Ramp-Rat

Monthly Donor
And so the war begins.

Technically no, as should the Americans reach a satisfactory agreement with the Japanese, the fleet can reverse course and sail back to Japanese waters. Now the chances of this happening are by this time virtually zero, and the complex Japanese plans are now going to be implemented, starting with the attack on the British Colony of Hong Kong. That is unless the author decides to allow the British to implement Operation Matador, within the next few days, which while military wise, would be a political mistake. The odds are that events will proceed very much as they did IOTL up until the 7/8 th of December, depending which side of the International date line you are on. The only major change I can foresee is that the attack on Hong Kong will quickly become transmitted to Singapore, and the British will being more ready, will respond immediately by attacking into Thailand, to spoil the Japanese assault on Malaya. Plus send a cable to MacArthur's command in the Philippines, ether directly or through the British liaison officer to his command. Should this cable get to Mac before the attack on Pearl Harbour, and he is able to forward this information to Pearl, which given the lack of preparedness in the Philippines and Pearl is doubtful. The short warning time available is going to do very little to prevent Pearl suffering much the same degree of damage ITTL as it did IOTL. That’s if Pearl takes any notice, and prepares itself for an air attack, which is itself unlikely, as very few people in Pearl had truly considered such an attack possible. Hence the placement of the aircraft in rows to prevent sabotage, and not dispersed in revetments against an air assault.

RR.
 
That’s if Pearl takes any notice, and prepares itself for an air attack, which is itself unlikely, as very few people in Pearl had truly considered such an attack possible. Hence the placement of the aircraft in rows to prevent sabotage, and not dispersed in revetments against an air assault.

RR.
The placement of aircraft in rows was at Wheeler AB, I believe. That would be a Fort Shafter (US Army) decision. The US Army 3 inch AA at Pearl/Hickam were never manned during the battle. The USMC 3 inch AA at Pearl went into action with minutes. The shipborne AA/MG batteries returned fire immediately. The toll of losses to IJN aircraft increased in the second wave. The USS Tautog SS 199 @ Sierra 9 may have shot down the first Japanese plane, a "Kate" torpedo bomber heading down Southeast or Merry Loch. Lore has it that Tautog also hit either the Cassin or Downes in drydock, with it's 3 inch deck gun. The other famous explosion in photos.

An oddity is that the backwater PI was an unified Army Command. The primary resource (US) in the Central Pacific was in a divided command scenario. The US Army was responsible to provide air defense at Oahu.

The USN was to provide long range recon with seventy three (73) in service PBY at Hawaii. The thirty six (36) PBY assigned to PatWing 10 in the US Asiatic Fleet may have been more useful in being redeployed to the Pacific Fleet in the TH. They were forbidden by the Army Command from conducting surveillance, prewar. They are "sitting ducks" when the war turns real.

Increasing your airborne patrol component by fifty (50) percent may have the desired effect of early detection. If I remember it correctly, ADM Nagumo was under orders to turnabout if detected before 7/8 DEC 41. That would be an interesting wrinkle, if that occurred. Does this effect the PI bombings by the IJN on 8 DEC 41?
 
The December 2013 issue of Army magazine has an article “The U.S. Army and December 7, 1941”. It’s not a bad read. The Navy comes out as being more “war ready” on the morning of 7 December. Ships had ammo onboard, and crew were collocated with their weapons.. The Army coast artillery units had their heavy weapons stored at their deployment sites, but their troops were in barracks, with ready ammunition stored in ammunition storage sites.

For forces assigned to the harbor defenses of Honolulu and Pearl Harbor, this was usually on the fort itself and involved frantic activity to get troops out of barracks, to position, and get the ammo distributed (as an example the gun positions at Fort Kamehameha were across the street from the barracks and ready ammo was stored on-site). The 53rd Coast Artillery Brigade provided all mobile antiaircraft and the bulk of the total 3” coverage, its ammunition was in ammunitions supply points, and its troops were in garrison at Fort Shafter, Schofield Barracks, and Camp Malakole. As a result only the single 3” batteries at Forts Kamehameha and Weaver and the gun section at Sand Island were able to get into action. Most of the 53rd was reduced to using small arms like the rest of the Hawaiian Department troops.

