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Since I can't make another poll I wanna ask do you think the Romans will attempt to conquer lands in east frankia ? Why why not
 
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Rise of Germanicus part 3
Volunteers from the east had come, and the army moved. More surprising was that the Romans this time offered rewards to would-be traitors, and some did join them, this time they would focus on the Rhine, as the Roman army moved towards Odenwald, where they found Henry across the river Kinzig. For two days, both armies did not dare cross, and for two days, Claudius offered to lead the Tagmata and some other cavalry contingents as vanguards. The Heraclian refused, fearing that one of his most elite cavalry contingents would be destroyed, but on the third day, in the afternoon, he allowed Claudius to attack.

One man, being Afraid, told his commander

We are so few, and they are so many. What are we to do?

to which Claudius replied, It is good that we are few, for greater will our glory be, so march forth and let them say no such bravery has been seen by men since the time of the protathignators.

Claudius charged with cavalry in the sides as he met the German center, pushing them back. Claudius pushed through, nearly piecing the German line as they moved with a migthy furry. The rest of the Roman army, in haste, quickly began to cross the river as Claudius cut through the Germans, but he had pushed too far and soon was envoloped by the Germans, yet his bravery had built up enough time, and they charged. As the Tagmata broke off, soon they regrouped and charged again with the rest of the Roman army.

The strength of the Roman numbers advanced, pushing back the Germans, and soon the reserve was charged, but it only delayed the inevitable; many died as the battle line broke as they were cut down, but it seemed fortune also smiled upon the Germans, for the Romans could not destroy them. night had come upon the skies of Germania, yet the Romans had regained the initiative. Not without suffering heavy casualties, the Romans returned to Pavia. The Romans thought that this was enough; it was not. The Germans were angered and still wanted to fight, so in June 924, the Romans left again, this time to Bavaria.

The Romans marched until they reached Lechfeld; the Germans were in a narrow plain with the forest to the west and the river Lech to the east. The Romans could not outmaneuver the Germans, and so the east-Frankish king charged the Romans as they met the Germans with a shower of arrows. Despite a brave charge, the Germans could not break the Romans; they retreated as the Romans chased them. As they were chased, the Romans charged, turning the battle against the Germans and attempting to break their line, yet the Germans resisted; not one step was given to the Romans for which they had not earned their blood.

breaking any illusion that this was going to be an easy victory like the one earlier that year as the Germans were pushed back after hours, not with inflicting many casualties, until they reached an opening in the Forrest near the old Roman road in the Reuherforst, where the king gave his signal and his reserve charged out, hoping to attack the Romans by the side. It was at this crucial moment in the battle that Claudius, leading his contingent in the reserve as Theodosius did not want to put him in the front for fear that his boldness might cost him his life and the battle, broke off and met them. After brutal fighting, Claudius and his men drove them away and soon joined the main battle. It was soon all over as the Germans broke, and this time darkness would not save them; the king's army, his prestige, and his power were destroyed.

The king of Pavia asked the Roman emperor if he could possibly take Bavaria and Swabia for himself, expanding Roman control, and if things went his way, maybe claim the throne of east Frankia, but Leo rejected the idea. The campaign was to defend the border, not expand it; the campaign had already proven to be costly, and another campaign of conquest without the full support of the east was out of the question. He also would not give Pavia more power than it already had.

Still, the king was rewarded, and both participated in a triumph, the first in the eternal city since the fall of the west nearly 500 years prior. As the king of Pavia twice consul, for Theodosius, he was given the honorary title of Anthypatos, and he soon retired after his final great victory, and Claudius Leo gave him the title of consul. For his bravery and being key to the campaign's success, he was given the name Germanicus, and while his story would continue, the same could not be said for the German king. His southern land devastated, his old allies turned against him, and while he crushed the revolt, he was in the negotiations murdered by the nobles who disliked his attempt to control them. The direct line of the Carolingians had now died out in East Frankia; chaos filled the land, but it was just the start for their old allies in the east to pounce against the now weak kingdom.
 
I think Bulgarians would begin to look North - they are kinda locked in southern and western expansion - Germans and Byzantines are too strong to be beaten decisively by Bulgarians, so they obviously need to expand their population base and income, taking Baltic ports like https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Truso or https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wolin_(town) would be the way to increase their income and the lands between them and Wislania would increase population, so Simeon or his ATL succesor might plan to create empire stretching from Baltic Sea to Adriatic Sea.
Another interesting pathway to expansion would be to face off Rus in attempt to dominate what IOTL became Ukraine, Bulgarians even IOTL with centre in Balkans had some influence there during Krum times, so I think Simeon in need to increase his income and population would also seek to dominate eastern trade routes who gave prosperity to Kievan Rus IOTL.
IMHO maximum Bulgaria wank ITTL would be them having northern border on Baltic Sea, western on the Oder with them having some influence among Elbean Slavs also, driving Germans out of Bohemia proper completely and in the southwest, having border roughly identical to that of OTL crown of St. Stephen and the eastern roughly on Dnieper with most of OTL's Ukraine being firmly part of Bulgaria, and Rus being driven out to Novogorod (with Polotsk possibly being sort of buffer state between Rurikovichi and mega-Bulgaria).
Tho that would have interesting consequence on ATL Bulgarian language, at that time Old Slavic was still one language with many dialects, but dialects which had features similar to OTL Bulgarian would be spoken only in Wallachia and Transylvania (Moldavia was split between dialect with features which gave birth to OTL Bulgarian and OTL Ukrainian) and most of the empire would speak another dialects - between Baltic and Carpathians dialects which gave birth to OTL Polish, in Pannonia and Moravia and Nitra those who gave birth to OTL Czech and Slovak, Croatia (if they take it) would be another can of worms since Magyars are only Bulgarian's vassals with not so much sway over the area they held IOTL and probably are being slowly slavicized themselves (like OTL Kumans were magyarized) which means continuum between western and southern Slavic isn't broken and these dialects are more similar to northern ones than IOTL, and of course if they conquer parts of Rus, the dialects which gave birth to Ukrainian would be there IOTL.
So, even proper Bulgarian dialect would not diverge so much from the rest of Slavic as it did IOTL (for example losing declension under Romanian and Greek influence), and IMHO some Slavic koine would arise in that mega-Bulgaria and modern Bulgarian (XXIth century) ITTL might look like OTL's Interslavic (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Interslavic- it's even more probable since it was created as modernized continuation of Old Church Slavonic with elements from other Slavic languages and OCS was essentially Old Bulgarian).
Thanks for the information the next chapter will explore this Bulgaria and let's just say there will be some influence of certain northern princes
 
Golden age of Bulgaria
As the west celebrated in triumph, back east, Emperor Basil continued the peace made by his father and his reforms, but if the new emperor was preparing for conflict, he wanted his own triumph, while he again moved to the east to fortify the east as Kavad was still not to be trusted. But his triumph would not be in crushing the Persians; rather, he would be the first emperor to bring Egypt back to the empire. While the grain shipments from it benefited him and the grain shipments from Africa benefited his brother, even if the new emperor changed his mind, the kingdom of Egypt was weak enough that he could reconquer it before any reinforcements came. For this, he needed peace. Lucky for him, Kavad was busy being a philosopher king and funding things like observatories in his capital rather than going to another war with Rome.

He needed to assure peace with Simeon, and he too wanted peace. Simeon had pushed his reforms; he at first taxed the newly acquired Pannonia and Moravian territories but stopped as he switched to taxing the nobles of the kingdom and redistributing the land of nobles who had died in the war. This and the taxes were to lower the number of peasants who were bound to nobility or ecclesiastical estates, which had increased.

But the economy of Bulgaria continued to recover, especially with their control of two major trade routes: one was the Danube, and the other was that they owned a significant stretch of the amber road. With his new taxes, they immediately alleviated the financial burdens of the war, and while the Bulgarian emperor supported the German king with some of his forces, he did not want war with the Romans; in fact, he moved to change and use the treaty to his advantage, especially the slaves. Simeon took the growing view that the slave trade of fellow Christians and the enslavement of them was wrong; this debate only grew in the church after Emperor Constantine's actions, and many argued that selling Christians to heretics was just as bad as the long-standing view of selling Christians to Jews or Heathens, and despite these views and being a reason why the slavic slave trade grew more, many Christians still raided each other for the purposes of gianing slaves, so emperor Simeon seeked to kill many birds with one stone.

Simeon condemned the enslavement of fellow Christians but accepted the enslavement of Heathens. This way, he would entivize those tribes under his control to convert, not only to avoid being enslaved but to those in particular living in the east, to conduct their raids on the Rus as tensions had been growing between them and Bulgaria. This change also made him a better Christian than the late emperor Constantine.

Not only that, he used this new found reason to reduce the number of slaves that the treaty would be halfed, since after all, many of the pagans were already converting and reports showed that to keep the treaty, Christians were being enslaved. Simeon had struck a blow, and Basil was already seen in a bad light due to his personal iconoclast feelings, which he slowly tried to introduce, and his father's actions were still a sore point with the clergy, so he quickly agreed to Simeon's request, but Emperor Simeon was not done; he still wanted to prove that he was an orthodox Christian and defender of the faith compared to the heretic Roman emperor and found a way.

Simeon had conquered Moravia, but not all of the previous lands that it once controlled or held lordship over. Taking Moravia and Nitrava, the Bulgarians only took these productive centers, whose northern border was south of the Vistula river and Sudetes mountains; the lands of the Vistulans and Silesians were north of the river, and the Mountians were left mostly alone, but in these lands a powerful pagan prince began persecuting Christians. Simeon himself sent a letter for him to stop and even invited him to be baptized, which he rejected, and Simeon's army moved. He was quickly overthrown, and the border moved north to the Pilica River. Simeon then ordered his governor to control the Magyar raids, especially after the victory of the Romans against the Germans.

