure to defend the holy places of Islam, his forces demand that he march to retake Jerusalem immediately, or be abandoned. In no position to let half his army go free, Janbulat moves against Jerusalem, hoping all the while that he has starved the crusaders enough to make them fall easily.
The first of September plays host to the Battle of Jerusalem. The crusaders have indeed been adversely affected by their supply cuts, and while most of the men are still alive and standing, this has come at the cost of half of their horses, unfed and ultimately eaten by the starving crusaders. In addition to having had the better of the supply situation, the Mamluk forces are gifted with two other advantages. The first is illness, which has cut a swath through the Castilian camp, including King Alfonso, who is bedridden right up to the day of the battle. He feigns recovery in order to inspire his troops and rides into battle with them, but it is obvious that he is not well enough to do so. The second advantage gifted to the Mamluks comes from Francis of Milan. Fearing the worst in the coming battle, and at odds with most of the crusade’s other leaders, he secretly offers to abandon the crusade in exchange for a large bribe from Janbulat. Expensive though it is, it is an offer that is too good to refuse, and Janbulat accepts. Consequently, Francis and 4,000 Milanese soldiers abandon the crusade on the night before the battle, leaving roughly 35,000 crusaders to face at least 50,000 men under Janbulat. The crusaders, for their part, are not without some advantages, namely their superior defensive position and their numerical advantage in cannons, but all things considered morale is low leading up to the battle in the crusader’s camp.
The battle is very much a contest of infantry. The crusader cavalry is depleted, while the Mamluk cavalry, relatively small to begin with on account of the large percentage of fanatics and levies in Janbulat’s army, are still short of significant detachments that were used to raid the crusaders’ supplies. As such, the skirmishing is minimal, and the battle shifts to the infantry before noon. According to the later writings of Federico of Naples, one of the only extant contemporary accounts of the Spanish Crusade, Alfonso of Castile “Spoke gloriously of the coming battle to the troops at one moment, and turned his head away from them to vomit the very next, such was his determination to lead them, and his determination to hide his frailty from them.”
After firing the last round that they could get out of the cannons before the Mamluk lines reached them, the crusaders simply charged down the hill on which they stood, in a combined infantry and cavalry charge. Very little was held in reserve, and all of the crusade’s remaining leaders participated in the charge. The battle is remembered particularly for its length, and many died of heatstroke and dehydration under the day’s burning sun. The fighting lasts well into the evening without either side giving in, but as evening falls a rumor begins to spread among the Mamluks that Janbulat has fallen. Several units flee, and those remaining, unable to communicate well enough to discern what had happened to their leader, begin to fall back. In fact, Janbulat is captured alive sometime after the initial rumor of his death. The retreat exposes the Mamluks to additional casualties, as the crusaders, rather than pursuing them, instead begin firing on their retreat, sending out the remaining skirmishers and reigniting the cannons. All and all some 7,000 crusaders and 16,000 Mamluks meet their fate, leaving the Mamluks still with a slight numerical advantage, but it is in leadership that the battle is decided, and Janbulat’s forces are lost without him.
Not altogether surprisingly, Alfonso of Castile is far the worse for wear after fighting what can easily be described as one of the most grueling battles of the era while ill, and he leaves the battlefield not on a horse, but a stretcher.
Jerusalem, September 1st, 1497
Thomas looked around uncertainly. No aids were with him, only a handful of his guards had managed to. Where the hell is William, he thought to himself. Outside his immediate circle of guards he was surrounded by men of every nation in Christendom, from Englishmen to Cypriots, and he didn’t like it. So many foreign tongues speaking their secret languages made him feel uncertain, and being in an unfamiliar place with no translator and no idea what to do next wasn’t helping things. He was tired, and had minor wounds in both his legs.
