Only 1 minor nitpick. Have the country itself be a slightly different bolder color than those states surrounding it.
Map Thread XVI
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Only 1 minor nitpick. Have the country itself be a slightly different bolder color than those states surrounding it.
fashbasher
Banned
Note: I don't condone the behavior of anyone in this scenario
A deconstruction of racist screed The Turner Diaries. About 100 years after the nuclear exchange, most of Asia and Africa remain uninhabitable and rife with mutant flora and fauna, the climate is going haywire as the Americans and Rednecks attempt to extract every last bit of natural resources, cultural and religious divides have split the Anglo-American world, Europe is deeply divided, and Russia once again is communist, albeit with a different name (RSFSR => RFSFR).
A deconstruction of racist screed The Turner Diaries. About 100 years after the nuclear exchange, most of Asia and Africa remain uninhabitable and rife with mutant flora and fauna, the climate is going haywire as the Americans and Rednecks attempt to extract every last bit of natural resources, cultural and religious divides have split the Anglo-American world, Europe is deeply divided, and Russia once again is communist, albeit with a different name (RSFSR => RFSFR).
The Italian colonial empire after World War I
Italy stays on the Central Powers side after an agreement, mediated by Germany, with Austria-Hungary.
![IpPLA6d[1].png](https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/attachments/ippla6d-1-png.343690/ "IpPLA6d[1].png")
R.I.P Ottoman Empire
Italy stays on the Central Powers side after an agreement, mediated by Germany, with Austria-Hungary.
R.I.P Ottoman Empire
Nice map, but there's just one problem. There is no way that any leader of Austria would give up South Tyrol, Istria and Dalmatia.
Having seen this in 5 other threads, I think we have a troll here.
Skallagrim
Banned
I clicked the link. That is conceivably the most damning book review I've ever read, and it's just a wikipedia article factually telling me what's in the book. I mean... wow. I'm vaguely considering a future history scenario wherein considerable parts of the world go through a horrible fascist genocidal phase, but it doesn't even come close to this lunacy. The worst part is that there are people who want this. Who find this book inspiring.
Well. You've managed to capture the full horror of it.
I'm going to be crossposting this OTL map here, because frankly, I've spent too much time making it not to. If this interests you and you'd like to see more historical election maps, feel free to have a look at AJR Election Maps, a project I'm co-running with @Thande and @Alex Richards.
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For the first half-century after its unification, Italy had been dominated by two loose groupings of politicians, one liberal, the other conservative. They knew themselves as the Left and the Right, but for sake of differentiation, the groups are now commonly known as the Historical Left (Sinistra Storica) and the Historical Right (Destra Storica). However, after the Right's implosion at the 1876 general elections, the Chamber of Deputies was dominated by members of the Left, who formed the government for 28 of the 35 years between 1876 and 1911. Under the successive governments of Agostino Depretis, Francesco Crispi and Giovanni Giolitti, Italian politics gradually changed from a two-party system into the uniquely Italian phenomenon of trasformismo - the government was led by a centrist bloc which secured large majorities on virtually every issue through agreements with either the left or the right as necessary. Giolitti, in particular, was a master of this style of politics, and would become Prime Minister on no less than five occasions leading trasformista ministries. His government launched sweeping social reforms, including shortened working hours, expansion of public education, nationalisation of utilities and the introduction of a national insurance scheme. However, he also went to war with Turkey to build a colonial empire in the Mediterranean, raised tariffs and courted the Catholic Church with an eye to ending the state of enmity that had existed between the Holy See and the Italian state ever since the fall of Rome in 1870.
But Italy was changing, and even Giolitti's best efforts at compromise could not keep the new forces at bay. With the Historical Left turning into a vehicle for Giolitti's government, the role of left-wing opposition was initially taken up by the Radical Party (Partito Radicale) of Ettore Sacchi, a Lombard lawyer who had forged the party out of part of the former Extreme Left (Estrema Sinistra) grouping. The Radicals believed in universal suffrage and the continuation of social reforms, but stopped short of advocating a change in the form of government - the republican minority of the Extreme Left had formed the Italian Republican Party (Partito Repubblicano Italiano), which initially practiced abstentionism before finally entering the fray in the 1895 elections. There was also the Italian Socialist Party (Partito Socialista Italiano), at the time an openly Marxist group with a strong revolutionary faction, which was popular among the working classes, in particular in the north of the country, and had studiously refused to support any "bourgeois" government throughout the 1890s. However, as the party grew into more and more of a mainstream group, and party leader Filippo Turati began to show support for some of Giolitti's reforms, tensions grew between the party's reformist and maximalist ("small-r" radical) wings. After the maximalist faction broke through at the 1912 party congress (under the direction of a Romagnol newspaperman named Benito Mussolini, who will become quite important later on in Italy's history), the reformists broke with the party and set up their own Reformist Socialist Party (Partito Socialista Riformista).