While he did not stop them completely, as the loot certainly benefited the Bulgarian emperor, the Pagan Magyars committing evil against the German Christians went against the Simeon image of the Pouis emperor. One Magyar cut a dog to say the emperor had broken his oath that he was not forcing upon them, the chirstian religion, but Simeon argued he did not break his word, for did he not send missionaries rather than armies and try to convince them with preaching rather than a sword? Violence did occur, but both sides condemned it, and soon in this time period, crosses did become more common in the eastern and especially western Magyar graves. Even though we do not know if these are ornaments, Jesus being attached to the pantheon, or genuine conversion, some Magyar chiefs did come to Snagov in 925 and 926, becoming friends of the emperor and converting to seek more support from the Bulgarian emperor; he even became the godfather of one of the chiefs.

Aside from conversions, Simeon, the great, also composed many works of art, including icons of saints and biblical figures. And unlike the Romans, whose historiography tended towards universal chronicles and narrative historical works, Bulgarian authors preferred to record only the most significant facts and events of the Khans, their great deeds, or great events; this is likely a continuation of the pagan style of writing. But in 926, Prester of Snagov, commissioned by Simeon, wrote The Story of the Bulgarians, a detailed compilation of older works and more recent events detailing the Bulgarian arrival at the great war with Rome

Simeon would die in 927 leaving Bulgaria in a true golden age but events in the empire would tare Christendom apart
 
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Basil campaign
Emperor Basil continued to support the reforms, one of which, while not intentional, was quite ironic, as the emperor saw the decline of the Praesental army once there were two, and at least at one point in its history, it was 40,000 strong, but that did not last after all. The Praesental Army, as we commonly think of it in the 440s, moved only to the east around the late 5th century; by the time of Justinian, it had been gutted to augment Oriens, and Armenia also suffered from the cuts as the chaos of the 6th century and the war that nearly destroyed the empire occurred.

By the time of Heraclius, such an army did not even exist, and the emperor was left with only the equivalent of two field armies. Heraclius, in 639, restored only one Praesental army, and it was not near the strength of the 40,000 Praesental army. Given time, it continued to grow, like the Praesental armies before these units were dispersed to figth in other fronts, and it continued to be like this until Constantine V created the Tagmata, which took forces from the Praesental army, which continued to linger even survivor Heraclonas reforms, which restructured the main field armies and some themes, but Emperor Constantine incrassed the Tagmata to more than 18,000 spread out in Anatolia and Thrace, doubling their size, and so history repated itself as the Praesental Army continued to be intigrated into other armies or the Tagmata.

And the tagmata would be used heavily for his next campaign. Following the civil wars in 922, the new king of Egypt, with his weak position, wanted a victory to solve most of his issues, including prestige and money, as the treaty with the Romans put him under economic pressure, not to mention the taxes he had to pay towards the Amazigh emperor. Since he did not want war with the Romans, he chose the southern kingdom of Makuria. His excuse was that they helped the Coptic kingdom when the Amazigh empire invaded, nevermind that the emperor himself sent a delegation of peace to Makuria, wanting a good relationship with his new vassal. The invasion was a disaster. The Egyptian force never faced the Makurian army and was whittled away before even coming close to Dongola.

This humiliation brought about a series of revolts as the Makurian army then crossed to Egypt and sacked many border cities. It also ended the peaceful relationship with the southern kingdom, which raided into the kingdom with frequency.

By 927, the emperor had gathered a strong force, some 15,000 men led by 180 ships under Admiral Himerios, while he and his distant family member Constantine Tyannos would march at the head of 20,000 from the coast and enter Egypt via land.

On his march, Emperor Basil went to encounter his son, also named Basil, who was visiting Old Gregory. The old man was 93, and yet, for the most part, his mind still remained sane; dementia had not gotten to him. He entered his house as his son was reading an old book out loud.

It says here that the Serbs arrived during the time of the great emperor Heraclius.
Yes, some say that they wanted to settle near Thessalonica, but the emperor only granted them permission to settle in the Saos, or what in their land they call the Sava River.

Then, when Basil entered, he met the old man and asked, Am I to reconquer Egypt before you die?

To which the old man saluted his emperor: I do not know what God's plan is for your campaign, but let it be so that I am in good cheer for it. But I do know something, Basileus: so long as you keep your present advisors and counselors, you can do most anything, but if you replace them to uproot what your grandfather did and what I and my comrades have done, it will not be the same, for I tell you, just as in the days of Heraclonas, did we eat, drink, and feast for peace until disaster struck when the Esau wanted to kill his father and brother, so to I tell you, if you choose that path, your and your son will see sorrow, just as disaster struck 18 years after the death of Constans III, so shall it be after my departure.

Basil left the small house in Nazareth and continued to march south. The campaign started off well. The local navy was caught off guard, and the majority of the navy turned to driftwood and ash. The siege of Alexandria did not last long, as even the king fled and the local population welcomed the Romans.

By this point, the emperor had taken Arish and was moving towards Pelusium. From there, the emperor moved to cross the delta and gave orders to his general, Romanos Argyros, to wait for him, but reports had come in that the king had gathered his army worse, yet the empire was sending reinforcements. Romanos argued they needed to crush the king's army now lest the berbers come like a storm and sweep them away, and so the Romans marched south towards the town of Nikou, where they met the king's army. Another argument broke out: some wanted to wait for the emperor, while others argued that they could not wait. Romanos, being impatient or seeking glory, gave them the order to battle.

The battle began with a skirmish, which the Romans won. The general ordered a charge, which decimated the Egyptian right wing and nearly killed the king, who fled the battlefield. Seeing this, the Romans then broke their cracking line with the Amazigh general, one named Abaddier, who tried to organize the line to no avail, but the hasty Roman general pushed too far too fast, and the Amazigh counterattacked. After three hours of fighting, they managed to win as the survivors fled to Alexandria.
The battle ended in disaster, but the campaign was not over. Basil fully intended to continue his march and moved towards Nikou, but his enemy retreated south towards Babylon fortress, and again, the emperor intended to chase, but it was like God himself disaster had struck Constantinople
 
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If you guys had not noticed I tried to keep to the scholarship with the pod hence I changed things after reading Anthony kaldellis new book about the roman army from 361-630 it's a great book for any one making a timeline on the time of late antiquity
 
Rise of iconoclasm
927 was mourned by the Bulgarians not only because of the death of Simeon, but Peter was immediately faced with challenges. A plague of locusts created a famine in Bulgaria, but it was just a precursor to what was to become in the winter of 927-928. When frost came to Constantinople and many died out of cold or hunger as the cold froze the crops and animals, the emperor, while on his march back, ordered both the immediate construction of temporary shelter for the poor, which his mother already took care of; once the emperor arrived, he also gave money to the poor.

The emperor also began handing out grain, but the effects of the frost would continue for four months come spring. Even with the emperor handing out more grain, many small landowners could only feed themselves by selling their land to wealthy civilian, military, or ecclesiastical landowners, and then those who had just sold the land became tenant farmers.

Fearing that the rich would use their new lands as a loophole for his father's implementation of old laws that were not enforced and his new laws, he was also worried about the sale of military land, but many pondered why.

It was then that news reached him from the east, as his youngest son informed him of Gregory's death at the age of 95. He was the last of those men who joined Heraclonas nearly 80 years ago to stop the crisis. The emperor wanted to burry him in the church of the holy apostles, but Gregory wanted to be burried in Nazareth.

He said to the younger Basil, I have lived longer than most men, and yet my home still lays in the hands of the barberians when the lands of the Nile rejoin the imperium, then move my bones to where I grew.

Basil assured him he would be buried in Alexandria,but Emperor Basil pondered the old man's prophecy. Was this the start of the sorrow?

It would not be the first time nature has conspired against the empire. In 698, a cold winter in the vassal of Armenia was only a taste of what would become. As Justinian dealt with the crisis after his death, a new expedition was planned to deal with the Amazigh expansion, but in the winter of 717–718, which was worse than the current one, snow covered the ground for over three months. The people of the city and its surroundings ate their horses and other livestock, then the bark, leaves, and roots of trees; some ate dung; and then there was canibalism. Any expedition was cancelled, yet the Romans again prepared for another one in 726, and yet again, mother nature struck. Santorini had erupted; ash fell from Greece to Anatolia and beyond the earthquake and tsunami that followed, causing even more deaths. It is said that volcanic rock clogged the Aegean, causing the water to boil.
These two natural disasters delayed any Roman response to the Amazigh expansion, giving them years to consolidate their rule. The later 8th century was also filled with minor disasters, the biggest one being the earthquake in the near east in 749, but most others were minor floods or droughts the strong empire could deal with.

The same could not be said for the 9th century. Starting with an earthquake in Italy, there were many natural disasters; maybe they wouldn't have been as bad had the crisis not occurred at the same time, from floods in Thrace in 813 to heavy frosts in Constantinople during 820, severe winters in Thrace in 822, and more severe winters and faminnes from 829–842.

floods in Anatolia in 835, drought, shortage of grain in Macedonia in 835, followed by years of heavy snow in Macedonia, hailstorms in eastern Anatolia in 843, a famine in the Aegean region, and the earthquake in Damascus in 847.

