Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes VI (Do Not Post Current Politics or Political Figures Here)
- Status
Here's an infobox for the future history ideology in my Power Without Knowledge timeline! I'm open to answering any questions!
Last edited:
Interesting! I did have a few questions.
1) Was the era of bad feelings a counterpart to the OTL era of good feelings, following a bad war of 1812 or the like, or something completely different?
2) What’s cephalopod socialism? Are there other sentient species ittl?
3) What’s going on in Antarctica?
It's named in reference to that but actually refers to the period of intense domestic and international political strife and the resulting erosion of civil liberties that began with the assassination of Ronald Reagan by Ted Kaczynski.
Nope, as with "sewer socialism" the phrase was first used as a pejorative by critics since a chapter of the Cosmicist Manifesto uses an octopus as a metaphor for the ideal political and social structure and octopi typically represent sinister things in political cartoons and propaganda. It's one of the primary symbols of the movement to begin with, though given long term goals some on the fringes are open to the idea of actually attempting to communicate with or even uplift cephalopods as practice for theoretical first contact.
In the present day it's suffering under an accelerated trend of climate change, by the future history the box is describing it's completely deglaciated and home to the beating many-tendriled heart of the Cosmicist movement.
Last edited:
I made a few edits to my wikibox to clean up the formatting and add in something I forgot 
The 1970 Spanish general election was held on the 22nd November 1970 to elect 400 members to the Cortes, the unicameral national parliament of Spain. This was the first election after the 1969 reforms reduced the members of the Cortes by 73.
During his second term, PSOE Prime Minister Luis Jiménez de Asúa had enacted significant constitutional reform. Among the most prominent of these was reducing the power of the Cortes over the regional parliaments, the negotiation of the Moncloa Pact between the Prime Minister, the President and the trade unions to protect worker’s rights and wages in exchange for reforms like mandatory secret balloting before all union action, decriminalising abortion throughout Spain, and most strikingly, the introduction of anti-discrimination protections for homosexuals.
While the last of these was met by grassroots conservative opposition, particularly from the Catholic Church, it became popular due to the advocacy of the elderly former politician Victoria Kent and her partner, American philanthropist Louise Crane. The two of them became icons among young Spaniards (particularly as Kent renounced her previous opposition to women’s suffrage) and helped start to normalize gay relationships in the eyes of older people. Even the new AP leader Manuel Fraga did not condemn them.
However, the Jiménez de Asúa government was still controversial amongst the right despite this progress. His friendliness to unions and the PCE, despite PCE leader Santiago Carrillo by now vocally advocating for ‘Eurocommunism’, a new form of communism that was less authoritarian and more cooperative with democratic norms than that which the Eastern Bloc advocated, led them to believe the PSOE wished to transform Spain into a communist state and destroy the market liberalism that had been integral to the Spanish miracle.
These fears were embraced by Joan Sardà I Dexus, who became PRR leader after its 1967 election defeat. A prominent economist of the Recasens cabinet and an ardent advocate for neoliberal economics to control inflation, Sardà oversaw an overhaul of the PRR platform, shifting its policy agenda to fit his views and shifting it to the right. He also changed its name to the Republican People’s Party (Spanish: Partido Popular Republicano, PPR), and expressed sympathy towards Spanish Christians offended by the social reforms of the Jiménez de Asúa government.
During most of the Parliament, this seemed to be working well, particularly with Prime Minister Jiménez de Asúa’s health failing. In his place, Ramón Rubial, who had become Minister of Finance thanks to his rising profile, increasingly took on his responsibilities, and despite failing in a second run against President Recasens, remained popular with the left. When in October 1970 Jiménez de Asúa finally resigned Rubial was elected the new PSOE leader and thus Prime Minister. Since the poll leads enjoyed by the PPR had started to dissipate, Rubial dissolved the Cortes six months early.
The campaign was energized for much of its duration, as Sardà advocated for a ‘new future for Spain’ and gathered large crowds with his rallies. However, late in the campaign Rubial gave a widely-publicized speech in Bilbao describing Sardà’s advocacy for neoliberal economic reforms as a betrayal of the principles of ‘so-called Christian democracy’ that were important to the PPR’s potential voter base. Most notably, he described the policy platform as ‘the Gospel according to Joan’, a play-on-words that has become famous as a term of mockery towards the Christian right in Spain.
Despite subsequent analysis heavily pointing to this as a key factor in the result, a major shift in public perception was observed after the sudden death of Jiménez de Asúa on the 16th November, less than a week before polling day. Campaigning ceased until the 20th, and it is believed that the event allowed the PSOE to garner a sympathy vote.
As a result of the reduced number of seats in the Cortes, every party’s seat total declined except the PPR, but despite significant losses the PSOE came out the largest party, winning 26 seats more than the PPR in something of a surprise result. Recasens and José Maldonaldo of the IR formed a minority government with support from the left-wing Basque and Catalan nationalists as well as conditional support from the PCE.