Both the Hawaiian Air Force and the Navy/Marine air facilities failed to harden their airfield facilities or disperse their aircraft. Besides casualties incurred in attacks on barracks (the Consolidated Barracks at Hickam Field is one of the best known examples) and exposed flight line personnel, skilled aviation personnel were also lost when hangers used as shelters were hit. Even today, there are visible signs of the attack appearing as cannon impact marks on buildings at Hickam, lines of spalling on the curbs and seaplane ramp at Ford Island showing the path of strafing aircraft, and fragment damage in the Wheeler Field Hangers and some of the post housing (the “bomb house” had a dud aerial bomb removed from the yard after the attack).

If you get to visit the Oahu, the U.S. Army Museum of Hawaii at Fort DeRussy and the Tropic Lightning Museum at Schofield both have exhibits on the Pearl Harbor attack. The Fort DeRussy museum is housed in the former Battery Randolph and the Battery itself is worth the visit (go during a rain- it’s neat to see how they managed rainwater). The harbor battery at Sand Island is now part of a park, but some of the old positions and most interestingly the ammunition bunkers are still extant. A lot of the other positions are built over, vandalized, or still on military reservations, although much of the old Fort Ruger is slowly rotting away around Diamond Head. if you can get access to Hickam or Pearl Harbor a quick driving tour will show a lot of the damage still visible.
 
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The placement of aircraft in rows was at Wheeler AB, I believe. That would be a Fort Shafter (US Army) decision. The US Army 3 inch AA at Pearl/Hickam were never manned during the battle. The USMC 3 inch AA at Pearl went into action with minutes. The shipborne AA/MG batteries returned fire immediately. The toll of losses to IJN aircraft increased in the second wave. The USS Tautog SS 199 @ Sierra 9 may have shot down the first Japanese plane, a "Kate" torpedo bomber heading down Southeast or Merry Loch. Lore has it that Tautog also hit either the Cassin or Downes in drydock, with it's 3 inch deck gun. The other famous explosion in photos.

An oddity is that the backwater PI was an unified Army Command. The primary resource (US) in the Central Pacific was in a divided command scenario. The US Army was responsible to provide air defense at Oahu.

The USN was to provide long range recon with seventy three (73) in service PBY at Hawaii. The thirty six (36) PBY assigned to PatWing 10 in the US Asiatic Fleet may have been more useful in being redeployed to the Pacific Fleet in the TH. They were forbidden by the Army Command from conducting surveillance, prewar. They are "sitting ducks" when the war turns real.

Increasing your airborne patrol component by fifty (50) percent may have the desired effect of early detection. If I remember it correctly, ADM Nagumo was under orders to turnabout if detected before 7/8 DEC 41. That would be an interesting wrinkle, if that occurred. Does this effect the PI bombings by the IJN on 8 DEC 41?
Almost but not right correct when it comes to Pat Wing 10. there were 36 Aircraft assigned to Pat Wing 10, but only 28 were PBYs , the rest were a utility Squadron at Mariveles, made up of 4 J2F-3&4 , 1 OS2U-1, and 3 SOC-3.
Hart was only forbidden from patrolling on the NW, N. NE vectors . Pat Wing 10 had 3 PBY based are Davo that patrolled toward the Mandates, the remainder patrolled the Western to Southeastern patrol arcs overlapping British and Dutch Patrols.
In particular by this time Adm. Hart had received direct orders from FDR to conduct reconnisance of French Indo-China. This would lead to preparations of the USS Lanaki to voyage to and observe Cam Ran Bay. Something that did not happen, as the Lanaki had just cleared the Manila Bay minefields when word of the Pearl Harbor Attack was received. Starting on the 27th PBYs regularly approached Cam Ran Bay close enough to get ship counts and types.
Hart was vexed and angry with MacArthur at this time beyond. the 40 year friendship was done. IMO the final straw was Mac Arthur ordering the USMC Search radar at Cavite an SCR-270B mobile long range radar, moved from Cavite over 100 miles South to outside of Nasugbu in Batangas Province ,leaving Cavite with no search radar, but leaving the 2 two SCR-268 Fire-control radars at Cavite, but not in contact with the search radar, or Neilson Air Defence Center. These 2 units were the only fire control radars in the Philippines these could do either altitude or bearing , so with 2 you could do both. Something that was never worked into the P.I. air defense system.
 
