which flag do you chose

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    16
Also kinda to clear up despite the names and taking some inspiration the characters have long stoped being historical for example Simeon maybe inspired on Simeon the great but he has different motives and strengths

I suspected that he is more counterpart of OTL Simeon the Great than exactly him, and tbh as far as Bulgaria is involved the most interesting thing is that it greatly expanded northwards and since you're at the beginning of IXth century, it would probably greatly affect the formation of Polish state, Piast dynasty started greatly amassing power around 920, so not that far from events you're describing and Bulgarians owning Wislania (idk what happened with eastern Franks ITTL, sorry but I don't remember) opens the perspective of greater Bulgarian influence on forming Polish state, possibly even vassalizing it from a time period.
 
I suspected that he is more counterpart of OTL Simeon the Great than exactly him, and tbh as far as Bulgaria is involved the most interesting thing is that it greatly expanded northwards and since you're at the beginning of IXth century, it would probably greatly affect the formation of Polish state, Piast dynasty started greatly amassing power around 920, so not that far from events you're describing and Bulgarians owning Wislania (idk what happened with eastern Franks ITTL, sorry but I don't remember) opens the perspective of greater Bulgarian influence on forming Polish state, possibly even vassalizing it from a time period.
The Eastern franks own parts of western Moravia, but yeah you mentioned poland quite a lot the fact that im researching how a possible campaign of the bulgarians migth affect the existance of Poland
 
The Eastern franks own parts of western Moravia, but yeah you mentioned poland quite a lot the fact that im researching how a possible campaign of the bulgarians migth affect the existance of Poland

Well, if that's the case, early Poland is kinda snatched between Bulgaria and eastern Franks, I think Polans might agree to become vassals of Bulgarians, they would need protection and Franks are their mutual enemy + Franks have more interest in direct rule, while Bulgarians I imagine would be more open to accepting vassal duchy.
 
Well, if that's the case, early Poland is kinda snatched between Bulgaria and eastern Franks, I think Polans might agree to become vassals of Bulgarians, they would need protection and Franks are their mutual enemy + Franks have more interest in direct rule, while Bulgarians I imagine would be more open to accepting vassal duchy.
I think im gonna make a map when im done writting the war to see how big the Bulgarian empire gotten under Simeon
 
The Rus raids
In early 908, the war continued with Persia. In the north, Kavad pushed, causing some minor defeats and laying siege towards Manzikert, but failed to capture it even though he was successfully given payment to leave. Like in 907, Kavad tried to ask for peace; his terms were 4 tons of gold and payments, which the Romans rejected. The Romans pushed back the Persians and went to take back Cepha, but the Persian counterattack defeated the Romans and pushed them north towards Martyropolis, and the Persians and Hanafinids sacked much of the theme of Osrhoene. Despite this, when the war with the Berbers was over, Constantine Tyannos and the heir Basil the Younger, along with the Arab fedorati, moved to help on the Persian front.

The new reinforcements allowed the Romans to lay siege to Cepha as Constantine Tyannos raided deep into Arbāyistān, but the war continued to drag on till 909, when in the spring reports came to Kavad that 200 ships had come from they had entered the Caspian Sea, they bypassed Derbent and started sacking towns and cities like Baku, the shah knew they were the rus they traded with the northern cities of Iran and now Caucasian Albania offering fur, amber, honey, and slaves some rus made it all the way towards the ancient capital of Ctesiphon once Mesopotamia was reconquered by the Persians, In the past 100 years, the Dabuyid Empire was a powerful state. No one had prepared for raids in the Caspian, so the army could do little against the rus that raided and quickly left to avoid the local forces.

Despite this not being the first rus raid, the scale was unprecedented, thus the Rus sacked Fuman, the seat of power of Gil Gavbara before his ascension to the throne, Rasht, and even the great city of the region Amol, in its fire temple called Avam Kuye, where once the fire of Adur Gushnasp was placed after the Romans greatly expanded to the Caucasus. Even Gorgan was sacked, leaving each city with as much as they could carry: gold, silver, women and children to be sold as slaves, and Zoroastrian priests to be ransomed. Despite this raid, any relief that this would give the Romans was not to be, as another 350 ships led by the new grand prince of the rus went in hopes of taking the queen of cities, but the chronicles state his information was wrong, convinced that Constantine had left the capital, which he had, but upon hearing the news he went back, and the rus sacked the suburbs but were met by the most elite troops in the empire and were returned to their ships. The contingent that raided Bythiana was more successful, but the rus quickly noticed their situation and began their retreat before the Byzantine navy burned their fleet.

But Constantine also wanted to deal with the rebels, so he offered safe passage and a good deal for rus traders in the city if he could just leave, which he accepted, to this day, it is debated if the two rus attacks were coordinated or not, but before the rus left the emperor, 1200 Rus would join him as mercenaries. And this is where Constantine's genius lies, for he quickly sent word to Kavad that he had made peace with the rus and they were now fighting for him, so unless he wanted to get more cities to the north sacked, he was ready to hear the peace talks.

Kavad was skeptical until reports did indeed tell him that some of the rus were under the service of the emperor. On top of this, Kavad worried that if he dragged the war for too long, the Tang Turks would raid again, so he sent his terms: an immediate payment and a yearly tribute to half of Roman Armenia, the city of Cepha. Emeperor Constantine had already delivered what he would accept, so the senior commander told the Persian representative that Kavad would receive two tons of gold and a payment of 25,000 solidus to protect the pass at Derbent, as the khazars had been using this time to raid both empires, even though these were smaller raids. Cepha would return to the empire, and the Persians could retrain their conquest by pushing part of their border towards the Arsanias River, but Kavad would have to guarantee liberty of religion in Mesopotamia as reports were saying that some governors were persecuting the Chalcedonians.

Kavad accepted these deals and the treaty of Nisibis was singed. With that peace, the eastern armies moved to deal with the rebellion, and for the first time in 20 years, Constantine took out the sword of his father and ancestors on campaign again and promised Sophia he would return in triumph with the king of the slavs in chains.
 
Battle of Salona
Before the Rus raid, Theodosius continued to move west but suffered a defeat in an ambush in Pelagonia, where his rearguard was destroyed. Still, he liberated most of Greece. His father, after the Slavs were defeated in Thessalonica, now moved and laid siege to Serdica, which he defended. By this point, the soldiers were frustrated, and after repelling a massive assault on the walls, David was declared emperor by his troops. He again denied this, but his troops were about to force him to march towards the capital; hence, he told them to wait until the emperor left and then they would march towards Constantinople.

