4/3 Aug New Beginning Day 6
Sidney The convoy from South Korea arrived to pick up the Australian 1st brigade the plan was to load the ships in two days and have the convoy under way by the 7th of August. The plan was to be in Busan on the 19th of August. There was a consensus of opinion in the Australian government that the convoy would arrive just in time to turn around. But the peace movement was absolutely infuriated, they were protesting just outside the dock. Others were pressuring the labor unions to take a stand against the movement of troops to South Korea.
The labor unions were not interested in undercutting the Labor government who had defended the interests of the labor unions especially from the Anti-nuclear groups who were part of the anti-war movement. They had wanted the uranium mines of Australia closed down. Doing that would put some union members out of work and that was not something the labor unions could support. It was also something that the current government had opposed. So, it was somewhat deaf ears that the labor unions listened to the entreaties and later the threats made by the peace movement. One labor leader commented the unions knew who, were their friends and who were not.
New Delhi
The peace conference went on without much movement on either side. Gromyko was waiting for a message telling him what demands he could negotiate away and which demands he had to stand firm on. He was hoping that the Politburo would make the decisions and send him a message today. But so far, no message had arrived with that information.
Moscow Gorbachev had left the Politburo’s meeting with just a bit of hope several members of the Politburo were in agreement that spending cuts in the military would be needed. The problem was that no one knew exactly just how much of the budget was spent on the military. The decision to hide the actual budget of the military inside the budgets of various departments that did not have anything to do with the defense made it difficult to unravel. No one knew what percentage of the budget was actually spent on the defense budget. Guesses ran from a highly conservative estimate of fifteen percent of the budget to a high of twenty-five percent of the budget on defense. In fact, the hard liners and the soft liners were pretty much lined up on either side with a few in the middle. But it was agreed that the budgets of various departments would be gone over to find out just how much money the Soviet Union was spending on defense.
Romanov left the same meeting in a much better mood than Gorbachev. He had more ammunition to use against Gorbachev. Field Marshall Ogarkov would not like to know that the soft-liners and possible the people in the middle were gathering behind Gorbachev and his idea of cutting the defense budget.
Chebrikov might only be a candidate member of the Politburo he was still head of the KGB and he was not happy about the idea of cutting back on the size of military. He could see two potential dangers from cutting the defense budget. First it would damage the loyalty of the military at a time when its, absolute loyalty would be needed. Especially if they needed the Army troops to deal with any possible outbreaks of civil unrest. If the Soviet Union cut spending on popular programs that could cause unrest. While Chebrikov was confident that the KGB could handle most civil unrest.
But if it got to bad having the Army to back up the KGB was a good idea. But if the Armies morale and loyalty was damaged they might not be willing to help put down that unrest. That brought up a second possibility that the military itself just might carry out or attempt to carry out a coup. That possibility would become even greater if the budget cuts did not succeed in stabilizing the economy of the Soviet Union. He fully intended to bring his concerns to Gorbachev. What good it would do he was not sure but he was going to at least let Gorbachev know his opinion.
Ogarkov was getting an earful from Ustinov. Ustinov told him that the Politburo was looking to get an exact accounting of the current military spending. That could only spell trouble for the military no matter which branch. But some in the Politburo had commented that the Soviet Union should rely on is nuclear missile arsenal and not the Soviet Army to keep the west from attempting to cause any trouble. That could only mean cuts in the Army on a large scale, something that the had to be stopped. Later in the day he spoke to Romanov and he pretty much confirmed what Ustinov had told him. Now it was apparent that the Soviet Union’s military was headed for drastic spending cuts. Something that the military had to prevent the question was how. But Ogarkov made a decision that he would tell some of his more imaginative about the current situation and see what kind of ideas they could come up with.
7 pm New Delhi
Prime Minister Indira Ghandi had arranged for a dinner with both Gromyko and Schultz. She was hoping that it might cause some sort of thaw in the negotiations. Gromyko had in private informed her that he had not received any new orders about the negotiations but he would again check with Moscow. The meal was excellent and with a few drinks, the tensions between the two groups of diplomats was decreased at least a little. After the dinner Indira Ghandi was going to go on walk with the both Gromyko and Schultz. She was going to see if she could find a starting point to peace.
8:30 PM There was only the three of them, Indira Ghandi had made sure that only the three of them would be taking part in this walk. She wanted quiet private session. They walked down the corridors of the residence passing security guards and then out into the garden where there were more security guards. The discussion had been quiet but all things considered it was a positive discussion. Gromyko was positive that an agreement would happen.