The December 2013 issue of Army magazine has an article “The U.S. Army and December 7, 1941”. It’s not a bad read. The Navy comes out as being more “war ready” on the morning of 7 December. Ships had ammo onboard, and crew were collocated with their weapons.. The Army coast artillery units had their heavy weapons stored at their deployment sites, but their troops were in barracks, with ready ammunition stored in ammunition storage sites.
The problem with part of the article about the Coast Artillery branch is the fact that they were talking about the Anti aircraft units which were part of the Coast Artillery at the time, the actual big guns and port defenses were manned and had their ammunition in ready use and in the storage bunkers in place, big guns (and smaller ones), barracks, and command and control centers manned. One of the few parts of the US Army in the 39 to start of war had people on manning their posts were the Coast Artillery. One of the few parts of the Philippine Island defenses that were not told by Mac to stand down were the forts in Manila Bay because even he could not override Army doctrine and HQ in Washington D.C. when it came to having them manned.
 
Almost but not right correct when it comes to Pat Wing 10. there were 36 Aircraft assigned to Pat Wing 10, but only 28 were PBYs , the rest were a utility Squadron at Mariveles, made up of 4 J2F-3&4 , 1 OS2U-1, and 3 SOC-3.
It's difficult to be absolutely correct. Niehorster has 28 PBY's at Manila, with another 4 PBY with the AVD 7 Preston and another 4 PBY @ Olongapo. Utility Squadron 10 has 5 OS2U, 4 J3F and 3 SOC. AsiaticFleet has 28 PBY's with 4 J2F and two SOC. Hyperwar has 28 PBY, 4 J2F and 1 OS2U at Manila. They have 4 PBYs with Preston and 4 OS2U with Heron. An argument over Type Command is valid.

My thoughts were perhaps PatWing 10, whatever its complement, could have been more useful as a reconnaisance force stationed at Kaneohe or at Ford Island. Instead it is serving in the PI as Prayer Warning System; i.e. start your prayers now. The USN VP squadrons @ Hawaii patrolled from 180 S to 000 N by mid-Summer 1942. That was with 8 VP's squadrons stationed on Oahu which mustered 67 PBY-5 or PB2Y. There was an additional VP squadron (VP-91) on Kauai. Perhaps with the addition of the PatWing 10 PBY's there are enough resources to fill in the holes at Hawaii in early December 1941?
 
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The problem with part of the article about the Coast Artillery branch is the fact that they were talking about the Anti aircraft units which were part of the Coast Artillery at the time, the actual big guns and port defenses were manned and had their ammunition in ready use and in the storage bunkers in place, big guns (and smaller ones), barracks, and command and control centers manned. One of the few parts of the US Army in the 39 to start of war had people on manning their posts were the Coast Artillery. One of the few parts of the Philippine Island defenses that were not told by Mac to stand down were the forts in Manila Bay because even he could not override Army doctrine and HQ in Washington D.C. when it came to having them manned.
Yep-

The Coast Artillery Corps Harbor Defenses of Pearl Harbor and Honolulu as well as the Harbor Defenses of Manila and Subic Bays were organizationally separate entities from the mobile Coast Artillery Anti-Aircraft units [53rd CA BDE (AAA) in Hawaii and 200th CA RGT (AAA) in the P.I.] although they all fell under the umbrella of the Hawaiian or Philippine Coast Artillery Commands. The fixed fortifications (including the antiaircraft positions) were equipped, troops were in collocated billets, and ammunition was stored in storage sites on position and as a result the batteries assigned to the harbor defenses were able to get into the fight at Pearl Harbor with their 3” guns. The bulk of the mobile units were still operating on a peacetime schedule and even the fixed positions (AAA, gun, or mortar) were on a Sunday morning routine (they just had all the tools they needed ready to hand). In Hawaii, semi-mobile AAA batteries of the 97th CA RGT(AAA) and from the 16th CA RGT (Harbor Defense) had been attached to the coast artillery forts since September, 1941 at least. In the P.I. the separate harbor forts controlled the semi-mobile AAA batteries as part of their organic coast artillery garrison battalions.