This trick worked and delayed them enough, and soon news came that the emperor was coming. Constantine left the capital with 50,000 men, along with Theodosius' and David's armies and others. Now that 1/3 of the imperial army was in the Balkans, Simeon, who was near Philippopolis, quickly left for Bulgaria, for he knew the romans would not chase him north as they had taken nearly all the major forts in the river. The rebels had a dilemma as well. On the one hand, one wanted to ambush the emperor near the Trajan gates, but others wanted to retreat. In the end, timidity won the day. As they left, news came that the emperor's forces were near by. Some were scared, while others hoped David would lead them to victory. But there would be no battle or siege. When he arrived, the emperor was not happy with his cousin's proclamation, but David assured him that he would never be like his father in that regard and explained the situation to him, which Constantine understood.

Thus the emperor divided his force: 20,000 would stay and move if Simeon came to raid; they were told not to engage unless they had a clear advantage and just chase the emperor north of the Danube. The rest of the men, including David, followed the emperor, but instead of listing to his commanders and moving towards Croatia, the emperor marched towards Scupi. David realized what he was doing: he would liberate Macedonia before going for the heart of the rebellion. The reason made a lot of sense: the rebels had massacred their way south. They had not only challenged imperial power but had also caused the population to doubt the emperor by saying he didn't care or was a coward, which he could not allow.

Thus Constantine's massive army moved towards Scupi; scouts were constantly sent to avoid any ambush. Once near the city, Vladimir was on the other side of the river with his main force and an ambush, but it was not to be. David found a shallow part of the river, crossed it during the night, and attacked the camp. It is said that 12,000 rebels died with the victory, and the emperor entered the city just as his name was cheered in Thessalonica; it too was cheered in Scupi, then he moved south.

Surprisingly, the emperor showed mercy to the population that had supplied the Romans; he knew most of them did not do it willingly, and even those who did were pardoned. His mercy was not limited to the Greeks; the Slavs who had joined them were also pardoned and given some gifts. This did not compare, however, to the many Slavs who remained loyal, as they were given gifts and promised more once the rebellion ended. Constantine also met Andrei the Belegezite, to whom he said, Is it true what they say about you, oh brave ruler, that it was this bravery that saved Thessalonica?

To which Andrei replied, Oh, my emperor, son of the Heraclii, I assure you, one man's death was inconsequential to the fate of that great city.

As Theodosius moved east, he was ambushed and still suffered losses, but by the end of the year, the rebels had retreated and were dislocated from their fortified positions in the mountains of Macedonia. Stephen was now worried that he had used the time to fortify his position. In Dacia and Dalmatia, however much the emperor's presence offered a solution, his death could lead to civil war.
By 911, the emperor had left Scupi, and he again divided his massive force of 15,000 to go north to the Danube as the emperor moved along the coast before he went inland towards Doclea, which he took once he crossed the territory of the Docleans. His attitude changed from mercy to retribution as he started to kill and enslave every single Slav he found, and he said, Give to them double.

Any Slavic leader captured was flogged until he confessed that the rebel armies were hiding in the mountains. Many were still put to death, and many were enslaved, Constantine continued to cut a bloody path, and soon he was joined by David, who also committed similar massacres of Danubian Slavs despite capturing Ratiaria. Simeon used the rebels' weaknesses to capture them from the fort of Sirmium to the fort of Aquis. Not having the numbers to deal with Simeon David, who returned to his emperor, they kept to the coast as the attempted raids into the hinterlands noticed that they were empty. The scorched-earth tactics meant that the emperor's army would die of starvation, so he continued to march, and soon his vassal moved troops from northern Italy to the Balkans, taking the same route the legendary eunuch Narces did 360 years ago.

As the Roman forces from the south looted and destroyed any village on their way, in June 911, they reached Salona, where both Vladimir and Stephen were desperate, especially the king of the Slavs, as victory here would save his kingdom. Not wanting a siege, he sallied out to face the Roman forces, which, according to all sources, had 60,000 men, some professional soldiers, others conscripts; the Romans had about 50,000.


Before the battle, the king gave a speech.

“Men, I am a descendant of the great kings, but today I do not fight for my wealth nor my title but rather for not only my freedom and life but yours as well. Consider that even if you flee, you shall live in slavery, but I shall not be any slave, so men, I beseech you to join me in victory or death”


The emperor also addressed his troops: Men, we have already overcome our most formidable odds; have we not encountered hunger and the savagery of these barbarians? But do know that today everything will be decided. Remember what you promised when we parted ways with Serdica, that you would not return beyond the Drava unless it was as victors? Let us spare not a single one for the slaughter of our allies and our kindred to strike fear in you, but you have chosen victory or death, so go forth and conquer.

The Slavs charged with their infantry in the center, cavalry and archers in the wings, as the Romans also had their infantry in the center and calvary in the wings, and so the battle began. The fighting was fierce, and the ferocity of the Slavs matched the discipline of the Romans. As men died by spear or sword, the Slavs continued to push forward, while the archers in the wing prevented the Roman cavalry from outflanking them. This continued for some time as the Slavs slowly but surely pushed the Romans back. The contest was bloody, and now the king went with his reserve and pushed the Romans back, but not enough to break them. Now it was the Romans turn. The emperor unsheathed the sword of Heraclius, and with his cavalry guard, he charged The charge and the troops morale were enough to push them back to the city. Slowly but surely, the Slavs were carved, and just before reaching the city, the vigor of the Slavs broke. Many fled towards the city, others to the hills.


Among them was the king of the Slavs, convinced by Vladimir to flee. Gregory claims that the Romans had to pass over 25,000 corpses to get to the city. Those who had fled to the city, led by Vladimir, resisted for two hours as the siege soon ended. Salona, which was purged of its Roman population, was now purged of its Slavs. Even the animals were killed, by the end of the day; 60,000 had died, including the entire population of Salona, but Constantine was not done; he now marched his victorious army to the capital of the rebel kingdom, and Stephen prepared his capital for a siege. By now, many nobles had fled the city as the king became paranoid, and others knew what awaited them when the Romans arrived. Those who were left killed their king, hoping to receive mercy, but once Constantine came, their hopes died.