When Heraclonas took power, Mother Nature seemed to clam down. There were only two severe winters in 851 and 852 in Armenia and Macedonia; the 856 earthquake, then nothing for more than a decade; in 867, floods occurred in north-western Anatolia, later followed by floods in eastern Anatolia in 873; a severe winter in extreme cold Central Anatolia in 880; then again, mother nature calmed down till 921 and 922 with cold winters in the Aegean and Peloponnese.
Famines would continue in Thrace and Anatolia for the next few years. Many tried to interpret what happened. Many said God was angered that an iconoclast ruled, but the emperor interpreted in another light that God was angry with him for hiding his iconoclasm. It is safe to say the emperor's mother was not happy and publicly rebuked him, reminding him of his oath to his father. The emperor responded, "Unless God showed me I was wrong, and he indeed has."

Yet the emperor still showed restraint; he ordered icons to be removed from churches but did not deliberately call for the destruction of icons. Despite this, revolts, and especially condemnation from the clergy, came about parrticularly from the patriarch of Constantinople, all other eastern patriarchs, and the pope, along with his brother,but the emperor cared little for this and began to eye another target
 
Battle of Badr
Despite the condemnation of most of the west because of the emperor removing the icons, the emperor first began to surround himself with fellow Iconoclasts, but he did not move to replace some figures. Key among them was the patriarch of Constantinople. The emperor did need to prove his changes were pleasing God, and he just likely found his opporunity. As events in Arabia called for the shah's attention, since the founding of the kingdom in central Arabia, al-Ahwas ruled for 30 years, but from 875 onwards, there was near constant war with the kingdom of Hejaz under Malik V. As the war continued, Utbah ibn Al Walid, who was regent for Malik prior to 878, scored a major victory over the polytheists in the battle of the Turbah valley. But two years later, King al-Ahwas defeated the Nestorians near the city of Tabalah, and then the war continued for two years with raiding, and then a peace formed, and the war ended.

With a 15-year peace, both countries exchanged prisoners taken during the war. The kingdom of Kindha, as it came to be called, also stopped the blockade towards the trade of Hejaz towards eastern Arabia, and Hejaz allowed kindha merchants to access the valuable red sea trade. While the destruction of the many shrines had occurred, the Hejazis allowed Kinda safe passage to surviving pagan sites in the south of Yemen to the sites of Almaqah.

This peace allowed King Malik to address a big problem when his family took over the Taif; they intermarried with the powerful Malik clan, and by now they both had become one. The lesser Ahlaf consisted of the other nobility that already existed or had been formed, but there were tensions with the old Taif rival. Despite the new kingdom elevating Taif to rival Mecca, sooner or later, the kings incorporated the Quraysh, whose tribesmen, who were installed in key government positions, were fine at first, but as the kingdom expanded and it focused on destroying the rebellions of the polytheists, the kings also gave the many estates to the nobles to satisfy them, to serve as a counterbalance, and to stop the constant feuding among its constituents of the kingdom, which was a confederation.

But as they were given so much power, the nobility began to argue not only with the Taif and Quraysh but even among the Quraysh themselves. The Umayyad family had been gaining power for these last decades until the appointment of Utbah ibn Al Walid, a descendant of the arbitor Walid ibn al-Mughira and a warrior Khalid, both of the Makhzūm tribe, but there was a bigger problem: Utbah was also related to the Umayyad family; the tribe itself was distantly related; he was the result of recent marriage to join the tribes, and this was a problem, before during the 7th century and durig the times of that one man preaching monotheism, whose story had become contradicting legends on what his mission or words even were.

The Umayyad and Hashim tribes were the most powerful; this only continued to grow into rivals, despite the Hashim suffering a blow to their prestige as caretakers of the kabba following its destruction. As the kingdom Christianized, they were put in a similar position with the new church, which was the resting site of Saint Abraham, also a member of the Banu Hashim, who by this point had become their patron saint, the man who participated in the writing of Codex Arabicus. He also lived a monastic life, selling his fortune from his powerful family to the poor. Despite his many writings on why paganism was inferior and how he demonized pagans, accusing them of things like child sacrifice and calling for the destruction of their shrines, he was famous for traveling with the army during King Ya'fur's reign to, in his words, lower the bloodshed, famously preventing the massacre of the polytheists after the great victory of 802 by publicly telling the general that no good came from killing surrendered men.

It said this act convinced many of them to be baptized. Malik also spoke about slavery; when the Nestorians arrived, they regulated slavery because it was better to be a Christian slave than a pagan free man. He also called for kinder treatment of slaves but had no regulation of slavery, and while the Arabian climate meant that the slaves did not work in conditions that would kill them, many were still subject to cruelty; some slaves were sent to prostitution or even sex slaves, other abuses still continued, and the saint, while not against the practice, did free some and cried against abuses and even encouraged the emancipation of those polytheists who were baptized. This was not popular, as while the chirstian kingdom was far away, it was connected with the rest of the Christian world, which was growing attitudes toward enslaving chirstians. This was also becoming more prevalent in the kingdom by not converting the polytheists so they could continue the trade and raids, as well as justifying abuses because why should they care about pagans?

The saint still went on till his death in 813, but whether due to his preaching's or a combination of factors, by 826 the first laws of the regulation and treatment of slaves were given, limiting abuses. Abraham was buried in the church of the Kaba, which was already the second-most important church after the church of Taif, where Saint Malik was buried; this in turn gave the Banu Hashim more significance. In the following decades, kings played off the Umayyad and Hashim or other tribes against each other, but the last two kings before Malik father favored the Hashim, but then Utbah ibn Al Walid influence was a shift towards Umayyads. especially under his regency, was another future saint, a man called Yazid, bishop of Taif and of the minor nobility; he wrote about philosophy and poetry, which the Arabs were known for, but later he renounced his post, going to caves to preach and abandoned his possessions and heavily criticized the regent for there many people that were still pagans, but he did use the peace to go preach the kingdom of Kinda, which he was successful in covering some men; he did the same for the tribes of the north; ironically enough, it was when he went to preach to the south in Yemen where he was martyr; it was one of the many reasons cited that the opponents of the Umayaads even when he stepped down as regent he still had much influence.


This influence convinced King Malik to go to war in 890. The war started well for the Christians, but they got bogged down due to internal divisions until, in 900, the polytheists defeated the Christians, and the war ended back to the status quo of the first peace, which was not popular. The Hashim blamed Utbah, who dismissed him, but he still had much influence as he married into the royal family. To offset this, he married one prominent tribe member and family of the saint, one named Muhsin, to his sister.

Malik's rule was then another peaceful one until he died in 912 and was succeeded by Ahmad. While Salama ruled the neo-kigdom of Kindah since 897, he expanded the borders north towards the old kingdom of Kinda, now bordering the areas controlled by the Persian Arab vassals. The Roman emperors saw this as a great new ally against the Persians, but the new kingdom played off both sides well, helping them during Constantine's rule. His death in 928 caused a civil war between the pro-Roman and pro-Sassanid factions, but as the Roman empire really could not do much in this year, it was left to the Taay to support while Hanfinids supported the other faction and then began raiding each other.

The pro-Roman faction won, and the deposed king fled to Ctesiphon, seeking the assistance of the shah, who received the news. The kingdom of Hejaz, now ruled by Ya'fur II, kept attacking them and preparing a campaign to finally conquer them. Kavad moved quickly, and despite his age, he would lead 10,000 men, 4000 Arabs, and the rest from the Shah's army and his elite guard, and like his ancestor Shapur II, he would march towards Arabia; his first minor victory was near Dhiqar, symbolically rectifying the defeat in that area that occurred 300 centuries ago. He kept going south from the coast till he entered central Arabia, where the Hanifids were in their old homeland. In the region of the Oaisies of Al-Yamama, the Persians proceeded to sack the cities, dividing the force to put less pressure on their supplies. The kingdom, already dealing with the Hejazi invasion, was forced to fight the shah, who sacked the capital at Hajar. but he went further, calling back his army into one.

They reunited near Yathrib. The tribes gave them free passage to the south, and their real target was the kingdom of Hejaz. The Persian army met the Hejazi army, which moved towards Badr to intercept the army using favorable terrain. The king himself joined them. There was a legend here that once a wise man who preached monotheism faced the Quarysh and won, and so the valley north of the town would be used as a chokepoint for the great Persian army. When the Persian army arrived, the Hejazi tried to use the common relationship between them and the Hanfinids to try to convince them of the defect; this failed. The battle began with the king of Hejaz against the king of the Hanafids; the king of Hejaz won.

Due to this, his enraged troops were the first to charge, as the Hejazis resisted absorbing the shock as the Iranians sent more forces, despite outnumbering the Hejazis with determination. As the Persians could not force their way through, realizing that there was no place where the Persians retreated, another charge occurred, but it ended the same, so Kavad, by the third charge, moved his own cavalry guard and reserve. The sight of these men, covered from head to toe in armor that was glittering in the sun and armed with their kontos lances, scared the Arabs, and they charged, hitting them. This time the Persians hacked their formation and the wings were breached; all was lost as the men fled and the head of the king was presented to the sha, but Kavad was not done as he marched south; this kingdom was a threat to any future expedition that Kavad wanted in Yemen; weakening them now would do him no harm.

Mecca and Taif panicked; a smaller force was sent to Mecca, which was put under siege as Kavad moved towards Taif. It was not long before Kavad entered and was utterly destroyed; women were raped, most were killed, and a great part of the city was burned, but the Shah had not taken the citadel; the son of the king and one of his generals resisted; Mecca had surprising not fallen during this time; the Shah was fine with waiting until news reached him from the north that Emperor Basil had invaded the empire, wasting no time. The Shah retreated back towards Persia, having, in one campaign, weakened both the kingdoms of Kinda and Hejaz; his only regret was not destroying the latter.
 