With the exception of the already attached batteries, the bulk of the 53rd CA BDE was in garrison at Fort Shafter, Schofield Barracks, or Camp Malakole. in the P.I. the Harbor Defenses alerted on news of the Pearl Harbor Attack, and the 200th CA RGT at Fort Stotsenberg/Clark Field shortly followed suit. For those elements of the 97th not attached to the defenses, the entire 64th, and the 98th (still building after being formed from 64th CA cadres), and 251st (a California National Guard unit in the still in the process of establishing Camp Malakole) ammunition was stored in the main Ammunition Supply Point at Aliamanu Crater, and guns were either secured under guard at deployment sites, parked in garrison motor pools, or even disassembled for inspection. Likewise men were in mess halls or barracks, with a very few having drawn guard (with small arms only). After the attack, according to unit and oral histories, the 64th and 251st drew ammunition and established positions to defend Fort Shafter/AMR, Pearl Harbor, Hickam Field, and Honolulu Harbor. The 97th continued to support the Harbor Defenses of Pearl Harbor, while the 98th drew ammunition and established positions to defend Schofield Barracks, Kaneohe Bay/Bellows, and Wheeler and Haleiwa Fields. In the P.I., the 200th went into action against the initial Japanese air raid on Clark Field, claiming five enemy aircraft.

While the Coast Artillery was probably in the highest state of readiness of any branch of the U.S. Army on 7/8 December 1941, it was still very much on a peacetime footing. Those that managed to get into action in Hawaii were able to add to the thickening flak over Pearl Harbor that greeted the Japanese second wave, but the bulk of the Hawaiian AAA units were caught up in the same rush to draw ammo, ready weapons, and clear barracks during and after the attack as the rest of the Hawaiian Department. Had the 53rd CA BDE (AAA) 3” guns been in position and ready to fire on the same timeline as the fixed positions at Fort Kam and elsewhere the Japanese attack may well have been a bloodier proposition for them. No doubt had the IJN closed to within 16” gun or 12” mortar range things would have been warm for them; but as it stands the AAA units were the decisive operation for Coast Artillery in both Hawaii and the P.I. on 7/8 DEC 1941.
 
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It's difficult to be absolutely correct. Niehorster has 28 PBY's at Manila, with another 4 PBY with the AVD 7 Preston and another 4 PBY @ Olongapo. Utility Squadron 10 has 5 OS2U, 4 J3F and 3 SOC. AsiaticFleet has 28 PBY's with 4 J2F and two SOC. Hyperwar has 28 PBY, 4 J2F and 1 OS2U at Manila. They have 4 PBYs with Preston and 4 OS2U with Heron. An argument over Type Command is valid.

My thoughts were perhaps PatWing 10, whatever its complement, could have been more useful as a reconnaisance force stationed at Kaneohe or at Ford Island. Instead it is serving in the PI as Prayer Warning System; i.e. start your prayers now. The USN VP squadrons @ Hawaii patrolled from 180 S to 000 N by mid-Summer 1942. That was with 8 VP's squadrons stationed on Oahu which mustered 67 PBY-5 or PB2Y. There was an additional VP squadron (VP-91) on Kauai. Perhaps with the addition of the PatWing 10 PBY's there are enough resources to fill in the holes at Hawaii in early December 1941?
As of Dec 1941 Oahu was almost max capacity of assorted USN recon aircraft. The issue was support, Kaneohe didn't have the space, the issue on recon was the range they were searching out. As to pulling the PBYs out of the Philippines, Hart would have done a Richardson about it.
When it comes to the odd numbers on the utility squadron, from my readings the SOC-3s doubled as repair spares for Houston and Marblehead's birds when down for major maintainance.
As to AAA defense the best available gun at Pearl Harbor was the USN 5"/38/25 on shipboard Anything over 22000 feet alt, was invulnurable to 3", weather the USN 3/50 cal or the mobile M-3 x 3" mobile AAA, used by the U.S> Army and Marines.
A fixed 5"/25 cal batteries would have done wonders defending Cavite. would have pushed the range to over 27,000 feet. Also if Cavite had had it's search radar the Fire control radars would have made a real difference.
 