The locals tried to desperately fight with children throwing stones, but this last defiance was snuffed out quickly. What followed next was a bloodbath, as Gregory wrote: The soldiers spent time killing and searching; the men were tired, and yet there appeared to be a vast multitude still remaining alive. Their compatriots then entered the city, taking turns to kill anyone they found; they slew the aged and the sick, but for those that were in their flourishing age, they enslaved them along with many young women; others drove them together and shut them up within the walls of the palace, which was burned; the blood ran up to the scabbard of the sword of Heraclius and the Basileus knees on top of his horse.

The emperor also captured ten members of the Croatian ruling dynasty, and the five senior ones were tortured to death by anyone related to them, or even the long line of Serb princes was banned from setting foot in the city and taking a political position in Illyria. The Roman forces now moved south to the hinterland he avoided; now towns were erased from existence, and by September 911, the revolt was crushed but the actions of the soldiers did not stop Constantine returned to Constantinople as a hero, but not by all, as some, mainly the clergy, were horrified by the emperor's actions. Thousands of Christians, mostly non-combatants, had been killed or sold into slavery.

But Constantine did not care, despite the fact that, according to Gregory and Sophia's secret history, 10 major cities and 500 towns had been destroyed and nearly 700,000 Slavs had died or been enslaved; nearly half of the deaths would be from famine and disease. So many had died that the pagan Slavs had disappeared, not by religious persecution, as the Roman soldiers did not discriminate, but by in the emperor eyes was retribution for the 200,000 Romans, Greek Latin or loyal Slavs who had died during the revolt, Constantine, as he promised, would reward the loyal Slavs by giving them titles and fixed salaries. Andrie, for example, was given the title of Patrikos and was even invited to the Byzantine senate, but for his enemies, the emperor was not done; he passed new laws targeting the Slavs of the north, Greek or Latin was to be used in church service; church Slavonic was banned; writing the pagan Slavic myths or even their history was outlawed; and those texts that existed were either confiscated or burned, the tribes were to be split, and many would be moved to the east; the rest were sent to the slave markets.
 
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Hope this doesnt get banned but I state this I do not condone discrimination or the calling of genocide of Slavs nor any other group for that matter, its just that history is violent like this and Im not going to pretend alt hist would be any different
 
Constantine's plans
The emperor was again condemned by the clergy, and other men condemned the slaughter and enslavement of many Christians. But Constantine ignored them; he even forbade Gregory to publish the book on the history of the Slavs. As the emperor was finishing the Kletorologion about the courts and their workings in Constantinople, he was to add a chapter on how to reward loyalty and give tittles. The revolt and story were quoted from what he called the illustrious works of Gregory, which he quotes in his own book. It wouldn't be the first time before 902 that he wrote many works with Sophia.

In which he wrote to her in a letter dated when he marched out, in which he said: It is often said that travel is a cure for love, but I prefer to stay. In the day I instruct my armies, at night I spend singing honey sweet songs to the charms of Love that you have shown, and Eros be with me when I return to harvest your apples.

to which she replied, Woe is me, for with the darkness of uncertainty I wish for you to hear the joy of my heart. Wherefore, O my Basileus, may Hades not take you away from your wife. I long to embrace you with love and desire. This golden couple showed the first time Eros overpowered you.

Hence, it was mentioned how she cried when he came back, and he embraced her as he passed the golden gate of the city, so when she also pleaded for the Slavs, the emperor relented, for if there was anyone to convince the stuboorn Heraclian, it was her childhood sweatheart, and it was the reason he ordered the release of those Slavs he was allowing to be sold into slavery. But they would still be of use to the empire, so he ordered some to be moved. 20,000 alone would be sent to Palestine to help reconstruct and deal with the destruction caused by the Berbers; 30,000 would be moved to Armenia and Iberia to strengthen the frontier. But he could do nothing for those who had already been sold, mainly to the North African and Spanish markets, while others were sold to Persia and some of the Arab kingdoms, as far south as Aksum and as far north as frankia.

The emperor was in the throne room, planning the reconstruction of Illyria. He ordered that the Armenians be moved west and sent work to the Exarch to move many Italians. He was with his wife and his youngest son, Leo. As David soon arrived, he said: Listen well, son, for a new lesson is to begin.

You have summoned me said David

Yes, I need your service, cousin, for the problem of Dalmatia.

Has Simeon attacked?

No, it's about reestablishing order. You see, I want to prevent such a thing from ever happening again, and I have slightly altered my views on the ban. Their traditions are to stay, but do remember this, my son: misery alone only breeds hate.

May I ask why my nephew is here?

He is learning so that he may one day be a good ruler.

Have you not declared Basil to be your heir? said David

Yes, indeed, he will rule from here in Constantinople, from Armenia to the Drinus River, while this little one will rule from Rome to the Drinus. In time, Basil will rule Egypt, and Leo will rule Africa, but, well, going back to the issue, I have already talked to the exarch about moving the Italians to the area, but you are to enforce the rules and cancel taxes on Dalmatia for five years, and the tribes are to be separated and land given to both Slavs and especially Italians.

Will my sons help me with this? said David

No, I want to reward them and plan something with them so they will stay In Constantinople. Fear not, for they are safe here.

.....I understand, said the general before he left.

as that was settled a new issue was brought up to him The Jews, Heraclius wanted to, according to some sources, eradicate Judaism, or at the very least get rid of the Jews of Palestine; this did not happen, while many did flee to Egypt. Heraclius wrath was quenched for religious reasons, either because some Jews might survive to the end times or because it would make the economic recovery of the area slower. The persecutions did not fulfill Hadrian and Constantius wishes; as the area recovered, the Jews were still treated poorly, and some fled to Mesopotamia, but the state of anarchy of the Sasanid empire did make life difficult for the Jews. When the empire conquered northern Mesopotamia and vassalized the south, the Jews expected their lives to get worse, but the empire, at least in the vassal kingdom of the south, did not alter; even the Exilarch was kept. In the empire, Constans II and Constantine IV did not enforce many anti-Jewish laws; the same could not be said for Justinian II, who, like his namesake, tried in vain to enforce Jewish laws; he even restored the temple mount, which had been used as a garbage dump, and rebuilt Justinian I's church there.

The Jews lived a mostly tranquil life from the 8th to the early 9th centuries, especially in southern Mesopotamia, even after they converted. During this Roman golden age, Karaite Judaism appeared, but this would stop as the war with Persia in the early 9th century led to Heraclius II ordering the dissolution of the Exilarch and passing a series of restrictions and persecutions on the Jews. His death and the crisis that followed left the Mesopotamian Jews to not suffer much, and the same could not be said for the Jews of the Levant. As the Monophysites were not the only scapegoats, the Jews were also targeted, especially after the Damascus earthquake of 847, when many were attacked and their houses burned.