Suddenly there was movement, something other than the idle milling about of uncertain survivors. Spaniards were yelling, and pushing down the street. Why can’t you all speak French like civilized men, he thought as he craned his neck for a better view. Thomas was bilingual, but that had meant almost nothing since he’d left France. Castilians, Italians, and Greeks combined to make up two thirds of the crusaders, and between being bombarded by all of their languages he’d managed to learn absolutely nothing. Now in the confusion, he wished he’d tried harder. With all that had happened he wasn’t even totally sure if they’d won the battle.
The Spaniards pushed through, and Thomas stepped back to allow them passage. At length he called out in French, asking what was going on, but none of them even noticed he’d spoken, much less turned to respond to him. Through cracks between the soldiers he saw that they were carrying something, and through glimpses he became convinced that they were carrying a stretcher. Must be someone important, he thought, and he decided to follow them.
He called to his guardsmen, “Come with me,” and they did. He wondered who it could be. Of course the men surrounding the stretcher were Spaniards, and that might mean that they were carrying the King of Castile, but realistically, with how many Castilians there were in the army they could have just wound up carrying someone else by virtue of being the only ones around. Then of course, it could be an enemy, as Thomas was almost sure he’d heard about an important captured enemy an hour ago, but he wasn’t sure what to do or think.
As they walked down the streets, Thomas’ mind wandered. He’d seen so many terrible things today, things he’d always dreamed of seeing, and things he hoped he’d never see again. He’d seen battle at Damascus, but that was nothing compared to this. Here, he’d killed man, and even worse, he’d seen his own men killed. What am I doing? Why the hell am I here? Silent tears fell from the corners of his eyes, and he looked down to hide his shame from his men.
All of a sudden he bumped into the man in front of him. The man looked back in annoyance, but then turned back. Looking up, Thomas realized that they were at the church. It looked like a beacon in a sea of human uncertainty, the only landmark that Thomas recognized. He silently crossed himself, and continued to follow the other men inside as the doors opened. Some of the Castilians moved to restrict his entrance, but Thomas raised his shield, revealing his crest of the white rose, and one of them recognized it and let him pass. Inside the church, Thomas could see the scene unfolding, as the men holding the stretcher set it down in front of the altar. He could see now, it was indeed the King of Castile. He was disheveled, with cuts all over his visible skin. Where he wasn’t cut, Thomas swore he looked paler. His hair and beard were coated in blood, sweat, and grime. He lay unmoving, and Thomas wondered if he were dead, but then his eyes flashed open, and he brought a hand before his face, as though to simply look at it.
Withdrawing his hand from his face, Alfonso began to chuckle. “¿ Estamos en la iglesia?” he asked.
“Sí, mi rey,” one of the guards responded.
“Finalmente,” he sighed, “puedo morir aquí.”
Alfonso smiled and closed his eyes, and Thomas, unable to understand what had been said, guessed what had happened.
“God’s speed Alfonso,” he said, and with that he turned and began to leave the church, unsure of exactly where to go, but sure that he didn’t want to be there.
* * * * *
Alfonso of Castile’s death is a painful blow to the crusade, but his role as the crusade’s leader is quickly and unexpectedly filled by King Federico of Jerusalem. He manages to keep a cool head, and realizes that even with Alfonso dead they are in a position to profit from the battle. Janbulat is still in the crusaders’ custody, and Federico is quick to ensure that he is not allowed to know that Alfonso is dead. He is certain that, if Janbulat is killed, Sultan Muhammad will not take long before he moves to retake Jerusalem, ad so it is determined that Janbulat must not be killed. Instead, Federico negotiates for Janbulat’s release. For his part, Janbulat is in no position to bargain, nor to waste time. He knows that his army will disintegrate without him, and if there is any chance of his winning the civil war his army must survive. Federico’s demands are simply for peace, and the return of the territories retaken by Janbulat on his march to Jerusalem. It is not a difficult offer to accept for Janbulat, who assumes that driving the crusaders out will only get easier with time, but even after accepting Federico keeps him on a short leash, and does not return him to his forces until November, by which time Gaza and Jaffa have been returned to the Kingdom of Jerusalem and Janbulat’s army is outside of the kingdom’s borders. The surviving crusaders decide to winter in Jerusalem, minus Francis of Milan, who by this time is already on his way home, having fled to Cyprus aboard the Hospitaller fleet ahead of the news of his treachery and hired a merchant fleet to transport his forces the rest of the way home.