As of Dec 1941 Oahu was almost max capacity of assorted USN recon aircraft. The issue was support, Kaneohe didn't have the space, the issue on recon was the range they were searching out. As to pulling the PBYs out of the Philippines, Hart would have done a Richardson about it.
When it comes to the odd numbers on the utility squadron, from my readings the SOC-3s doubled as repair spares for Houston and Marblehead's birds when down for major maintainance.
As to AAA defense the best available gun at Pearl Harbor was the USN 5"/38/25 on shipboard Anything over 22000 feet alt, was invulnurable to 3", weather the USN 3/50 cal or the mobile M-3 x 3" mobile AAA, used by the U.S> Army and Marines.
A fixed 5"/25 cal batteries would have done wonders defending Cavite. would have pushed the range to over 27,000 feet. Also if Cavite had had it's search radar the Fire control radars would have made a real difference.

I wish that the ADM Hart situation would have been another ADM Richardson scene. ADM Hart was coming up upon retirement.
 
I wish that the ADM Hart situation would have been another ADM Richardson scene. ADM Hart was coming up upon retirement.
Hart had stayed on as CinCAF past his retirement date, July 1941, at the direction of Adm. Stark, directly authorized by the Secretary of the Navy, and FDR. The problem with Hart's situation was the War Dept. and Chiefs of Staffs decision to make MacArthur Commander of all American forced in the Far East. Summer of 1941, thanks to MacArthur's PR and regular staff insulating him, no one but Thomas Hart realized that Mac Arthur had some screws backed out, way out.
Hart had been promised, no later then March 1942, three additional heavy or Brooklyn class cruisers and a modern destroyer squadron with tender, a repair ship, ammunition ship and fast oiler. He hoped for them sooner but realized that the Atlantic would delay that, so he prepared to do his best with what he had. Hamstrung and eventually petrayed by MacArthur.
 
MWI 41112623 A Bad Day For The Generals

Fatboy Coxy

Monthly Donor
1941, Wednesday 26 November;

Despite the loss of the 5th South African Bde, and the mauling of XXX Corps, Auchinleck took a different view to the situation than Cunningham, and on arriving at his Eighth Army HQ, cancelled Cunningham’s orders to retreat, and gave him written orders to continue the attack. He reasoned that although XXX Corps tank losses were grievous, the Germans must have suffered heavy losses as well, and their supplies, never good, must be severely stretched at this point. The Tobruk garrison was now transferred under XIII Corps, and Heath was given responsibility for capturing the El Duda and Sidi Rezegh ridges, while XXX Corps would now screen them from the south.

Rommel, however, was having very different thoughts, and instead of the more conventional strategy of holding Sidi Rezegh, and finishing off XXX Corps, concerned over the plight of his frontier garrisons, he chose a more daring option, to relieve the pressure on them by driving east, getting behind the British lines, capturing their supply dumps, and routing the 8th Army, exactly what Cunningham feared. Despite Cruwell’s, CO of the Afrika Korps, prostrations, by 10am, Monday 24th, Rommel was with the leading elements of the Korps, making “the dash for the wire”.

They drove hard and fast, those British formations caught in their path scattering, desperate to avoid destruction. A few units on the peripheral of the advance chipped away at the passing German units, but their effect was negligible. In six hours, they drove 100 Kms, closing on the Libyan/Egyptian frontier, but as yet they hadn’t found any supply dumps. Rommel formed a plan for 15th Panzer Division to turn north, retake Fort Capuzzo, and relieve Bardia, while 21st Panzer would continue east, behind the 4th Indian Division, before swinging north and nicely capturing it in a pocket. But the hurried drive east, meant that both Panzer divisions were strung out and needed the night to regroup.

Owing to the large clouds of dust raised, RAF reconnaissance struggled to give a clear picture of what was happening, but enough for Cunningham to become increasingly alarmed, ordering units everywhere to take defensive measures. Auchinleck, who hadn’t left Eighth Army HQ yet, tempered Cunningham’s instructions, and only the 5th Indian Bde was moved back to cover the railhead at Misheifa, the rest of 4th Indian Division would stand fast where they were, while the 22nd Guards Bde was moved south to cover the two big forward supply dumps in the desert.