And the new emperor got involved, as Theoktistos had a childhood friend, an influential Jew named Benjamin. After Heraclonas consolidation, Theoktistos interceded for the Jews of the Empire, even meeting Benjamin and his children, Eleazar and Judah, who befriended both sons of Heraclonas. The family was given lands in Palestine, and later they convinced the emperor of what was so long desired by the Jews: access to Jerusalem. Benjamin wanted 200 families, which the patriarch of Jerusalem rejected, but Heraclonas convinced him that it would show the superiority of Christianity. There were also practical reasons to bring some Jewish families, as it would support the economic recovery of the region after the crisis, so 40 families were allowed into the city, but of course they were segregated into their own quarter and were forbidden to worship or even enter the temple mount to show the superiority of the Christian religion.

While it was not popular, the emperor sent some of his new elite guard to defend Benjamin and his sons, who were as busy as they were because they were Masoretes, Life continued with some occasional disruptions to the Jewish community, but for 50 years they lived in it despite all the tragedies falling upon Heraclonas, and now, thanks to his son, the Jews were not expulsed after all, Palestine was thriving despite the issues of this time, but there always remained those who wanted to kick the Jews out. When the Berbers sacked their way to Palestine, riots erupted in Jerusalem; the Jewish quarter was attacked, and 40 people died, among them the 70-year-old Eleazar the rioters nearly killed but were saved by his guard, and the emperor's friend Moses. Now, while Constantine did not care much for the Jews, his father's wishes were to be respected, and he could not allow that, especially now that his authority would be challenged if Heraclonas and he allowed the Jews to live there, they would live in the city and much less kill those under his personal protection, so he sent Constantine Tyannos to restore order.
 
Battle of Esztergom
Constantine made short work of the rioting, as he was well respected as a hero. He left with 79-year-old Gregory still writing, and during the trip they talked about Gregory's old stories. After all, few remained of those who lived during the crisis, and fewer still of those who were not children during it. While Constantine narrated the recent stories about his campaign in the east against the Persians and Berbers that Gregory would write about in his chronicle, as he settled for a time in Nazareth, in the Balkans, David saw the recovery of Dalmatia. Simeon, having many forts and devastating the areas near the Danube, offered the same peace offer to Constantine, giving all the forts back for all his terms of peace, which the Romans rejected.

So Simeon kept raiding, and in the summer he reached Serdica. David ignored him and moved north towards the Danube with the force of Ratiaria. Simeon moved north and chased the Romans back until some 50 kilometers northeast of Remesiana, where both sides met to battle, having the same numbers, and as was customary, the cavalry was in the wings and the infantry was in the center, with David in reserve as the battle began from the start. It was a hard battle, and the slightly larger Byzantine numbers were pushing the Bulgarians back as the Roman right wing kept pushing. After an hour, it seemed the Bulgarian left broke, but in reality it was a feint as the Romans had pushed too far and now suffered a great counterattack. The Romans were put on the back foot, but the day was not yet won.

It was in this crucial moment that David, with his elite cavalry in reserve, moved to a nearby hill, where Simeon, despite the shock of his ambush being discovered and the stationary cavalry on the hill, allowed the Bulgarian emperor to resist, like all of the battle would be a bloody back and forth. After hours, the Romans drove the Bulgarians from the field, and David then chased Simeon north of the Danube. Some weeks later, Constantine, having learned of the victory and offered Simeon a peace proposal, he would pay Bulgaria an annual tribute; the Bulgarians could keep Pannonia; their church would be granted autonomy; and Simeon would be recognized as Basileus of the Bulgarians.

But Simeon still wanted Croatia; the rebellion showed him how strategic it would be to have ports in the Adriatic, which would not only allow him access to a lucrative trade but also open the possibility of taking over part of their navy. But Simeon entertained negotiations with the Romans for a simple reason: his old ally, the Eastern Frankish Kingdom, had consolidated his position in Moravia, and the East Franks had been approached by both Bulgarian and Roman diplomats trying to join them in the war, but the king rejected to interfere on either side, and the relationship with the Bulgarians over the years deteriorated. Some sources cite the fact that the Germans wanted all of Moravia to extend their control of the trade routes, while others cite the fact that the Magyars settled by Simeon began to raid the Frankish realm.

Whatever the case, the Germans won some minor victories against Magyar raids, and now hearing the victory of David against Simeon convinced the Germans that Bulgaria was exhausted from war and that now that they were losing, they would not be able to resist their army. Simeon moved to the west, trying to negotiate, but due to the recent Roman victory, he did not bring most of his forces. The Germans rejected any peace proposals, and according to some sources, they accepted to talk to Simeon and the Magyar leader Arpad, the man who was crucial in leading the Magyar contingent in the conquest of Moravia. He was captured and killed by the Germans while Simeon barely escaped. Knowing the Bulgarians did not have their main force, the Germans advanced, taking the route of the Danube, hoping the Romans would join them.

So they set out from Frankia in May 913: the king, his heir, and the Margrave of Bavaria, along with the Archbishop of Salburz and many nobles and clergy, joined the battle. The massive host had about 40,000 troops, the biggest army seen in the West since the time of Charlemagne. Simeon, on the other hand, had about 20,000 men in the area, mostly local Moravians, some elite infantry, and cavalry alongside the Magyars led by Aprad Son. The Germans also took their navy to supply the forces, as the prince of the Germans correctly predicted that the Bulgarians would desolate the area to deny the Germans any resupply as they kept going further. Not only that, but the light cavalry, especially the Magyars, harassed them as they marched, lowering their morale, and the king advanced north of his son, The delay was enough that Simeon brought additional reinforcements to the area and was convinced to even bring his main force.

As a month had passed, the Byzantines could not initially support the Germans as some revolts broke out in Dalmatia. While the Romans had won, they had taken heavy casualties, and the revolts were crushed quickly. Now that David had moved towards the north, Simeon knew that all the gains he had fought for since 902 were under existential threat, and he had to prevent David from linking up with the Germans, who received the news and had their morale lifted as the Roman hero was coming to their aid. Simeon continued to heavily attack the rearguard but now ceased attacking in front as the gap continued.