The group stopped just within earshot of the bodyguards, there Gromyko told Indira Ghandi that on December 10th she would be in Copenhagen accepting her Nobel Prize for Peace. She smiled replying in appropriate modesty, **That bringing the world back from the brink of World War Three would be reward enough. **
One of the bodyguards was a Sikh who was part of the plot to assassinate her and the very idea that the defiler of the Golden Temple would be given the Nobel Prize for peace was just too much for him. Then despite his orders to the contrary he brought up submachine gun and he began to fire. He fired the first burst into Indira Ghandi’s lower back the bullets went straight through her and into Gromyko abdomen, while one slug hit Indira Ghandi’s spine and ricocheted off of the bone and exited into Schultz’s stomach dropping him. By the time the submachine guns magazine was emptied all three people were on the ground. It was then that the other body guard on duty opened fire killing the assassin. With the first bodyguard dead, he could not connect the other bodyguard with the plot to assassinate Indira Ghandi.
Then more people poured out into the garden as calls for doctors echoed down the halls of the Prime Ministers residence. In just a few minutes a doctor had arrived but by then Gromyko whose descending aorta had been severed had died. Indira Ghandi was very badly and the outlook was not good. As for Schultz he was wounded but the prognosis was he would survive. The first ambulance took Indira Ghandi to a hospital and Schultz was in the second ambulance.
The senior KGB officer at the Prime Ministers residence finally managed to make it back to the embassy. He immediately called KGB headquarters duty officer, informing the man what had happened the duty officer but him on hold. A quick check by the duty officer located Chebrikov at his home and inform him what had happened and that the officer that had called was still on the phone.
A stunned Chebrikov considered what he had been told for a minute or so. The idea that the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union had been assassinated while the peace conference was difficult idea to wrap one’s mind around. But he did recover relatively quickly. He had the officer transferred to him and he told the Duty officer to be ready for a call from him.
He had the officer tell him what had happened and what he had heard. He was informed that Indira Ghandi was seriously wounded and was not expected to live while the American Secretary of State Schultz had been wounded but he had only been hit once. While Ghandi and Gromyko had been hit repeatedly. That struck Chebrikov as odd but for now he was not going to worry about that detail. Once he had all the information that the officer had he ended the call and then he spoke to the duty officer. He asked if anything else was happening and he was assured that nothing else was going on.
He ordered the duty officer to connect him with Chernenko. After a couple of minutes, the wheezy voice of Chernenko came on the line. He asked what had gone wrong, Chebrikov was not surprised by the questions a call on any night was cause to wonder what had gone wrong. Taking a deep breath the told Chernenko what had happened.
** Comrade General Secretary, I have bad news, an assassin open fire on Indira Ghandi, Gromyko and Schultz. Gromyko is dead and Indira Ghandi was seriously injured as was Secretary Schultz. Suddenly the sounds of choking and gasping for air and suddenly he could hear the sound of a thud. Then the indistinct sound of voices and then a strange female voice came over the phone. **We have to call the hospital the General Secretary has collapsed. ** Then the phone went click and Chebrikov sat quietly if Chernenko died then they would really have a problem. A full-blown crisis with a power struggle over who would become the next General Secretary.
Chebrikov knew that Ustinov had been talking to Ogarkov with less than positive comments about Gorbachev. Romanov had also been talking to Ogarkov about what was going on inside the Politburo. The word was that Ogarkov was really upset about the idea of major cuts in the defense budget. At the same time Gorbachev was known to be an enemy of Ogarkov. Ogarkov fully expected to be fired once Gorbachev was General Secretary. Yes, a power struggle in the middle of a crisis with the military firmly opposed to the most probable new General Secretary.
Chebrikov considered his position, he was not an enemy of Gorbachev but neither was he ally and the was something to consider. Gorbachev had never aided Chebrikov, while Romanov had supported him when he was in trouble. That was something to remember and now he had to call the President of the Presidium Kutnetsov and tell him what had happened to Chernenko. Then they could both call the other members of the Politburo telling each of them in turn what had happened. But he knew that top on his list would be Romanov. Kutnetsov could tell Gorbachev.
Then the phone rang and he picked it up, answering he was told that Chernenko’s senior bodyguard on duty was on the phone. Closing his eyes and then opening them again he prepared himself for what was to come. Then he told his secretary to give him the call. The bodyguard was both apologetical and hesitant, like he was not quite sure how to tell Chebrikov why he called. Finally, Chebrikov interrupted him, by asking, **The General Secretary is dead is that it? **
The bodyguard replied, ** Yes sir he died in less than a minute after the attack occurred. The nurses are all upset they are quite sure they will all be arrested for not keeping him alive. ** Chebrikov grunted, jailing Chernenko’s nurses would be low on anyone’s priority list especially since everyone in the Politburo knew he was slowly but surely dying. The hope had been he would stay alive long enough for the crisis to end. Well that was not entirely correct almost everyone one in the Politburo with a few notable exceptions wanted him to live. Then he decided to give the nurses the good news, **Tell the nurses that they need not worry no one will hold it against them. Me on the other hand for giving him some seriously bad news tonight. Well I am going to hear about it. ** The bodyguard simply replied, **Yes sir. ** With that the call was over.