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Battle of Dvin
Basil heard how Kavad in 929 moved towards Kinda and was very successful in eliminating the Roman allies in the region. While many would have seen it as of no use to try to attack the Persians, especially now that the pro-Roman kinda had been vanquished, this only gave Basil more resolve to attack the Persians. Despite his mother's saying it was not worth it, there were practical reasons for the emperor to go to war: the tribute paid by his father to defend the north, and from the Tang remnant in central Asia, the tribute to Iran was resented as the annual tribute.

Not only that, but the supposed Tang remnant that he was paying to protect against was not even the terror it once was following the death of Zhongde; his son only did minor raids on Iran. Despite this, the Tang remnant was still stable; the same could not be said for China. The dynasty, having collapsed in 917, entered a period of chaos as the Yenisei Kyrgyz Khagante controlled much of Mongolia and bordered the Tang remanant in the altai mountains to the west. They tried to conquer the Tang remanant; Feng Xingmi successor defeated two armies From then on, the Kyrgyz limited themselves to raiding the Anxi, which in turn raided their territory as well.

During this time, the governors of the Hexi corridor paid Anxi for protection from the Kyrgyz in 907. The western dukes hopes to get rid of them came about when the Khitans formed an empire after expanding towards the Laio River and subduing the tribes to their west. They bordered the Kyrgyz Khagante after a small war, and both sides made peace as the Khitans Khagan focused on internal rebellions, but when the Tang fell, the Khitans, who had already planned this, changed their name to Chinise and gave themselves the title of Celestial Emperor. They soon built a capital in a Chinese-style city, and the Khitans, now Laio, also supported one of the many families in the chaos occurring in China.

But the Laio sparked debates on whether the Kyrgyz should do the same. But further west, seeing that an alliance was not going to occur, the Anxi occupied the Hexi corridor and stopped another Kyrgyz invasion of the Hexi corridor, adding their agriculture and pastoralism as new taxes for the Anxi, who knew they took the tittle of Emperor Tang to make things more confusing enough at the same time some in northern China also took the tittle, hence why historians call the Anxi western tang. This was also because the last ruler of Anxi, for his great victories and because he was an ally of the puppet master, was given the Li surname, and thus his successor, Mingzong, in 924, became the first emperor of western Tang as chaos gripped China.

An envoy had arrived in his capital from Rome. The Romans and the Anxi, now Western Tang, had a good relationship, and it was clear why he wanted an alliance to attack Persia. The new emperor was conflicted; on the one hand, he had expanded his empire to the west and a longer border with the Kyrgyz, and the people still remembered Kavad Truimph over his predocessor, but now there was the empire of the Romans supporting him and looting at least Transoxiana, which would make him incredible rich.

The emperor agreed only to see how it would play out, and thus, in spring 930, the Magister Militum of the East gathered the armies to attack from Dara, while the emperor, with his elite guard, part of the tagmata, the armies of Armenia, and the vassals gathered for a massive army of 40,000; these took back Dvin, The Persians had fortified much of northern Iran and parts of the Caucasus, but despite this, the Roman attack caught them off guard. soon the Ādurbādagān spāhbed came and faced them, as both armies had similar numbers, the Persians were confident.

The emperor had put his infantry in the center, his cavalry in the wings with him, and smaller contingents of tagmata and the elite guard. The battle began with an arrow exchange, and soon both armies clashed. The heavy Roman infantry met their match with the Iranian heavy cavalry as the cataphracts from both sides crashed into each other. As the Roman left wing was very successful in hacking their way through, and soon they gave way, in the center the heavy Roman infantry began to push back, forming gaps. Seeing this, the spāhbed sent the Iberians, Armenians, and Albanians, along with Khazars, to the center or right, yet the Romans kept pushing. Soon the Persian general entered the fray, shouting to not flee, and the Persians regrouped.

The counterattack stopped the Romans in the center, and he managed to save his right wing, who now pushed back as the Romans buckled and bended under the Persian onslaught. Seeing this, the emperor charged his reserve, and he too managed to save the Roman left wing. The figthing was now a struggle as it soon became a bloodbath, but the Romans, now joined by their emperor, managed to break through. The emperor himself chased the Armenian cavalry off, and then he turned around, and they struck the Persian center from the rear. Spabod Burzen could do nothing as the Romans struck, killing many, including him. With the center broken and the general killed, the army soon followed as the Romans chased them.

Roman casualties were heavy, but many, including 200 nobles of the Aswaran, were captured along with many dheqans, most notably the Marzpan of Armenia. The victory was celebrated as Dvin fell to the Romans, and soon forces were sent to occupy the rest of Armenia and Iberia as many revolted to join them, swelling the numbers. As the emperor moved from Armenia towards his goal of the capital of Caucasian Albania, it was clear what he was trying to accomplish. To the south, the magister militum won some minor battles that allowed him to lay siege to Nisibis, but this was far from over.
 
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Battle of Nisibis
Kavad returned and quickly took over the situation in the winter of 931, setting himself up in Ctesiphon. To buy time, he began to enter into negotiations with the Roman Emperor Basil. Now very confident that the city would fall, he demanded that all the lands his father ceded to Kavad be returned, the ceasement of tribute paid to the Persians, and the acceptance of a kindah prince that fled to the Romans to be installed on the throne. Kavad rejected these ideas, but to buy time, he said he would return the border to Khosrow II and Maurice. He would also agree to the stopping of tribute, as they would both defend the caucasus, and that would be willing to accept a compromise to become the candidate for the throne of the Neo-Kingdom of Kindah. Constantine Tyannos, among others, urged the emperor to accept these terms, and while not the total victory he imagined, it would still give him almost everything he wanted.

The emperor thought about the terms, actually wanting them or buying time for the Albanian capital to fall. Negotiations continued into the spring of 931, but by this time the emperor was now livid, and Partaw had resisted for four months. The starving population was assured that they would all be killed for this defiance; the city was to collapse soon anyway. Had it been for one figure, the future saint Urnayr, who came out, he said, "Great Basileus is not an act that pleases God that he has rewarded your valor by giving you this city, so that you may slaughter fellow Christians, for did Vachagan himself not want to spare this city?

The priest had struck a chord with him; the massacres and enslavement of his father's rule were still a sore point in his long rule. Not only that, the emperor admired many of the empire's old military heroes, chief among them Vachagan, for whom he even had his manual of war back in his tent. The hero's dream was always to liberate Albania from the Persians and probably install himself as ruler. Would he really burn Vachagan City? He would not, and thus, due to the saint's actions, while the city was looted, the people were spared from a sack.

Ironically, the episode made the Romans look better, as any other commander would have slaughtered them. The emperor decided to spare the city, and thus even more Albanians decided to join them, but Kavad had been given time; he had sent reinforcements to the east, and the western tang had come with great force and even managed to hire some of their Turkic enemies as mercenaries. It was first smaller raids until they heard of Basil's great victory. The Tang moved and were intercepted by the eastern Spahbod, who was killed at the battle of the Sughd River. Some cities in Transoxiana, minus Samarkand, and others who would have resisted a siege were sacked, but even those who were spared paid tribute as the terror of those cities who had resisted and were sacked made them not want to resist. It said the campaign of 930 brought so much treasure that it caused the Tang logistical troubles crossing the rivers back to their territory.

By spring 931, the Tang did the same, asking for tribute and then moving along, reaching as far south as Kabul; it was then that the eastern Spahbod Vinduyih intercepted them as they were returning near Samarkand and defeated the Tang, forcing them to flee.

Back south, by the summer of the same year, Nisibis had held out for close to a year as the forces of the north delayed the emperor from attacking from northern Iran. Kavad moved his 30,000-strong army towards Nisibis and encampment north-east. There was debate among the Romans about whether to lift the siege and retreat, waiting for the emperor to attack from the south, continue to lay siege to the fortress, or lift the siege to attack the Shah forces.

They decided to defeat Kavad, who had already prepared for battle; like Thannuris, more than 400 years ago, Kavad had dug up trenches,but unlike that battle, he did not hide them; he really could not still defend the Romans when faced with this attack. The hope was to kill or capture the Shah, who was in reserve as he, in the typical formation, had put his cavalry on the wings and infantry in the center.

The Roman plan was to simply pin down the Persian wings and break a trough in the center with their superior infantry. To this end and to weaken them, the Romans first moved their archers, who engaged in skirmishes with the Persian archers, and the Byzantines won out. Then came the charge

As the wings clashed, the Persians stood the charge as both cavalries struck each other, but the Persians held the line. The Persians resisted. In the center, the Kavad reform paid off as the heavy infantry of the sparabara clashed with the skutatoi. Despite that, the Romans slowly pushed the Persians back, grinding their Persian counterparts, and then the Romans broke through the center. Seeing this, the Shah sent his infantry guard to join the center; this stabilized it, and thus the Romans moved their last of the reserves to the center as Kavad had begun to move to the aid of his left wing, who was close to breaking the Romans, but the new attack in the center called for his attention, but now with the center again being pushed back, holding their ground but now fighting for their lives close to breaking, the Shah charged the Romans from their side for having pushed too far. Despite this, some contingents were still pushing as others battled the Shah, but Kavad had managed to, for the most part, stop the attack before being attacked from multiple sides. It took longer than expected, but the Persians forced the Romans to flee. The chase was short as the Shah feared a countercharge, but even if brief, the chase was still a bloody one as many Romans were slain, among them the strategos of Mesopotamia.

The Persians had suffered about 5,000 casualties, while the Romans had lost close to 10,000. The Romans retreated back to Dara. Nisbis was a complete victory, and with this, the Shah now waited; he knew that Basil would come to him.
 