By the 17th of June, Simeon had sent word to the German king that he would pay him tribute and give him some lands in Moravia. Charles saw this as a sign of desperation, but he continued the peace talks to delay them. Simeon could not lose more time at night, so he sent the magyars, who rained arrows. The attack sent some into panic, but Charles himself rode out and routed the Magyar contingent and returned to feast near dawn. The Germans had just sent some scouts, and Simeon now attacked. The scouts were destroyed by the heavy Slavic cavalry, which was followed by the infantry. So fast was their attack that the German camp was struck before any formation could be assembled; only some could stand, but their resistance was futile, and those who fled were attacked by Magyars and the Slavic Light Cavalry. Charles, seeing the battle was lost, gathered a small force and fled as Simeon chased him, but he returned to his son, who negotiated with the Bulgarians. Simeon was not harsh; he only asked for war indemnity and promised to allow the other half of the German army to return with the condition that they attack Italy, having few options. The Germans agreed, but despite Simeon's best efforts, the Magyars raided the Frankish lands until they were given their payment, somewhat angered that Simeon had used them to lower their caution at the cost of their lives.
 
campaign of 914
Constantine began a series of reforms. The first was the Hikanatoi, which was divided into the infantry excubitors and
Scholae Palatinae , numbering 15,000; Constantine decided to increase it to 20,000, promoting the excubitors to cavalry as well with the creation of the Arithmos, which would comprise the elite infantry, and the Teicheiōtai which was to watch over the city and be the new garrison as the rus raid had convinced him of this necessity, as the population transfers occurred.
The emperor also wanted to reform the Tagmata, founded by Constantine V to replace the private Bucellarii as the most elite Calvary force in the empire, recruited mainly from Thrace, Macedonia, and Anatolia, mainly Isauria and Galatia. These were also key parts of the Praesental Army, which was only limited to one during the reign of Heraclius; from the time of Constantine, the tagmata had never surpassed possibly 8000, but Heraclonas wanted to augment their number but was too busy with other reforms, and Constantine at first did not think about it until the war with Persia, which nearly ended in disaster, when he amounted the Antolian Tagmata alone to 8000 forming and they would be used to reinforce the east on campaign; he wanted to do this in the west but could not do so until he made peace with Bulgaria.

This was also why he had not implemented his reforms on western themes, but while his sons helped with his reforms, David was to craft the peace he wanted for so long by 914, as the area was recovering. David had used his time to train his troops, and here he was joined by the 15-year-old Claudius, He was to learn from the best, and in turn, David read from the best Vachagan book, which was an inspiration to many commanders; he wrote on how to deal with the Persian raids and counter raids like Heraclius had done, ignoring key fortresses and not looking to destroy the armies rather than cause war fatigue by targeting key strategic areas, which was to be done when stalemate or a bad situation had occurred, and this was the case when Simeon had put a great defense to the east and had taken much of the forts in the Danube; recovering them in a long series of sieges was not going to work for the Heraclian.


So David, at the head of 24,000 men, left Naisus, as Simeon had moved west to finally take Croatia. As David crossed the Danube, he raced to the mountains again, and now he finally crossed, and near where one day Tapae stood, he He met a Bulgararian nobleman, Gavril, who had the same numbers as him. In that place, nearly a millennium ago, Trajan defeated Decabulus. The battle was close, but he pulled a feint and then routed them. David went north and sacked Bălgrad, the ancient Apulum, and the surrounding towns, taking gold he gave to their men enough not to slow them down, but just as the Heraclian wanted to move east to go sack his way to Snagov, news reached him, and Simeon's brother In law, Ivan was coming from the south-west, while Simeon came from the west to encircle David in the mountains. The Heraclians moved to deal with Ivan, who suspected the Romans wanted to cross the Mountains and had split part of his force into an ambush. David destroyed this force and later faced Ivan at the Olt River in the mountains, handing him a severe defeat.


Despite the path being open, the Heraclian moved southwest, back to the empire. As Simeon blocked his path in the Tibisis river, the Herclian had to find his way through the Simeon army. Here, young Claudius distinguished himself while being injured, as both sides had suffered many casualties. David retreated, but his victory achieved its purpose, as now the Pechenegs, who had for so long denied any alliances, were interested in joining the war, but it would have to wait for 915 as Clauidus left to be treated; he recovered and was called by Constantine. With him were Thedoisuis and Constantine Tyannos Claudius, whose father was interested in him taking part in this campaign, which the emperor agreed to. Their plan was simple: the civil war in the Berber empire was raging, and since they supported the rebels, emperor Constantine had gathered these men for one single purpose: the reconquest of Crete. For nearly 80 years, the Berber pirates had been a pest to the empire, and they would deal with them no more, especially now since they were disrupting the grain shipments from Egypt to Constantinople. With peace in the east and the Berbers killing each other, it was time to retake the island
 
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alight David vs Simeon the great who wins the Byzantine Bulgarian war and what are Bulgarians future plans? also what is to gonna happend to the berbers since Ill be honest the alt hist of north africa is among the most intresting things to write.
 
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what are Bulgarians future plans?

I think Bulgarians would begin to look North - they are kinda locked in southern and western expansion - Germans and Byzantines are too strong to be beaten decisively by Bulgarians, so they obviously need to expand their population base and income, taking Baltic ports like https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Truso or https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wolin_(town) would be the way to increase their income and the lands between them and Wislania would increase population, so Simeon or his ATL succesor might plan to create empire stretching from Baltic Sea to Adriatic Sea.
Another interesting pathway to expansion would be to face off Rus in attempt to dominate what IOTL became Ukraine, Bulgarians even IOTL with centre in Balkans had some influence there during Krum times, so I think Simeon in need to increase his income and population would also seek to dominate eastern trade routes who gave prosperity to Kievan Rus IOTL.
IMHO maximum Bulgaria wank ITTL would be them having northern border on Baltic Sea, western on the Oder with them having some influence among Elbean Slavs also, driving Germans out of Bohemia proper completely and in the southwest, having border roughly identical to that of OTL crown of St. Stephen and the eastern roughly on Dnieper with most of OTL's Ukraine being firmly part of Bulgaria, and Rus being driven out to Novogorod (with Polotsk possibly being sort of buffer state between Rurikovichi and mega-Bulgaria).
Tho that would have interesting consequence on ATL Bulgarian language, at that time Old Slavic was still one language with many dialects, but dialects which had features similar to OTL Bulgarian would be spoken only in Wallachia and Transylvania (Moldavia was split between dialect with features which gave birth to OTL Bulgarian and OTL Ukrainian) and most of the empire would speak another dialects - between Baltic and Carpathians dialects which gave birth to OTL Polish, in Pannonia and Moravia and Nitra those who gave birth to OTL Czech and Slovak, Croatia (if they take it) would be another can of worms since Magyars are only Bulgarian's vassals with not so much sway over the area they held IOTL and probably are being slowly slavicized themselves (like OTL Kumans were magyarized) which means continuum between western and southern Slavic isn't broken and these dialects are more similar to northern ones than IOTL, and of course if they conquer parts of Rus, the dialects which gave birth to Ukrainian would be there IOTL.
So, even proper Bulgarian dialect would not diverge so much from the rest of Slavic as it did IOTL (for example losing declension under Romanian and Greek influence), and IMHO some Slavic koine would arise in that mega-Bulgaria and modern Bulgarian (XXIth century) ITTL might look like OTL's Interslavic (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Interslavic- it's even more probable since it was created as modernized continuation of Old Church Slavonic with elements from other Slavic languages and OCS was essentially Old Bulgarian).
 