Last edited:
Looks like the Beatles were able to keep it together for another 10 years. Does the band break up in 1980 because of John Lennon's assassination?
I guess Elvis was able to get off the drugs (or never got addicted to them at all) and was able to live another 14 years. I can't tell if it's a blessed thing or a cursed thing that The King would get into the 1980s New Wave trend.
Nice to see Kurt Cobain didn't blow his brains out in April 1994 and Nirvana is still around to this day.
These are some nice infoboxes, @Emperor Max .
The 1974 Spanish general election was held on the 6th January 1974, to elect the 400 members of the Cortes, the unicameral parliament of Spain. Due to its contentious nature, coinciding with the decline of the ‘Spanish miracle’, and the fragmented results that came from it, the 1974 election is popularly nicknamed el desorden (literally ‘the mess’) among the Spanish public.
Prime Minister Ramón Rubial had surprisingly won the 1970 election, but his popularity began to decline as the Spanish economy seemed to be weakening during the early 1970s. Popular unrest had been building up among the nationalist communities, most notably with paramilitary activity by the Basque nationalist and separatist group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna increasing in frequency. Violent attacks on both Rubial and the EAJ/PNV leader Jesús María Leizaola occurred in 1972, though both escaped unharmed, and an aggressive crackdown on the ETA by the Rubial government divided opinion on the left.
Further weakening him was the election of Rodolfo Martín Villa as the new PPR leader in 1971; Villa espoused similar neoliberal ideas to his predecessor, Joan Sardà I Dexeus, but was much younger (he was just 36 when he took up the leadership) and took a very different tone on social issues, advocating for closer ties with Europe and Spanish membership of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), which the Spanish left had adamantly opposed. This platform was very appealing to many on the centre and right who wished for significant change to politics to adapt to Spain’s economic decline
When in late 1973 the fuel crisis prompted by the Yom Kippur War caused upheaval in oil prices in Europe, Villa gave an impassioned and widely broadcast speech to the Cortes declaring the nation to be ‘in crisis’, calling Rubial ‘unfit to lead’ and launching a motion of no confidence in the government. This vote was held on the 23rd November 1973, and thanks to abstentions from unavailable or uncommitted members, the Rubial government lost control of the Cortes by 181 votes to 179. President Recasens gave Rubial and Villa one week to try to form a new government, and then dissolved the Cortes after neither of them was able to do so on the 30th November.
Ironically, the means by which the Cortes had been dissolved caused the PPR to lose a significant amount of support from that which it had enjoyed during much of the prior term. In early November, it had led the PSOE with 43% of the vote to 29%, but its support started to decline during the last weeks of 1973. Large-scale protests were held due to the Cortes’ dissolution coming from only a plurality of its members, and Rubial took advantage of leftist furor over a potential PPR government by admonishing Villa for ‘seeking to enrich the richest in a time of poverty’.
The IR also hastily dismissed José Maldonaldo as its leader during the campaign in favour of Jordi Pujol, who was much younger and enjoyed a better rapport with Rubial. Campaigning from the PSOE and IR emphasized Rubial and Pujol’s Basque and Catalan heritage, and called for ‘A Spain For Us All’, helping shore up support for the left in the Basque Country and Catalonia.
Popular support had also surged for the far left, with Santiago Carrillo of the PCE asserting that his party would fight a PPR government ‘at every turn on behalf of the people’ and the new FAI leader Eduard Pons Prades attracting considerable attention for his advocacy of ‘turning a failed state into a successful syndicate’ and his public willingness to negotiate with the ETA in the name of pan-Iberism. Some have suggested the widely reported criticisms these parties leveled at the PPR helped prise away some of the younger voters who until the election campaign started had considered voting for Villa.
Despite the election being held in early January, voter interest was unusually great and turnout reached a new record high of 81.1%. While it underperformed from its early polling figures, the PPR still emerged as the largest party for the first time, but with a far smaller lead than expected, taking 159 seats to 140. Neither the PPR-AP bloc nor the PSOE-IR bloc had a majority; the former controlled 185 seats and the latter 177; and the far left and nationalists that held the balance of power were distrustful of both.
Negotiations over the formation of a new government lasted for over three months, with Prime Minister Rubial eventually securing an agreement first and announcing he would continue to govern on the 12th March, though even with the support of the nationalists and conditional support from the PCE he could only guarantee a maximum of 203 votes out of 400. This government collapsed after Villa negotiated with Pujol, pledging further recognition of Catalan language and identity not only within Spain but also in negotiation with the EEC. Villa withdrew support for Rubial, and a new government led by Villa was elected by the Cortes on the 11th June 1974, ending 10 years and 7 months of PSOE government.
Last edited:
Deleted member 173765
TL;DR - the UK Miners' Strike of the 1980s (in a pretty ASB-like way) ends in a full-scale Revolution in the UK and the establishment of a constitutionally socialist state in Britain, which soon devolves into Albania-style craziness after the Eastern Bloc falls. Eventually, after his craziness devolves into having his wife executed for sedition, the army leads a coup and leads to a new non-socialist republic being established.