Battle of Zab
Nisibis had turned the war around, but as autumn was near and the Shah decided not to invade the Roman Empire, aside from the casualties, he had expected the emperor to return, yet he stayed at the Albanian capital. There was a risk that if Kavad crossed the border, the emperor would just ignore him and march from the mountains to northern Iran, and then Mesopotamia would ravine it before Kavad could intercept him. This is exactly what the emperor planned, but the loss at Nisibis changed his plans, and he would strike in the spring, using this time to reinforce his numbers by recruiting from the locals. He also sent word to bring reinforcements to the east. These were slowed down, hoping that Kavad would attack for a loss that would discredit the heretic emperor.

Yet Kavad waited, and having gathered more forces, he moved to the north to cut off the Romans. As he did, the Spahbed of the north also moved from northern Iran towards Albania, hearing the news that troops of the Heraclian revolted and demanded the emperor head back, and so he did. As the Spahbed Bahram chased them, there was to be no retreat, for the Shah had positioned himself between Lake Van and Dvin, leaving his only option to flee being Lazica, which would trap him. Instead, Basil, like Heraclius and his hero Vachagan, opted for a bolder move; he had calmed the mutineers but still pretended he was under the influence and even exaggerated the threats. He also spread the news that he was going south to Lake Van and trying to enter the empire from there. Bahram chased him till he reached the old fortress of Anglon; here, Nabedes defeated the Romans centuries ago.

The Persians found some forces on the fortress, while others were disorganized outside of it. Panic spread as the forces outside quickly moved to get inside, but being far away from it, the Persians sent their cavalry. It was then that the Emperor gave the siginal whelled around and then charged the Persian cavalry, who had advanced too far, and the men of the fortress soon sallied and those hidden in the nearby village did so as well, surrounding the Persians from all sides as the elite Arithmos led by Tyannos and other infantry resisted the Persian charge to help most of their cavalry.

Seeing there was no way to break through, the Persian infantry and the rest of the cavalry retreated as their comrades were slaugethered or captured, among them the newphew of Kavad, Peroz. The victory at Anglon was another great victory for the emperor, but he still retreated. Kavad intercepted him near Balaleison, and both sides inflicted heavy casualties, resulting in a Persian victory, but the Romans managed to flee. With many imporant prisoners from his victory, the Persians again began negotiations, yet they were again unfruitful.

Kavad again used this time to recall troops, this time giving command to another Spahbed from house Soren, and the King of the East Hormizd already had military experience from raids to India and against the Tang, even participating in the great victory. He was called to support the armies in the spring of 933, going up Dvin and leaving more forces for the Albanians and Armenians.

then moving south, crossing the mountains to Mesopotamia, and then burning everything he found once he reached Chamaetha and then sacked Arbela. Kavad, who had waited in Ganzak, moved as the emperor went back towards the Roman frontier, and both armies met near the Great Zab river the Romans had crossed, and then the Persians followed early in the morning. The charge pushed back the Romans, who barely got ready for the attack, yet the Romans resisted, but the center and then the wings also followed as the Persians slew 2,000. This is when the Emperor sent his reserve under Constantine to hold the line as he moved towards the Shah, who had stayed behind near the river with his bodyguards. Kavad saw them and assumed this was the emperor coming to surrender. His 600 excubitors could not threaten his own guard, and they were not at full galop. Basil had achieved his surprise quickly, so he charged towards Kavad, and the excubitors began to cut into the Pushtigban formation as both Roman and Persian heavy cavalry thrust their lances towards the faces and chests of their enemies' and used their maces against each other. It said the sword of Heraclius had to be put back on his sword, as even the relic could do nothing against the Persian armor. Yet as the Romans moved closer and closer, the old Kavad drew his sword and entered the fray with his unmoving confidence. It was then that the Roman emperor spotted the Shah charging with the sword of Heraclius, both men with shock- and surprise-locked eyes. The emperor shouted three times, Nika! Nika, Nika!........To him, at least all the other sounds were dispersed.

The Shah received the impact of his sword, yet his armor had saved his life. While Kavad had killed the Emperor's horse, injured Kavad retreated with this, and the men still figthing Constantine panicked as they thought he had died. Now it was the Romans turn to chase them down, cutting many; the emperor and the general had snatched victory from the jaws of defeat, but not without cost. The Shah and Basileus both lost 6,000 men.

The same could not be said of the north. Hormizd moved towards Partwa, near the Araxes River, where the Shah of the East had built up a fortified camp, which the Romans and locals attacked. Once committed, he sent his horse achers to attack from behind, causing panic, and then ordered a charge when they retreated, winning a decisive battle against the Romans, and then laid siege to Partwa.

Again, negotiations, But soon he wouldn't need to, as in the winter of 934, some say due to the injuries he received some months before Kavad was dying just as Partwa, he ordered the execution of the king and then called for Urnayr to his court for being a traitor. He told him he alone had a choice: convert to Zoroastrianism or die. The future saint chose death and was martyred soon after. Kavad died at the age of 70, after ruling the empire for 45 years. He ruled over the height of what historians would call the Dabuyid golden age, starting with the rule of Dabuya II, but the matter of sucession while sorted was not simple. Shah Dadhburzmihr had seven sons, and while some of them became governors, by this point most had died, and while they had not attempted any serious revolt, only one of them was close friends with Kavad, and that being Hormizd he was made the king of a new vassal state.

When Dadhburzmihr agreed that Kavad was to be his successor, he gave his favorite son a new position. When Dabuya II reconquered Transoxiana and the Hindu Kush, he kept the many principalities in the area, so when Dadhburzmihr created for Hormizd the Turco-Dabuyid kingdom, given the tittle of Turanianshah from a belief that the Turanians were the Turks, and as the kingdom ruled, the area was mostly comprised of the territories of the Tokhara Yabghus, Zunbils, and the Turkic Shahis, he was instructed to subdue Buddhists; he was a good admistrator, and the post did allow him to gain experience in war

This made him a perfect candidate for Kavad. He had four children; the oldest had died during one of his wars with Rome, not on the battlefield but rather by disease; the other had lost a leg and an eye in the battles with the Tang; the third was fine, but he was a Christian and exiled to the eastern provinces for insulting his father, who persecuted Christians at some times; the fourth one was to be his heir young Ardashir, but he was too young; in fact, he was only nine when his father died; Kavad knew if he wanted to secure his son's succession, he could only count on Hormizd so it was agreed that he would be shah until his son was ready to rule this too was risk, because while Hormizid 11 years younger than Kavad; he was still in his early 50s when this proclamation was made. If he died, the Shah had few options, but there was a worry that not Hormizid but his children would kill his father and take the throne from him and kick out Kavad's son, or they would not even need to kill him if Hormizid died soon after. Hormizid assured Kavad that so long as he made his intentions for sucession clear and announced them, no one would challenge them, for he was to be expected as a figure to challenge his will even after death.

Thus, Hormizd became Hormizd VII and was faced with making peace with Rome or continuing the war.
 
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The great persecution
Hormizd was now shah, and he gave his eastern throne to his son, Bahram, who became the second Turanianshah, and he again asked for terms from the emperor. While he had won a great victory, he knew that he risked a lot more in losing, for his brothers or even the third son of Kavad could make a claim on the throne, citing that Hormizd was incapable of ruling.

Basil wanted peace as he still held some barging power and thus sent his terms. As the Romans controlled the Caucasian gates and the Tang were now worried with their own issues, he did not have to pay tribute yet; he would assist, and the Persians would assist his forces in the case of any raids from north of the mountains. Even though at this point minor raids occurred as the once-mighty Khazar Khagante continued to decline, the Persians would agree to choose a new compromise candidate for the throne of Kindha. Armenia would be handed to the Romans, but the Persians could keep Armenia. Finally, the Persians were to pay a large war indemnity and return all the prisoners of war, and the Romans would do the same.

Hormizd only challenged some points: he would not pay the Romans the equivalent of 3 tons of gold; rather, he was willing to pay 1 ton to count as reparation, and for the sake of the many nobles the Romans captured, he also said Armenia was to stay the way it was, but Dvin would be handed to the Romans. In addition, trade concessions were made on both sides, and the Shah promised to stop Kavad's persecution of Christians. Both sides agreed to persecute the Paulicians and the hated sect called Barazites, founded by Baraz, a Zoroastrian priest born around 833. One day during the reign of Dabuya II, after he reconquered Mesopotamia, he nearly died and had vision. In his visits to Mesopotamia, he inquired more about Christianity and thus created his own syncretic form of Christianity and Zoroastrianism. He wrote about his life and what survived.
He said Zoroaster was a true prophet, most likely due to the more positive Jewish interactions. In Mesopotamia with the Persians, he said the Jews are not evil; Abraham made a covenant that still holds true with God, and it was Zoraster himself who told Abram that he was one day to be called by God, and thus, when the time came, he went to the land of Caanan. This is why Cyrus helped the Jews, as he recognized them as descendants of the prophet.

God is Ahura Mazda. Unlike some Zorastrian views of dualism, this syncretic form says the nature of god is closer to its Christian views, i.e., YHWH/Ahura Mazda is omnipotent, the holy spirit is Spenta Mainyu, and Jesus is the Saoshyant, but the end did not come with him in his first coming, as he was there to teach the Asha to men, was a perfect example, got crucified, and was resurrected again. This is why Jesus body was not eaten by animals; Jesus death was to help men have grace, i.e., help in times of need.

What was the nature of God that was lost from his original writings? Some claimed he was a trinitarian, even a cotemporary Christian of the time Bishop of Ctesiphon, and others said the Arian view that Spenta Mainyu and Jesus are not gods but just highly exalted beings that were Ahura Mazda, and there is evidence of this view in some of the followers of him; the final one was the modalist view that Jesus and the Spenta Mainyu are only avatars of God; it is likely that all three became true as each of the later followers had their own interpretation.