siege of Ameqranksar
Constantine had spared no expense for this campaign; this would not be an easy campaign. The capital of Crete was moved to the north to show the confidence of the pirates. The magnificent fortress capital with its great rampart and moat was called in the Berber tongue Ameqranksar, which translates to great castle. In Ephesus, it was a gigantic force of about 35,000 men. The army was just the Anatolian army and the tagmata, who were the main bulk of the army but also part of the elite guard, rus mercenaries, and some eastern and Slavic contingents. The great army was transported by a massive armada of 300 warships, transport ships, and supply vessels. There was to be no element of surprise; the crossing was quick, but the landing was contested as the planks were dropped. Elite Roman cavalry charged the Berbers and sustained heavy casualties, forcing them to retreat to the fortress or link up with those in the hinterlands. As the Romans surrounded the castle with their navy and men, the siege engines began bombarding. As Theodosius knew the garrison was too strong to take, he sent Constantine Tyannos and Claudius to raid the nearby villages south of the city. They were ambushed, and Constantine Tyannos was injured. Claudius here distinguished himself by defending his regiment and holding the line as the Romans retreated.


With this victory, the Berbers attacked the Romans during the months as the siege dragged on, sometimes at the same time as the garrison sallied out, and the skirmishes lowered the morale of the troops. Thedosius sent men to find them, to no avail as the Berbers always retreated, but Thedosius changed tactics; he offered mercy to the locals to support him; for those who did not, their villages were erased from the face of the earth, not sparing age or gender. Constantine Tyannos and Claudius went again, with the latter doing a diversionary attack to the south-east. As Tyannos moved towards the hills and attacked them at dawn, the Berbers were surprised, and the 20,000-strong army was completely destroyed, returning Constantine to the castle with the heads of the Berbers on pikes, but the defenders resisted any assaults. The Romans then continued their bombardment until winter arrived in December. The governor of Crete sent word to both factions of the civil war, and despite that, the emperor in Carthage sent word that he would support them, but it never came.


Theodosius waited as long as he could afford to, and the war for Theodosius was personal, as the conquest of Crete, in his view, was a mistake his family needed to correct, as were all the mistakes of the era of the regnets. By Christmas Eve, Thedoisus had sent his rams as a distraction. As he gathered the elite infantry, which managed to get a foothold, the starving and demoralized Berbers tried to resist, but the imperial army broke them. What happened next was the slaughter of the city, as the only ones spared were those who were to be sold as slaves. Thedoisus knew there was to be no protest, as the patriarch of Constantinople and the papal legate did not have issues with Heretics being enslaved.


Ameqranksar had fallen, and soon the island would as well. The Berbers were to convert to Orthodoxy, be allowed to move to Africa, be resettled in the Balkans, or be sold into slavery, with only the nobles being ransomed with the island back in imperial hands as promised by the Romans. 10,000 Slavs were resettled there.
The fortress was renamed Megalo Kastro Big Castle, and the campaign being a great success, Theodosius returned to Constantinople a hero and was given a triupmh. Despite this, some of the courtiers wanted the emperor to dismiss him and his father, but if there was anyone he trusted, it was his nephews, and more importantly, Claudius, gained a lot of experience as he returned to the Balkans to serve David, who swore he would not return to Constantinople, as in 915 Simeon and Ivan jointly attacked the empire, Ivan from Durostorum and Simeon from Viminacum raided deep into the empire. David chose to defeat Ivan and crush his force in Marcianopolis, but Simeon avoided or defeated the local forces until he sacked Scupi, David himself now planned for another campaign into the heart of Bulgaria.
 
Medoacus River
The emperor saw reconstruction, but again, he wanted to have peace. While Crete had been a great effort, it had taken some troops and a capable commander, but David had done his best to contain the Bulgarian armies who raided deep into the Balkans, but 916 would start with a new offensive. Simeon himself broke out from the west, and his great army marched, sacking the areas just recovering from the great revolt, even reaching and taking Doclea to the west, fuffling his promise to the Bulgarian emperor. The king of the Germans invaded Northern Italy, and one part of his army crossed the Pennine Path (Saint Bernard Path), while he himself crossed what is now called the Brenner Pass. Simeon also sent him some help, which would be a contingent of 3,000 Magyars whom the Germans called Huns or Avars.

The King of Pavia resisted the siege, and despite not being prepared, Roman and Frankish records record his bravery. To the east, the king sacked the Lombardy countryside and threatened cities with destruction if they did not pay him tribute. There was a simple reason why the king did not lay siege to the capital: if his subordinate succeeded, he would become king of northern Italy; if he failed, he could leave Italy with great amounts of loot.

Unlike the other Frankish kingdoms, the Kingdom of Lombardy was structured differently; not only was sialic law not followed by the monarch, but rather Exarch would choose a candidate or approve one the previous king or the local elite had chosen, but it had a far-reaching legal system based on Roman law and not the remnant of the old Lombard law, along with the largest concentration of the declining Lombard language. As most of the Lombard's, by the point of the Frankish conquest, had assimilated, the Franks were also in the process of doing so in the kingdom. Also, unlike the other Frankish kingdoms, while nobles orbited the king's treasury, they were still wealthy enough to afford their own large estates and thus private armies to compete with. In the kingdom of Lombardy, the elites focused around the cities and were not wealthy enough to be major independent forces; rather, they had to be part of it.