Sadly the "religion" infobox part doesn't work for the state office infobox any more. I wanted to add "Cult of Labour (State cult)" under "religion", French Revolution style.
(the scenario is just for fun, I know it's not really possible)
Last edited by a moderator:
The 1977 Spanish general election was held on the 25th September 1977, to elect 400 members of the Cortes, Spain’s unicameral national parliament. It marked the first time that a parliamentary election in Spain was held concurrently with a presidential one, as the second round of the 1977 presidential election was held the same day.
Since June 1974, the right-wing Republican People’s Party (PPR) had controlled both the presidency and (albeit with a plurality) the Cortes, but its leadership was deeply contentious among the Spanish public. Prime Minister Rodolfo Martín Villa had pursued an economically neoliberal policy programme to try to end the country’s economic crisis, with measures such as austerity economics and devaluation of the Spanish peseta; this reduced the spending power of much of the Spanish public, much to the frustration and opposition of the left.
A particularly notorious event had almost seen the government collapse in March 1976; workers striking in Vitoria in the Basque Country were forced out of the church using tear gas and beatings by the police, with over 150 injured. Massive protests against both the Villa government and police brutality followed, but Villa, President Luis Recasens and Civil Guard leader Ángel Campano López managed to regain the confidence of most of the public by condemning the attack as a ‘massacre’ on the police’s part, Campano tendering his resignation and Villa making minor reductions in the austerity measures and harsh disciplinary action to the Civil Guard departments responsible.
Villa’s record on foreign affairs was more positive, however- he had given steadfast support to the new democratic government in Portugal, and despite political disagreements got on well with President António Ramalho Eanes and Prime Minister Mário Soares. His decision to join NATO had been well-received by Spain’s allies, and he had overseen closer cooperation with the EEC thanks to his austere economic policy allowing its economy to stay close to sustainable parity with the Community’s.
The main opposition party, the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE), was now led by Enrique Múgica, who was far younger than his predecessor Ramón Rubial and was openly Jewish. This factored into some of his policy proposals, most notably his advocacy for an official apology on behalf of the Spanish government for its compliance on the Axis side of the Second World War; however, it also made him contentious among the Spanish left, particularly when he met with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin.
Múgica was nonetheless favoured to lead the PSOE to at least the status of the largest party at the next election. However, when President Recasens died on the 4th July 1977 and Prime Minister Villa ascended to the presidency, significant sympathy emerged towards the PPR. Villa’s first speech as President was humble and well-received, and before the end of the month he declared that he would seek election to a full five-year term as President and would hold an election to the Cortes the same day.
Múgica resigned as the PSOE’s parliamentary leader in response and declared he would seek the presidency himself; in his place, the PSOE’s deputy leader Alfonso Guerra became its parliamentary leader and Prime Minister candidate. This significantly weakened the party, as Múgica’s announcement was considered combatative in a way Villa’s had not been, and Guerra was a divisive figure known for what the right denounced as ‘demagogue’ tendencies in his aggressive speaking and campaigning style.
Further strengthening the PPR’s hand was the selection of Adolfo Suárez to succeed Villa as Prime Minister. Suárez ran a conciliatory campaign, promising he would use a ‘doctor’s mandate’ from the election to reform Spain, in his words, ‘from law to law through law’; by this he meant that he would uphold law and order while implementing political changes that would satisfy those facing hardships due to the incumbent government’s policies.
The result was a landslide victory for the PPR in both the presidential contest, which Villa won with 61.2% of the vote to 38.8% for Múgica, and the parliamentary election, where the PPR won its first overall majority and the first for the right since 1957, in addition to setting a new record for the most votes won by any party at a parliamentary election in Spain (over 8.5 million). The PSOE fell below 100 seats for the first time since 1957, leading Guerra to resign; he is the shortest-serving PSOE leader since the Civil Wars.
The minor parties also largely declined, most notably IR, which was severely damaged by its former leader Jordi Pujol departing national politics to become President of Catalonia after repeated disputes with the government; its national wing would collapse and the Catalan wing would integrate into the region’s nationalist movement during the following parliamentary term. The AP became the third-largest party for the first time, though Suárez surprised observers by choosing not to form a coalition with it as many had predicted.
What happened to the Queen and to Thatcher? Are they in exile or were they killed?
Funny but I think this should be in Current Politics because the news is controversial at the time being.
Neither are current political figures, and there is currently a thread in NPC talking about the incident, but if a moderator requests it be moved I will do so.
It's cultural rather than political, I don't see any issue.
Oh right. I'm just playing it safe because it's still trending on the news.
Deleted member 173765
Queen reigned from Canada until the monarchy was abolished the the constitutional changes of the 1990s, Thatcher was imprisoned for a few years and then executed for "crimes against the workers".
Last edited by a moderator:
- Status