With the Historical Right on the slide after a spectacularly bad result in 1909, and Giolitti increasingly dependent on their support against the rising Radical and Socialist tide, it was scarcely surprising when in 1911, the Liberal Union (Unione Liberale) was formed out of the two historical parties. Holding over 350 seats in the 508-member Chamber of Deputies, the Liberal Union was a parliamentary juggernaut - however, it was not to last, as groups from the Historical Left in Southern Italy broke off to form the Constitutional Democratic Party (Partito Democratico Costituzionale) and several members from the Historical Right either defected to the Catholic Electoral Union (Unione Elettorale Cattolico) of Ottorino Gentiloni (an ancestor, interestingly enough, of current Italian Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni) or sat as Nationalists (Nazionalisti) in the Chamber.
Alongside the creation of the Liberal Union, the most prominent change for the 1913 elections was the expansion of the franchise. Giolitti, who in line with his trasformista beliefs held that society would be helped by widened political participation, but also that suffrage was best used as a spur to encourage the lower classes to educate themselves, brought in a system of quasi-universal manhood suffrage where any Italian man above 21 years of age could vote, provided that he'd completed military service and was literate. For those who were not literate, the age limit was 30. The election was held in two rounds on the 26th of October and the 3rd of November 1913, in 508 single-member seats. The electoral boundaries were not changed alongside the franchise expansion, and remained the same as they had been since 1892 - Italy's rapid urbanisation in the intervening period meant that rural areas were quite overrepresented.
In spite of the unequal constituencies, in spite of the corralling of the entire traditional political establishment behind him, in spite even of all his work to improve the lot of the common man, Giolitti only won the 1913 elections by the skin of his teeth. The Liberal Union lost twelve percentage points compared to the Historical Left and Right in 1909, putting them at 47.6%, and despite the divided opposition, only 270 Liberal deputies were elected - ten of whom didn't sit with the party group in the Chamber. Giolitti sought the aid of both the Constitutional Democrats and the Radicals, an alignment that would continue almost in the same form for nearly a decade, through a tumultuous time in Italy's history. For clouds were gathering in the distance as the new legislature opened, and despite the best efforts of both Crispi and Giolitti to keep Italy neutral, it too would eventually be swept up by the storm that engulfed Europe...
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For the first half-century after its unification, Italy had been dominated by two loose groupings of politicians, one liberal, the other conservative. They knew themselves as the Left and the Right, but for sake of differentiation, the groups are now commonly known as the Historical Left (Sinistra Storica) and the Historical Right (Destra Storica). However, after the Right's implosion at the 1876 general elections, the Chamber of Deputies was dominated by members of the Left, who formed the government for 28 of the 35 years between 1876 and 1911. Under the successive governments of Agostino Depretis, Francesco Crispi and Giovanni Giolitti, Italian politics gradually changed from a two-party system into the uniquely Italian phenomenon of trasformismo - the government was led by a centrist bloc which secured large majorities on virtually every issue through agreements with either the left or the right as necessary. Giolitti, in particular, was a master of this style of politics, and would become Prime Minister on no less than five occasions leading trasformista ministries. His government launched sweeping social reforms, including shortened working hours, expansion of public education, nationalisation of utilities and the introduction of a national insurance scheme. However, he also went to war with Turkey to build a colonial empire in the Mediterranean, raised tariffs and courted the Catholic Church with an eye to ending the state of enmity that had existed between the Holy See and the Italian state ever since the fall of Rome in 1870.