That army was based on military obligations on the settled lands rather than a paid army funded by taxes, as when the kingdom had become a vassal, the Roman economy had not yet stabilized, and even now taxes have not been fully implemented. Thus, the troops the king had called for reinforcement of the capital revolted as their lands were being ravaged and decided to return. The local forces had asked the nearby dux of Reggio, alongside the dux of Ravenna Justin, to help them, despite the fact that the nearby duxes had been ordered to rally their troops by the Exarch and then to wait as he himself was coming to their aid.

But when they arrived, Justin bribed them to march immediately. We do know if he did this because he believed the Germans were going to attack his domains or wished for a great victory to finally be elected as Exarch, as despite his good administration, the result of the Berber War made the current Exarch unpopular. Now, with strong force, the Romans began to chase the 12,000-strong force of the king. They had a small encounter near Padova, and debate came with those who wanted to destroy the Germans. While the kingdom forces joined him, he got reinforcements and was told to wait a short time as they were the vanguard of the troops the exarch had sent as he was on his way. Still, Justin now had 20,000.

In the end, being the most senior Dux and the fact that the other Duxes had been convinced by him, Justin dismissed the warnings and pushed the German-Magyar force to the Medoacus River, yet it was too late, so the next day they would start the battle during dawn. The Magyars attacked the camp, and the lombardian Roman force left the camp. Justin charged ahead of his force until the Magyars used the Parthian shots as the Romans kept chasing them. Until they found the main force of the king, Justin actually waited, fearing that if he charged, he would be encircled. Lucky for him, the Germans did not attack; the main force was near once they joined, and then the Romans advanced. Tired, their battle became a slog. Some units broke through, and the Germans filled the gaps. Now that the battle was in stalemate, it was here that the Magyars and part of the heavy cavalry who were in reserve went for the Roman flanks.

The Romans were exhausted and fearful of total encirclement and death. Many units began to retreat. Justin tried to rally his troops. but the show of bravery would not be enough. Many of the troops, especially the reserves, could have saved the battle, as it would not have been easy for Magyar ligth cavarly to come into contact with the more heavily armored Romans, but they, like many others, fled, thus leaving his Justin forces in his territory and the Franks to support him. As the minutes passed and the corpses of the Romans filled the battlefield, the Romans now just delayed the inveitable by the fall of the Dux alongside many Roman commanders, and 2/3 of the forces perished. King Henry had scored a major victory and had essentially crippled the forces of the kingdom of Lombardy/Pavia.

Henry sent some forces south to raid as he moved towards Pavia; finally, he would be getting the iron crown. Exarch Sabinian, having heard news of the defeat, knew his men would be too demoralized and feared defeat, but he compensated and showed why David the Heraclian chose him to be Exarch. He moved part of his troops to the west to reinforce Pavia. He also sent a messenger to ask for peace, but at the same time, he sent another man a false letter saying that Theodoisus, the Heraclian army, was to join them, detailing to them what he did on Crete and what he would do to them. This was based on the rumors the Romans had heard about the brutality of the campaign. News then came from the army, laying siege to the capital, that the force from Arles was coming to relieve them. It was small, but this only convinced Henry that it was to be the first of many, not wanting his victory to go to waste Henry agreed to leave, but not without a substantial tribute, He would be back, and he would have the Iron Crown.
 
Battle of Buridava
916 was not good in Italy, but in the Balkans, Gavril himself thundered from the north, taking Doclea, and moved more to the south, not sacking or taking anything; he wanted to win over the Slavs, who had just recently rebelled, until he reached Dyrrachium. The same could not be said for the eastern Balkans. Simeon sacked Marcianopolis, Cabyle, Philippopolis, and Beroe, and then the Bulgarian emperor laid siege to Adrianople.

David returned, but he did not have enough men to risk battle against Simeon's force, so he marched against Gavril. Once he was close, he slowly began to retreat back north again with no raiding until David finally chased him out of the Balkan territory. This gave Simeon time, but he was worried that soon the Roman army would return from Crete, so he left the siege of Adrianople and moved towards the Anastasian wall and beyond, reahcing the suburbs of Constantinople. Despite his age and the advice of the courtiers, the emperor went against these raids, Simeon returned, and By may finally capture Adrinople; following this, he moved towards Constantinople, knowing and building ditches from the Golden Horn to the Golden Gate. Of course, this was more of a symbolic power move; he had lived in the city and knew that without a navy, he would not be able to take the city despite this, but this was lifted as both David was arriving from the west and Theodosius had come back.

Simeon managed to retreat before their arrival; he had also taken about 10,000 local Romans back to Bulgaria. The Romans quite hypocritically accused the Bulgarians of enslaving Christians, while Bulgarian sources said they merely relocated them. The Romans in summer wanted to do an attack towards the north, but then news came from the defeat in Italy and thus no reinforcements. Also, the forces were tired and decided to wait until next year. Simeon sent his ultimatum, which Constantine again rejected.

With this, Constantine again sent word to the Khan of the Pechenegs, whom this time actually agreed, and thus, in February, the Pechenegs, at the head of 15,000 men, attacked the magyars, and the territory of the Uliches, Asprokastron soon fell as the Byzantine navy helped the Pechenegs take the city. To the south, 22,000 men from the local Balkan population, some Slavs, both the loyal ones from the south who had joined him, thematic troops, and even some contigents of the tagmata, and 4,000 Hikanatoi, while Theodosius and Constantine Tyannos gathered another army in Moesia, David again crossed the Danube and took the same route, being chased by Simeon himself until they met near where once the castra of Buridava once stood.

The area stood by many hills, and both the Romans and Bulgarians put themselves in hills facing each other with a flat part in between the hills, hence why both sides divided into three lines of infantry and three lines of reserve cavalry. With Simeon in the center reserve with his heavy cavalry and the light and horse archers in the wings, the Romans had a similar formation with the tagmata and thematic cavalry in reserve in the wings and the Hikanatoi.

The battle began when the Romans left and pushed the Bulgarians right. Seeing this success, Andrei joined the fight as the rest of the army moved. As this part of the army was made up of Thracian and Thematic troops from Moesia, they fought with vigor against the hated bulgarians who had brought misery upon them.

The rest of the army clashed; no side had the advantage; each step was pushed back, and the battle was just a slogging match for the center of both armies, but as Sophia writes, he ( Andrei) was truly a very brave warrior, coming from brave ancestors; he was spared from imminent peril; and he boiled with anger, and he sought the Bulgarian commander, founding him clad in gleaming armor, so he lifted his axe and cut his helmet.

The Romans in the center were slowly pushed back, while the Roman right wing under young Claudius was pushed back.