The same was true of the nature of Satan; earlier writing seemed to give out the interpretation that Angra Mainyu/Satan was always evil in his heart and entered creation to corrupt it, but later writings attributed it to him said Satan was once one of the Amesha Spenta, but he rebelled and was kicked from heaven after being driven out by Verethragna (archangel Michael) and was even out of creation, which he later crawled himself back into.

The Christians of Iran condemned the teachings as heresy, and even Zoroastrian priests began to persecute them. This promoted Baraz to flee towards the Roman border, and he stayed there for some years until he was forced to flee again, this time going to Transoxiana. The shah was content as the so-called prophet was gone and did not care for him this time, and it continued until 900, when Kavad recalled Baraz and his key followers and executed them, but if the shah thought that he was to fix the problem like Khosrow did, he was mistaken.

Minor revolts erupted at the death of the prophet in Mesopotamia and the east, which the shah crushed, and this just intensified the persecution but also began the persecution of Christians. The previous shah had a mostly positive relationship with Christianity, and they decided to favor the Nestorian and Miaphysite churches, with occasional persecutions in some select areas but only when they caused any disturbances. Kavad was different; he blamed the Christians for the heresy.
He began with some persecutions in Mesopotamia, but he mostly limited himself to raising high taxes. The revolts changed his mind. Kavad knew and began what is called the great persecution. The church of Isphan was safe as Kavad could keep a close eye, but many churches in western Iran and Mesopotamia were just razed, their scripture burned, and they were looted. Kavad then made it law to seize any Christians and Barazite property, prohibiting the latter from even assembling to worship. Later, Kavad ordered the destruction of Barazite works, the confiscation of books, and the suppression of the Christians, banning them for preaching or going to missions, essentially limiting them to their churches. Any person found with Barazite scripute was to be detained, and anyone writing for preaching Christianity was also detained.

The Barazites would also have no legal rights in a court, and not even high-ranking men were to be exempt from torture. In some cases, some people who were freed became slaves again, while Kavad brought nothing but fire and a sword; he requested for the Christian edicts to be pursued without bloodshed and only be limited to western Iran and Mesopotamia; he was not going to risk alienating the Albanians and Armenians; and he also left the Christians' of Transoxiana alone; in fact, he helped them persecute the heretics there.

But blood was drawn when Christians resisted and many local officials did not know or did not care for the differences between them and the heretics, and as time went on, by 915 Kavad became more radical; according to some reports, he burned alive those who refused to comply, then he began to arrest bishops and other clergy suspected of still sending missions or, worse yet, writing to Rome; many were imprisoned. For both Christians and heretics alike, they could be freed if they converted to Zorastranism, and for the heretics, in some areas, the sentences were reduced for heretics if they converted to Christianity. Kavad also sent the Mesopotamian Christians towards the north, creating chaos with the Miaphysite Armenians and Albanians.

By his death, Kavad had killed thousands of heretics and Christians, and while he had recognized the importance of the heresy in Mesopotamia, his attempts to control and reduce Christianity in the region had failed. All that he had achieved was many deaths and religious tension in Armenia and Albania, Hormizd VII put an end to the great persecution and moved to consolidate his empire.
 
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Council of Hieria
The victory in the east was pushed by Emperor Basil to promote his iconoclast views; in fact, it utterly convinced him it was true, but aside from approving some destruction of some decorations and the removal of icons from the churches that were smuggled or left to collect dust, the emperor did not go against the icons, much less the people defending them. Chief among them was the Patriarch of Constantinople, Ignatius II. The man was an ardent defender of icons, writing and even publicly condemning the emperor, but he kept him.

There were practical reasons for this. The first is that despite his victory, the emperor was still weary of his mother; he still respected her, and she had influence in court that she could use if the patriarch was removed, so he did not get rid of icons or pursue harsh policies. But there was another probably bigger reason, for this is that there was no agreed-upon view on Iconoclasm, which, like most tragedies in the church, was the echo of Chalcedon. As the iconoclast said, all icons of Chirst were heretical, as they could not represent both natures at the same time if they only represented Jesus, as they could not represent both natures at the same time if they only represented Chirst as just a man, but one argued that both were presented that fell into the heresy of Monophysites.

Some said the icons of Mary and the saints were fine; others argued that they were a violation of Mosaic law. The emperor himself cited the excessive behavior of the iconodules; some went further, saying that all icons were a pagan practice. Some later sources say some went even further, saying the intercession of the saints and relics were to be destroyed.

To solve these issues, the Emperor called for a council to decide if Iconoclasm was true or not. Even though the emperor was convinced this was more an opportunity for the iconoclastic position to agree and also to hurry as events in the west were to threaten his position, Leo had ruled well in the administration of the empire with the help of the old exarch Sabinian, which gave Leo more time that he used for two activities. One was writing, as he ordered and compiled a work called Geoponica and began to write "On the Italians," a book about the history of Italy covering from the time of Constans II to recent times.

The other issue was the church. Now, it was not uncommon for the exarch to play a role in local disputes. For example, back during the times of Constantine IV, the Schism of the Three Chapters was finally resolved with the Lombards, or how the exarch Theophylact played a role in finding the compromise of the council of Trullo, even attending the local synod on the matter. There was also the matter of elections; bribing the exarch, especially when he moved to Rome, was an easy way to win more support. Aside from these, the rulers of Italy usually left the Popes be, and one would think the pope wouldn't like the emperor getting so involved with the church, but he wasn't. The Pope, also named Leo, even though he was Leo VI, was friends with the emperor prior to his election.

This worried Basil, but it was also another reason he wanted to use his great victory to show he was correct, and despite the weakness of the Amazigh empire, he began to cross to Italy. The Romans in turn responded, and Germanicus was sent with a force that took Rometta. The Amazigh responded by sending their best general, who defeated Germanicus in 932 and then planned to finally take Messina, but he died on his way. With that, Germanicus was sent again in 934, and he took Rometta again, and this time he went further south, defeating a local force near Taormina as he moved to take Catania, which resisted. He was further aided by the fact that, due to the high taxes and religious differences, the still majority Latin and Greek population revolted. Even some nobles whom the emperor had confiscated their lands for plotting against him also revolted.

Basil was worried that if his brother were to reconquer the island, his argument would fall apart, and while some sources later say he considered helping the Amazigh, it was unlikely that while he admired them for their brave warriors, he despised them, calling them "the most vile of all Barbarians."

This campaign made him organize, and in April, at the council of Hieria, the pope, like the patriarch of Antioch and Jerusalem, didn't want to send a delegate, but Emperor Leo convinced him to send a delegate, hoping that they would just win out, and so with 280 bishops, most of them from the east with 30 from the west mainly from Italy and Illyria, with some from the Frankish kingdoms, all reunited, the debate was heated and passionate, and both the emperor and his mother had to calm the bishops. Some wanted to compromise that icons of saints and Mary were to be allowed but not Jesus; others disagreed, but there was one man who would not compromise in any point: Ignatius II, Patriarch of Constantinople.
Citing from scripture using the cherubim of the arc of the covenant and the bronze serpent saying

"Israel did not sin when they saw the serpent, nor did Moses sin when he mediated between them and God. While the Israelites did sin in the times of Hezekiah, we do not sin when we call for the mediation of saints; hence, why do we merely venerate in honor and affection, not adoration, or do we adore the emperor when we prostrate to him or kiss him on the ground where he walked?"

The Bishop Proclus of Cyzicus argued just as fervently for the Iconoclast position, countering that the Jews come to worship the bronze statue and their many idols, and in some cases other gods; later Christians also like them, stating:

"Satan misled the Jews so that they worshiped creatures; thus, the Jews broke the Law of Moses, and the Prophets sent to remove this error... But Satan brought back this evil gradually in Christianity"

To which the Patriarch of Constantinople responded talking about basil the great and then said:
" I needed relaxation and a walk so that I might release my soul a little from my labor. Departing from my little house and these notable men, walking slowly toward the agora, thence I arrived in the temple of God offering prayers in a leisurely way. And by chance I walked on the public passageway under the roof, and saw there a painting the sight of which over took me completely. You might say that this masterpiece is more pleasurable than some of those of the ancients, whose efforts raised the picture to great animation with minimal propriety. Here, if you please for there is leisure now for a narrative I will describe the painting for you. For not even we, the children of the muses, have an altogether simpler remedy against painters

A certain holy woman, a pure virgin who had dedicated her chastity to God-they call her Euphemia chose for herself a fatal venture when a tyrant was very zealously persecuting the pious. The citizens and the community members completed the religious ceremony on her behalf, honoring the virgin who was equally courageous and holy; having built her tomb near the temple and buried her coffin, they perform honors for her and they make an annual public festival and common assembly. So the priests of the mysteries of God always honor her memory with a speech and with the intention to teach the comprehending people thoroughly in what manner she diligently completed her struggle of steadfastness. So the pious painter through the full power of his art placed the story on a linen canvas near the holy tomb; the masterpiece is like this"

His opponents asked for the meaning, and he said that it showed that the fathers admired and approved of icons. One responded that the author could be wrong, to which the patriarch replied.
Which traditions of the fathers are correct?
The response was a master stroke: if many fathers had been wrong all this time, then iconoclasm was a weak position after all; this was supposed to be the 7th council. To dismiss one theologian of the past was not new, but the patriarch had argued from scripture, and now he made it so that saints had to be anathematized, and the possibility that the iconoclast argument dismissed all the previous councils had put them in an unenviable position.
It seemed Basil had doomed his cause as those not as fervent or convinced joined the patriarch of Constantinople but then disaster struck .