But Italy was changing, and even Giolitti's best efforts at compromise could not keep the new forces at bay. With the Historical Left turning into a vehicle for Giolitti's government, the role of left-wing opposition was initially taken up by the Radical Party (Partito Radicale) of Ettore Sacchi, a Lombard lawyer who had forged the party out of part of the former Extreme Left (Estrema Sinistra) grouping. The Radicals believed in universal suffrage and the continuation of social reforms, but stopped short of advocating a change in the form of government - the republican minority of the Extreme Left had formed the Italian Republican Party (Partito Repubblicano Italiano), which initially practiced abstentionism before finally entering the fray in the 1895 elections. There was also the Italian Socialist Party (Partito Socialista Italiano), at the time an openly Marxist group with a strong revolutionary faction, which was popular among the working classes, in particular in the north of the country, and had studiously refused to support any "bourgeois" government throughout the 1890s. However, as the party grew into more and more of a mainstream group, and party leader Filippo Turati began to show support for some of Giolitti's reforms, tensions grew between the party's reformist and maximalist ("small-r" radical) wings. After the maximalist faction broke through at the 1912 party congress (under the direction of a Romagnol newspaperman named Benito Mussolini, who will become quite important later on in Italy's history), the reformists broke with the party and set up their own Reformist Socialist Party (Partito Socialista Riformista).
With the Historical Right on the slide after a spectacularly bad result in 1909, and Giolitti increasingly dependent on their support against the rising Radical and Socialist tide, it was scarcely surprising when in 1911, the Liberal Union (Unione Liberale) was formed out of the two historical parties. Holding over 350 seats in the 508-member Chamber of Deputies, the Liberal Union was a parliamentary juggernaut - however, it was not to last, as groups from the Historical Left in Southern Italy broke off to form the Constitutional Democratic Party (Partito Democratico Costituzionale) and several members from the Historical Right either defected to the Catholic Electoral Union (Unione Elettorale Cattolico) of Ottorino Gentiloni (an ancestor, interestingly enough, of current Italian Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni) or sat as Nationalists (Nazionalisti) in the Chamber.
Alongside the creation of the Liberal Union, the most prominent change for the 1913 elections was the expansion of the franchise. Giolitti, who in line with his trasformista beliefs held that society would be helped by widened political participation, but also that suffrage was best used as a spur to encourage the lower classes to educate themselves, brought in a system of quasi-universal manhood suffrage where any Italian man above 21 years of age could vote, provided that he'd completed military service and was literate. For those who were not literate, the age limit was 30. The election was held in two rounds on the 26th of October and the 3rd of November 1913, in 508 single-member seats. The electoral boundaries were not changed alongside the franchise expansion, and remained the same as they had been since 1892 - Italy's rapid urbanisation in the intervening period meant that rural areas were quite overrepresented.
In spite of the unequal constituencies, in spite of the corralling of the entire traditional political establishment behind him, in spite even of all his work to improve the lot of the common man, Giolitti only won the 1913 elections by the skin of his teeth. The Liberal Union lost twelve percentage points compared to the Historical Left and Right in 1909, putting them at 47.6%, and despite the divided opposition, only 270 Liberal deputies were elected - ten of whom didn't sit with the party group in the Chamber. Giolitti sought the aid of both the Constitutional Democrats and the Radicals, an alignment that would continue almost in the same form for nearly a decade, through a tumultuous time in Italy's history. For clouds were gathering in the distance as the new legislature opened, and despite the best efforts of both Crispi and Giolitti to keep Italy neutral, it too would eventually be swept up by the storm that engulfed Europe...
There's also no way Britain will give up influence over Egypt, Somaliland, or really any territory. Unless the Italian Navy somehow annihilates the Royal Navy in the Mediterranean, I guess, and the Indian Ocean, and...well.
Map of Ruina Imperii, featuring the Continent of Europa, in the year 1976, 23 years after the Fall of Empires during the de-facto end of the "End War."
Isaac Beach
Banned
While that would be a lovely idea, the way I made the map means that that would actually be quite hard, but I may do.
And while I don't wanna start drama for no reason, directing me as to what to do with my map, rather than saying "hey, it would be cool if you could do this" or something similar, comes across as a bit rude.
So the nukes and bioweapons didn't wipe them out? I have always though the turner diaries were suicidalNote: I don't condone the behavior of anyone in this scenario
A deconstruction of racist screed The Turner Diaries. About 100 years after the nuclear exchange, most of Asia and Africa remain uninhabitable and rife with mutant flora and fauna, the climate is going haywire as the Americans and Rednecks attempt to extract every last bit of natural resources, cultural and religious divides have split the Anglo-American world, Europe is deeply divided, and Russia once again is communist, albeit with a different name (RSFSR => RFSFR).
It's a map thread, dude. It's going to subjected to criticisms and jeers alike. At least my suggestion was constructive. It literally took nothing away from the map, only suggested a small thing that might make it better.
But if that's rude, then I guess... sure, whatever. Take care!
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