Simeon, seeing this and fearing a feint retreat, ordered the bulgarians on the left not to chase and leave the hill. With the Roman rigth fleeing and the center secured, he moved to his crumbling rigth. The magyars and the bulgarian heavy cavalry attacked the Roman left. Despite being attacked from three sides, the Romans resisted. Spurred on by their need for revenge and the fearless leadership of Andrei, the Romans resisted.

It was at this crucial moment of the battle that the Bulgarian left wing, disobeying the orders of Simeon, advanced to chase the Romans. Our sources on the battle mostly agree that their intentions were to make them flee and then attack the center from the side, but once they left the hill, the Bulgarians lost cohesion, and now that they were on plain ground, they stood no chance when Claudius Cavalry then wheeled around and struck them. It was then that the Roman center counterattacked, not allowing them to send reinforcements to the right, which was close to breaking, yet the situation was still shaky, but the push had formed a gap. Claudius, seeing this, took part of his cavalry and moved into the gap, attacking the Bulgarian center, who did not expect this, out of fear that the center would eventually route.

Yet the battle was not over. Simeon could still snatch victory from the jaws of defeat if he could just break the Romans. David sent word to Claudius not to chase as he moved towards Simeon. With this, he also retreated; the Romans had won the day as Simeon had escaped as David feared a feint retreat. The Romans looted the Bulgarian camp and moved south; Rusidava was sacked, but news came that Ivan had faced Theodosius and defeated him, yet Ivan did not move to intercept David as he too had suffered many casualties. David also received news that the Pechenegs had taken Asprokastron but now doubted whether they were to move next as they had been laying siege to Birlod, which they did not siege with much commitment, focusing more on pilling the surrounding countryside, an idea that the Heraclian would implement. He ordered his troops to march to Ilfov (Bucharest) as Simeon retreated towards Snagov.

Coins did not exist in the Bulgarian empire, and taxes were paid on kind; whether it was land or people, the land was divided into lord's lands and village lands, so in David's march, he pillaged the noble and village estates, burning their farms, raiding their great herds, and destroying towns. David then reached his target, the major trading center of Ilfov. To the Heraclian the promise to the emperor was nearly complete; he would soon return to Constantinople.
 
End of the war
Despite his victory, Ivan did not move to intercept David, as the plain was great terrain for Byzantine cavalry, and despite their victory, morale was low as news of the defeat of Simeon spread, which also caused the Romans of the south to cross the Danube once again, which Ivan tried to slow down. While he did, David raided and sacked anything in his way until he reached Ilfov, one of the most magnificent Bulgarian cities, and its population was killed.

The march towards Snagov would continue, but the architect of the victory would not see it during the march. David fell ill, but he kept it secret until Ilfov fell, despite his death and the demoralization that followed. Andrei led the troops towards Snagov, but just as the emperor had a year prior, this was more symbolic. Simeon had made Snagov a fortress, three and a half meters wide and 10 meters tall, along with the fortified palace as an island. Taking the city was impossible without a long siege. The Romans soon retreated south back to the Danube and linked up with Theodosius, who threatened to do it all over again next year with the Pechenegs, who, after hearing news of the victory, continued their siege of Birlod and sacked it.

So it was in September 917 that Ivan and Theodosius met on boats in the Danube south of Sucidava. The Heraclian was given clear instructions by his emperor on what the peace conditions would be, the same terms as before with some alterations, as he wished for nothing more than to end the war:

The title of Basileus of the Bulgarians to be recognized by the Romans, to which Constantine always agreed, so as something he did not care for saying: for all I care, Simeon could call himself Shah of Persia for all he cared.

The Bulgarians would keep Pannonia they had conquered. While valuable, the region was surrounded by Bulgarians. Also, the great Slavic revolt had damaged the more important Dalmatia, and Constantine wanted to have peace to focus fully on the reconstruction of these provinces, so to him, Pannonia, while it could serve as a buffer, was now more of a liability than a plus, so the new border would be the Drava River.

autocephalous status of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church and acknowledged its patriarchal dignity. This was a hard sell for the patriarch of Constantinople, but the emperor did convince him of it.

Last but not least, Simeon's son, Peter, would marry Theodosius granddaughter, Maria, to be married, thus giving even more legitimacy to Simeon's successor.

Despite these favorable terms, Theodosius said the next thing that would not be rejected:

The empire would keep Croatia, and the Roman fortresses the Bulgarians had taken would be handed back to the empire. Both sides could rebuild their forts but not build any more forts.

Concerning the exchange of prisoners of war between the two countries The Bulgarians agreed to release most of the Byzantines captured during the campaigns that raided deep into the empire after the Great Slavic Revolt, as well as the population captured during the later raids of Simeon. In return, the Romans would release the prisoners captured during the raids of David, but the Bulgarians would give two heads of cattle for every released soldier. Both countries also agreed to the earlier treaty of Boris and Heraclonas, which stated that both countries agreed to exchange refugees charged with conspiracy against the legal ruler.

And the final signing of the 30-year peace treaty was on economic payments. The Romans would also enjoy tax exemptions or reduced customs duties in Bulgarian cities; not only that, but the Bulgarians would pay for the next 10 years as they did not have coins. The Romans would receive 200 slaves, 200 horses, 800 cattle, oxen, and cows, and finally 15000 tons of grain; hence, he gave Bulgaria such a preferable peace since he wanted Bulgaria to be his alternative to Egypt, which he had already been receiving grain from since the start of the Berber civil war.

Simeon was not happy with the final decree, but he told Ivan to accept the emperor's terms. With this, the war was finally over, and both monarchs went to reform their states quickly. For Constantine, he had proven himself a true heir of Heraclonas, and like he promised, there was to be no new crisis, Theodosius entered Constantinople, bringing with him his father, the great victor, who had fulfilled his promise. A public funeral was made for him, and like many other Roman heroes and generals, he was buried in the church of the holy apostles.
 
thank you but , what part of the timeline are you in? The Persian empire has scored as of now many great victories
Hello . Thanks for replying dude . I just have a feeling that persian cataphracts are too weak during the time of Dadmihr . Also don't dabuyids have disciplined heavy infantry? Why are they so weak performing in battle? Also I like to see a battle between dabuyid cataphracts and norse axe wielders in the second rus raid.And also do dabuyid cataphracts wear a breastplate or curass or iron made lamellar coat on their chainmailshirt like the sassanid ones? Anyway brilliant thread keep the great work up
 
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