The emperor mother died but what occured in the west doomed the council
 
Battle of Benevento
In late 934, while marching south, Germanicus laid siege to Syracuse as his forces were sent east along the Simeto River. To join the rebels, the Amazigh emperor reunited a large force of 50,000, mainly troops from the core regions, African with heavy and middle infantry and cavalry, alongside skrimishers, mounted or not, but also substantial contingent Semi and Nomadic tribes, among them Zenata archers and riders, along with forces from the Laguatan, Nasamones, and Masmuda Confederations. Also some contingents sent by the king of Hispania; most important among them were the heavy cavalry that was the best in the entire empire, but also their slingers. Finally, the emperor took his elite guard from the Carthage and twenty-five elephants, seeking to imitate great emperor Gwafa and also since he was going to march to Italy, Hannibal.

The mighty force crossed to Sicily, where it was divided into 20,000 and would take of the rebels while the Emperor with his generals moved against Germanicus, who lifted the siege of Syracuse and defeated the Roman hero at the Simeto River. Even though it was not a decisive victory, it did lead to Timidity winning, and they retreated, but they at least reinforced the garrison of Taormina and Messina. The emperor marched and took over Messina, and then, with his navy, he crossed to Italy.

Raids were nothing new, but this was something else. The emperor used the time he had to prepare; he called for most of his troops, and with the old exarch, Germanicus, many duxes, and even the Pope himself, they marched to meet the invaders. By this point, the Amazigh emperor had sent a smaller division of 7,000 riders to raid and move towards Naples, and they sacked their way until he, who had moved to Benevento, ordered them back, as the Romans moved towards him to attack him while his force was smaller, but the riders were faster.

But the Romans arrived soon after, they met near Benevento, where Pyrrhus was defeated 1200 years ago. Like in that battle, the Romans had placed themselves in rugged terrain, as both the Romans and Amazigh were in hills with the plain below and a hillside in the south. Unlike the battle 1200 years ago, it was the Romans who used the hills to move to attack their enemies, but the scouts encountered them after the fierce ninth battle, and the Romans were forced to retreat. Thus, both the Roman and Amazigh emperors agreed that they would encounter each other on the plain the next day.

The battle began at dawn after Pope Leo prayed with the troops. He stayed back as the men charged, and the attack was ferocious as they were met by stones and arrows from the slingers and archers, but the charge continued and the Byzantines drove back the wings of the Amazigh, inflicting many casualties as in the center both sides were in a back and forth. It was then that the elephants were sent with an infantry contingent to protect them in the wings; by noon, they stabilized the line, and the Romans then sent their own forces to break them. It was then that when the Jinetes moved, passing behind enemy lines, they attacked the wing with javelins, and the army began to retreat. It was then that the commander of the Roman left was killed, yet the retreat did not become unorganized. Still, Leo moved back to the camp on the hill, where the Amazigh began to attack, but the guard held the enemy until the pope, the emperor, and most of the forces escaped, not without many casualties.

After the victory, Benevento, site of the great victory of the Romans and Constans II's victory against the Lombards, was sacked, but the campaign was not over. Still, the news of the defeat soon traveled quickly back east, where emperor Basil quickly used, for the western emperor, supported by the Pope, both critiquing his Iconoclast views, suffered the greatest defeat ever in the west, Even though Basil exaggerated how bad the defeat was, this, combined with the death of the emperor's mother, convinced many bishops who had just recently been convinced by the Patriarch of Constantinople. Fearing God's punishment or them losing their position, many joined the Iconoclast; thus, the cannons, the more extreme group, won out and laid their beliefs:

not to make any lifeless image, whether it be paintings, mosaics, or statues, that was intended to represent Jesus or one of the saints, The Eucharist was the only valid one, and icons for religious purposes were viewed as later additions not found in the Old Testament, which contained icons, nor in the New Testament, and thus it was a pagan practice.

with that, the Patriarch of Constantinople denounced the council and spoke against the emperor, but now, with the council and his mother dead, he quickly exiled him. Both the council, with the pope refusing to give his signature, as did the other major patriarchs, and the exile were condemned by the Pope and Emperor Leo; thus, the Pope threatened to excommunicate Basil, but the emperor ignored him, thus creating the Ignatian Schism.
 
Just to clear something iconoclasm was likely not based on Islam no current source gives this theory much credit so I still have it occur in this timeline of course it's quite different than otl Leo III
 
Basil Victory
With iconoclasm established and a new schism, most would expect a war to occur, but while the emperor now did order the destruction of many icons, he still allowed some to be removed and taken by clergy away from the capital while at the same time exiling them. The more vocal clergy were also exiled, but outside of the imperial city, whether practically or just wanting to focus on his capital, the new decrees were not enforced much.

Yet the west, as mentioned, was not happy; they could do nothing as the Amazigh were still in Italy, and Emperor Basil, despite disliking what he called the worst of the Barbarians, still prepared his troops to assist him. The Amazigh continued their raid, and with the army destroyed, they moved towards Naples and sacked it. Not content, they started to move north to Capua and then to Antium. These two would never recover from the sacks, but they kept moving north. The army encountered basilicas like Saint Peter and Saint Paul outside of the Aurelian walls; the jewels and housing of relics were plundered; men from Lombardy and Dalmatia were gathering in the north; and news also came that Emperor Leo was gathering his army. But if there was something that convinced the Amazigh to retreat, it was the revolt. Specifically, the army sent to quell them was destroyed at the battle of Enna; thus, the emperor retreated and quickly defeated the rebels near the Dittaino, not without many casualties, and it would take time to fully subdue the rebels, with brutal reprisals to the locals.

Still, after the battle, men and their families crossed to Italy, and the emperor settled them on the southern and northern frontiers. The Amazigh emperor was fine with it, as while it would strengthen the frontier, it would also take power from the local Greco-Latin elite.

With that settled, Emperor Leo began a new series of reforms, and looking at his father in the final years of his rule, he made a new reform of the military; the border thematic forces were reorganized into smaller units called Banda, composed of 200 men. These were always to have existed as a battlefield formation, but Constantine turned into a more permanent fortified fort, with more officers permanently stationed with now-permanent scouts as well, and could summon 200 troops to defend against minor raids.

Before, like the rest of the army, the Droungos were divided into four centuries; these drungaries were composed of 40 cavalry and 160 infantry. Now that the centuries were smaller, there were now two commanders of the guards, and the Banda now allowed the strategos to have 400 soldiers in his immediate vicinity. These reforms also make summoning soldiers much quicker; this worked well for the small-case raids on the Bulgarian and German frontiers. But the system showed to be an excellent reform during the great war in the east; the garrisons limited the raids, as now all of them could call up with some particular themes, like Osroene having all headquarters of all their banda be fortified. It was this system that Leo added to the entire territory of Italy, like Osroene, and all the headquarters in Calabria were to be fortified.

To the east, Basil, having heard of the retreat, did not disband his army; rather, he looked at another enemy, Bulgaria. The last ten years of Simeon's reign were a golden age after the great war. When Peter came to power in 927, he had a harder time controlling the Magyars, whom his father had a hard time controlling and limiting their raids to east Frankia; some raids went further to west Frankia. In 929, one of his uncles revolted against Peter; the revolt was crushed.

And so Peter wanted to have a great victory, but he did not want a war with Rome or East Frankia, nor against the Pecheneg or the Rus; he only had one option: his father defeated the great Prince of the Vistula, so Peter gathered his army in to attack the many tribes of the area, defeating a collation of the Opolans and Lendians. The rest of the tribes resisted for years, until late 935, when many were defeated or surrendered, among them one chief named Lestek, and with a system of vassals The Bulgarian borders were extended to the fortress of Ujście, with its new border being the Notec River. Bulgaria was massive; only the huns had created a larger empire, and the victory along with brining Christianity to the pagans was seen as huge propaganda campaigning for Peter after the revolt.

This victory was also to show him as a Christian king compared to the Heretics, and soon Basil and Peter's relationship began to deteriorate. The Roman emperor wanted more slaves as a tribute to the conquest of the north and as compensation for the Magyar raids, as well as some clergy who fled to Peter Court. A correspondence began that soon became sour, so Leo in 936 ordered new forts to be built. Peter considers this a breach of the treaty, and the Bulgarians soon launched a raid on the Balkans.

In response, the emperor by 937, gathered a 35,000-strong force and quickly crossed into Bulgaria. Peter gathered his forces in the forest near Snagov, where he took a defensive position in barricades in the center, as both sides had the common formation of cavalry in the wings and the infantry in the center, so Basil at the head of the infantry charged the defensive position. The Bulgarians met their defense, and the line held despite the Romans pushing them back as the sun and the casualties continued to rise. Basil retreated, but soon he would attack again; this time spearheading the attack would be the elite infantry of the Hikanatoi, the Arithmos, and so they charged. It said the armored soldiers glittered in the sun as they moved towards the Bulgarians, and like if they were mounted, the charge hit and pushed the Bulgarian back. Seeing this, the Bulgarians sent their cavalry to the flanks, but they were met by their Roman counterparts. Peter tried to use his last reserve to attack the wings, but it was Basil who joined his troops, boosting their morale. The Romans slowly but surely breached the line. What followed next was the route, as many were killed and many more were captured, Basil would chase the Bulgarian emperor to Snagov which he laid siege to.
 
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Siege of Snagov
In late August of that year, Snagov was put under siege; only 8000 defenders stood, and Peter had fled, leaving his brother-in-law to guard the city, even in its natural state with water to the sides and south, which would make it hard to siege. Even the emperor commented how Simeon had constructed a small Constantinople; the Roman navy could also not access it as the lake connected to no river, and little Constantinople, as the Greeks called it, was even more well defended now that the west and east moats were expanded, but there was part of the city to the west that was beyond the lake or moat. Basil knew that taking this would be easier than attempting to crack the double walls of the north of Snagov.