(1) Roughly Ponce in OTL Puerto Rico.
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Enjoy it as usual. Wouldn't large amounts of troops from Janbulat's army deserted and possibly join Muhammad's army in the meantime? So Muhammad can crush Janbulat's army relatively easily and then march on Jerusalem? How would the Milanese running away be viewed by the Papal states and the other Crusaders?
I'm curious what happens to George Palaiologos, he kinda disappears after the assault on Gaza.
Nice update and with its...near-blue diversion as well;I will venture the prediction that once the full story comes through something no good will happen to the Francis and the Milanese in Europe.There was only one person previously to abandon the Crusade for personal interest and that was Bohemund in the first Crusade;he didn't have a good end...
I am also curious to know what is happening to George Paleologos! Just refresh my memory Avitus,which Paleologos is he?
I am also curious to know what is happening to George Paleologos! Just refresh my memory Avitus,which Paleologos is he?
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Tongera, The hasty negotiations were meant to minimize losses through desertion, but yes, Janbulat is now in a weak position. The crusaders are essentially throwing him to the wolves so that they can get a chance to get back on their feet.
No good can come to the Milanese fromthis. Francis took a gamble and lost, and now they have to pay their debt. I can think of some people who might be interested in exploitiing the situation.
ImperatorAlexander, George was present at Jerusalem, but his actions were fairly ordinary. He fought, recieved a wound, survived, and he'll be appearing again next update.
King of Malta, *You Christian kids get off my Outremer!*
cimon, Indeed, the crusader victory puts Francis in hot water, and he hasn't exactly got a strong track record for being charming. After all, he went on the crusade in the first place to try to help his ailing reputation, a goal which he most definitely failed at.
George is Emperor David's eldest younger brother. I may have caused some confusion by referring to him as Giorgios in the narrative scenes with him. He's played a role not unlike that of Micheal VIII's brother John, or Alexios I of Trebizond's brother David, as the younger brother who leads armies in foreign wars while his imperial sibling holds the state together.
No good can come to the Milanese fromthis. Francis took a gamble and lost, and now they have to pay their debt. I can think of some people who might be interested in exploitiing the situation.
ImperatorAlexander, George was present at Jerusalem, but his actions were fairly ordinary. He fought, recieved a wound, survived, and he'll be appearing again next update.
King of Malta, *You Christian kids get off my Outremer!*
cimon, Indeed, the crusader victory puts Francis in hot water, and he hasn't exactly got a strong track record for being charming. After all, he went on the crusade in the first place to try to help his ailing reputation, a goal which he most definitely failed at.
George is Emperor David's eldest younger brother. I may have caused some confusion by referring to him as Giorgios in the narrative scenes with him. He's played a role not unlike that of Micheal VIII's brother John, or Alexios I of Trebizond's brother David, as the younger brother who leads armies in foreign wars while his imperial sibling holds the state together.
God speed indeed. His death may be ill tidings for the people conquered,, after all he seemed rather moderate towards Muslims as far as Christian rulers go in this era.
I wonder if King Fredrico might find an unlikely ally to but time to build up his kingdom? Namely Orhan II. Janbulat will not last long at which point the Qiatbey for all his faults has a battle hardened army bolstered by religious fervor.
So a deal is struck under the table with the Ottomans. An officially unrelated invasion by Orhan II and his young Bey through the Syrian dominion. A way to demonstrate the new Beylik's power, and punish the Mamluks for 'letting the Holy City fall'.
It helps the Christians in the short term. Breathing space for the KoJ and bolstering a potential rival for the Ottoman sultan that could benefit the Anatolian Christian states.