So, days after the Romans built their fortified camp, they began to bombard the western wall. After days, they sent their first probing attack with ladders, which was repulsed, and then the Romans prepared their siege engines, and both sides prayed for victory. To taunt the Iconoclast, the commander of the Bulgarian forces paraded the icons of Jesus and the Virgin, for she had spared Constantinople of the avars and would do so to the Orthodox Bulgarians rather than heretics. On the 12th day of the siege, the Romans used their siege towers. These were met by stones thrown by catapults and arrows and then flaming pieces of wood. Despite the fierce fighting on top of the walls, breaches appeared, yet the Bulgarians proved to be hardy, and the defenses were an unassailable obstacle for the Romans, who retreated.


Some days later, another attack occurred, and yet nothing happened. The Romans then killed anyone they found outside the walls, thus their catapults throwing stones and their heads at the city; this was followed by a third attack, and yet again, nothing. Basil, not wanting to waste more lives, decided to starve them out. One might think it was unwise to winter deep into enemy territory away from their supply lines.

But winter would not save them. Basil had with him a massive baggage train of 8,000 men and 6,000 donkeys; according to the Roman sources, it was enough to feed the army for two years, hence why it slowed him down so much. Snagov was not near any navigable river; the Bulgarians attempted to destroy it but failed, but it also gave them time to prepare both the defenses of the capital and the defenses of the battle that took place in the Forest south of the city. This allowed Snagov to store food, yet the Romans decided not to use their reserve yet; rather, they plundered everything they could find nearby. By the emperor's words, he knew a possible relief force would arrive, and if he had to lift the siege, the Bulgarians would find nothing and still starve. He also told his commanders that if the siege was to be lifted, the all-Roman reserves were to be burned.

Winter came, and it was harsh, but in the spring, the Romans soon attacked, but the Bulgarians resisted. Soon, the Romans dug under the wall, and despite that, the Bulgarians sallied out, causing many casualties on both sides. A breach appeared, and yet again, the icon lovers, as the Byzantines called the Bulgarians, resisted, and led by their commander, the Bulgarians repelled the Romans. Morale was turning for the worst; they had spent 7 months with nothing to show for it, and rumors had it that the Bulgarian emperor was gathering a large army, so Basil ordered a massive assault, and leading them again was the elite Arithmos. These attacked the breach that the Bulgarians had fortified, and despite the fierce resistance of their leader, Nicholas, who retreated, the Romans began to occupy the city and pushed towards the bridge. These forces were against the rearguard, but soon a fire broke out, lit by the Bulgarians, to separate the Romans, leaving the Arithmos and other infantry inside. Nicolas soon returned to attack the Romans, yet these men were professionals. By forming a defensive position near the bridge, they repelled the Bulgarians who crossed the bridge.

Despite many wanting to follow their commander, who knew it was a big risk and moved to secure the parts they had captured, the fire consumed much of western Snagov, but the Romans had secured it. The Bulgarians wasted no time and began to destroy the bridge that connected the city. Despite many attempts, they failed to gain control of the bridge, and soon it was destroyed. To the frustration of the Romans, they were successful, but morale was lifted as they had a foothold. The many homeless people left in that area of the city were killed by the frustrated Romans, who did not spare even the cats, and their icons were destroyed for the defenders to see.

With the west of the city taken, the Romans began an all-out assault from the north as well as the ships constructed by the Romans, yet despite that, the attacks failed. In October, when Peter finally came at the head of a 25,000-strong army, the emperor sent 10,000 men under Constantine Tyannos, who marched north and met the Bulgarian emperor near Brasov. Peter was confident and even sent word to the Roman general to surrender, so Peter charged, sending his Magyar and heavy cavalry first, while the entire Roman front charged; these were pushed back as the Bulgarian forces inflicted many losses. As the scream of horses and men was heard for miles on end, it was then that the Bulgarian infantry joined and grinded the Romans, and the valley was now filled with screams of desperation. It was then that the situation fell, like when his emperor Tyannos took a cavalry on a flanking maneuver. Peter sent his reserves to stop him, but the Romans quickly fought against them. With this cavalry crashing into them with great ferocity, the reserves soon routed; seeing their emperor fleeing, the Bulgarians also panicked, and then Tyannos charged from their rear. With his army scattered, Tyannos would return to Snagov.
 
IMHO maximum Bulgaria wank ITTL would be them having northern border on Baltic Sea, western on the Oder with them having some influence among Elbean Slavs also, driving Germans out of Bohemia proper completely and in the southwest, having border roughly identical to that of OTL crown of St. Stephen and the eastern roughly on Dnieper with most of OTL's Ukraine being firmly part of Bulgaria, and Rus being driven out to Novogorod (with Polotsk possibly being sort of buffer state between Rurikovichi and mega-Bulgaria).
well it did move very north not the baltic but not that far away from it either even though im still think how would Bulgarian domination affect the unification of Poland
 
well it did move very north not the baltic but not that far away from it either even though im still think how would Bulgarian domination affect the unification of Poland

I thought about it long term (that could be situation in say XIth century, if you chose to go that route). The newly created Polish state (since Germans are losing to Bulgaria and Veleti and Abodriti are still a thing, so nucleus of Polish state doesn't share land border with Germany) would probably become Bulgarian vassal and sooner or later take baptism from it.
 
Siege of Snagov part 2
By The siege dragged on as the Romans made 15 smaller galleys. Despite being outnumbered by the many Bulgarian Monoxylons, the Galleys proved too much for them, and thus, Roman control of the lake now prevented the Bulgarians from fishing, and thus they had even fewer reserves of food, yet the emperor did not order an assult as Constantine had not returned.

It was here that Nicolas sallied out; it seemed like he wanted to attack the part of the city captured by the Romans, but in reality, this was a distraction as some troops moved to the north and burned part of the Roman grain reserves. While not enough to starve the Romans, it did mean waiting another year, as the emperor was willing to. As he had brought reserves to last them that long and they did not even use them at the start of the siege, Basil ordered an attack, but it did not achieve much.

Soon, Constantine Tyannos returned and brought the morale of the defenders down, but soon another attack was to occur. The Bulgarians had brought their eastern men to the edge of the lake with the Monoxylons to make a full-scale attack against the Byzantine Navy, outnumbered 5 to 1. The naval battle was as bloody as it was short because the Bulgarian fleet was destroyed, not without killing almost the entire crew of three galleys. It said the lake was now washed in blood. The land attack was also a surprise to the Romans, but it caused fewer casualties.

Still, the Romans called for their attack and waited. It was September, and debates occurred about what to do. Basil wanted to attack while his reserves could last the Romans for one more year, and the recent victories improved the men's morale, but the most important were the Bulgarians, who by now were running out of food reserves, so they were to wait before another attack.

A month and a half passed, and in November, the emperor sent word for reinforcements to come next spring. A contingent had already arrived prior to this with 5,000 men. This time, the Bulgarian troops outside of the city, among them the eastern tribes, did not waste time after a battle near the same fortress where Peter was defeated, ambushed the Romans, and slaughtered them. When the news reached the army, it demoralized them. The emperor would wait, and soon snow covered the area. By now, the officers were showing the same discontent as the soldiers, and it was agreed that they would wait, and they did, for they would do one final assault on the city wall. The reason to wait for the cold winter days for what occurred last year occurred in the winter of 939, when the lake had frozen.

Basil was truly desperate, but the lake being frozen would mean they could attack from every single direction. The main attack was from the north, while the rest of the force attacked from the east and west, and a minor force attacked from the south. As some forces had to guard the guarded palace where some forces were stationed, the Romans prayed for victory, while for the Bulgarians, the hour of truth was nearly upon them, and the relics and icons of the city were taken around. The defenders prayed to the saints and the Lord to spare them.

And so the attack began. Like the other attack, the Roman wave crashed against the walls, but this time they did wash back as the emperor again sent his elite guard, and they moved into the breach of the north, carving the defenders, moving slowly inch by inch until they finally broke through the first wall. This had been done sometimes, but most were forced to retreat. This time, the Romans began to secure the outer walls. Not wanting to waste time, other Roman forces attacked to keep the defenders occupied; some even managed to breach but were expulsed. After resting, another attack began as the Roman emperor sent his troops on the inner wall, and the elite guard again attacked but was met by Nicolas himself. The Romans pushed again and even managed to raise their banner on the walls, but the Bulgarians resisted.

Emperor Basil himself was leading them as more entered the city. The Bulgarians acted as if they were furies rather than men, but slowly they got pushed back, knowing it was the end and gathering some starving reserves. Nicolas ordered a final charge unknown to him; the Romans were not expecting this, and the attack was furious, and not even the elite guard could resist. Soon, the emperor himself was injured, and panic spread to the very flower of the Roman infantry, which had broken the will of the Bulgarians.

It was all over; the emperor had survived, but to add to his misery, many in the southern contingent died as the ice broke. Finally, after two years and four months of siege and 10,000 Roman casualties, the Romans retreated in the middle of winter, and the Bulgarians began to attack them in their march back home. The winter also killed many, but the Bulgarians would not capitalize on this victory. Having saved Snagov, Nicolas declared himself emperor, for truly, God had granted him the victory, and Peter was cowering beyond the Carpathians, thus starting the Bulgarian civil war.

Things did not fare better for the Roman Emperor; he crossed the Danube to Serdica, where he was attacked by Vahan. He was not only from the second most important family of Armenia, the Mamikonians, but he was also a decedent of Martiros the Mamikonian, who was gathering his forces to cross in spring, the Armenian his brother-in-law. He married Irene, and she convinced him to revolt against the emperor.
 
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