The long term danger is the Ottomans destroying the Mamluks, creating a vast Muslim Empire for which capturing Jerusalem becomes a stepping stone to Caliphate.
So it seems to just be a question how long the KoJ can last before the Muslims get their act together.
Regarding the Crusader Princes.
Alfonso may get sainthood after this successful crusade and his long status as a champion and patron of the Church. Martyrdom never hurts in tat regard I imagine. How old is his heir? I hope we don't see a Castilian decline, someone has to knock Venice down a few more pegs.
I am guessing Milan will be getting pressure turned up. Francis' treachery would be bad enough if the battle was lost. But now he just seems utterly faithless. His actions, or rather inactions at Gaza could be seen now as sabotaging the crusade from within. Same for his other uninspired performances.
Aside from the Church and Castilians being angry, King John has to account for the leader of the French forces disgracing him by proxy. Something has to be done I would say.
Its a stretch but I could see Edward of naples trying to use his Provencal holding to try and carve off or seize Milan to punish the Milanese riyal family with blessings from the Pope ad calling his debt with John. Hmm, Lancaster united italy, as long as we are indulging radical speculation?
Thomas, as good as it was to see him, did he do much of anything in the Crusade? Or was it his officers ad Alfonso directing operations? I wonder if his experience in the Church will be sobering him up for his own legacy. After all he witnessed one of the great leaders of his time die.
Depot Giorgios comes out well. He conquered Gaza and distinguished himself in the Crusade, if not the epic battle at Jerusalem. If David intends his brother to succeed him, this is a fine introduction to the leaders of Christendom.
I wonder if King Fredrico might find an unlikely ally to but time to build up his kingdom? Namely Orhan II. Janbulat will not last long at which point the Qiatbey for all his faults has a battle hardened army bolstered by religious fervor.
So a deal is struck under the table with the Ottomans. An officially unrelated invasion by Orhan II and his young Bey through the Syrian dominion. A way to demonstrate the new Beylik's power, and punish the Mamluks for 'letting the Holy City fall'.
It helps the Christians in the short term. Breathing space for the KoJ and bolstering a potential rival for the Ottoman sultan that could benefit the Anatolian Christian states.
The long term danger is the Ottomans destroying the Mamluks, creating a vast Muslim Empire for which capturing Jerusalem becomes a stepping stone to Caliphate.
So it seems to just be a question how long the KoJ can last before the Muslims get their act together.
Regarding the Crusader Princes.
Alfonso may get sainthood after this successful crusade and his long status as a champion and patron of the Church. Martyrdom never hurts in tat regard I imagine. How old is his heir? I hope we don't see a Castilian decline, someone has to knock Venice down a few more pegs.
I am guessing Milan will be getting pressure turned up. Francis' treachery would be bad enough if the battle was lost. But now he just seems utterly faithless. His actions, or rather inactions at Gaza could be seen now as sabotaging the crusade from within. Same for his other uninspired performances.
Aside from the Church and Castilians being angry, King John has to account for the leader of the French forces disgracing him by proxy. Something has to be done I would say.
Its a stretch but I could see Edward of naples trying to use his Provencal holding to try and carve off or seize Milan to punish the Milanese riyal family with blessings from the Pope ad calling his debt with John. Hmm, Lancaster united italy, as long as we are indulging radical speculation?
Thomas, as good as it was to see him, did he do much of anything in the Crusade? Or was it his officers ad Alfonso directing operations? I wonder if his experience in the Church will be sobering him up for his own legacy. After all he witnessed one of the great leaders of his time die.
Depot Giorgios comes out well. He conquered Gaza and distinguished himself in the Crusade, if not the epic battle at Jerusalem. If David intends his brother to succeed him, this is a fine introduction to the leaders of Christendom.
I've been re-reading this TL and I stumbled across this,
"There can be no greater friend, nor a more bitter enemy than one's own brother."- attributed to Emperor David I Palaiologos.
"There can be no greater friend, nor a more bitter enemy than one's own brother."- attributed to Emperor David I Palaiologos.