While his forces prepared for their coming attack, Rommel pushed on east, crossing the wire alone with his personal staff in the captured British Dorchester armoured command truck, now named Max, to reconnoitre the Halfaya Pass. Nothing of interest was found but, and with night falling, they turned back, unfortunalty the truck broke down out on open ground. Fortune favoured him, passing British vehicles showed no interest in a lone ‘British’ senior officer’s vehicle and after an hour he was picked up, but the driver got lost in the dark, missing the path through the wire, and they had to wait until dawn next morning, before re-crossing the wire and returning to the Panzer Divisions.

Tuesday 25th, and the German plan unfolded badly, the 21st Panzers attacked the Indian 7th Bde near Sidi Omar, but the defenders were ready, and in a bruising encounter, with 25 Pdrs of the British Artillery, the Germans were beaten back, a second attack in the afternoon met the same fate. Leaving the Indians, 21st Panzer continued northwards towards Sollum. The 15th Panzers, west of the wire, weren’t having much luck either, still badly disorganised, and running short of supplies, they were harried by the RAF as they moved north towards Sidi Azeiz on the Trigh Capuzzo. By the end of the day, little had been achieved.

Meanwhile, for the British, this German diversion of effort had produced some good news, despite the fear and confusion in Cunningham’s HQ. Firstly, these quiet days had allowed 7th Armoured Division to rest, repair and regroup. 7th Armoured Brigade was withdrawn to Egypt for a refit, it’s few remaining tanks given over to 4th and 22nd Bdes, who, along with 7ths Support Bde, were able to regain some strength. Furthermore, with the 5th Bde left at Sidi Azeiz, and outside Bardia, the rest of the New Zealand Division was steadily pushing along the Trig Capuzzo towards Sidi Rezegh, putting the German and Italian defenders under pressure and threatening to link up with the Tobruk garrison.

Rommel met his Afrika Corps leader, Cruwell in the morning to discuss what to do next. The news from Tobruk wasn’t good, the British were getting close to breaking the siege, but despite Cruwell’s request that they head back to Tobruk, Rommel still wanted to relieve the pressure on his frontier garrisons. Nevertheless, still somewhat disorganised, short on supplies, their efforts gained little. 21st Panzer continued northwards, re-crossing the frontier, and smashing through the New Zealand 28th Maori battalion, reaching Bardia by midnight, where they could resupply. 15th Panzer reached Sidi Azeiz, overrunning the New Zealand 5th Bde HQ, and capturing its commander, Brigadier James Hargest. In the evening Rommel spoke with Cruwell and his divisional commanders, instead of a spectacular success, with the British routed, the “dash to the wire” had proved to be a failure, while the situation around Tobruk was dire. The initiative had been lost, along with a good portion of the potency of the Afrika Korps, and a humiliating withdraw back to Tobruk was called for.

But Cunningham wasn’t around to see Rommel’s withdraw, he’d been relieved of command and was on his way to hospital, being admitted as sick! Auchinleck had lost faith in him, convinced he had lost his nerve. Cunningham was worn out, had never really got to grips with managing tank formations, relying too much on junior, ‘expert’ tank commanders and the only reason he hadn’t gone sooner was for a lack of a replacement. The two obvious commanders Auchinleck could have replaced him with were the two Corps commanders, Norrie and Heath, but this would have disrupted things right in the middle of battle as their replacement would have reverberated all the way down the chain of command, as officers left units to take promotions. Auchinleck didn’t have a ready replacement, couldn’t wait for one to be flown out of Britain, so he promoted his own deputy Chief of Staff, Maj Gen Neil Ritchie, who, although clearly capable, had never commanded anything higher than a battalion, and was very junior in rank to both Norrie and Heath. But Auchinleck reasoned, that he would remain to guide Ritchie through the rest of the battle.

And so, we leave this see saw battle, with Rommel now desperately heading back to Sidi Rezegh, having failed to deliver the knockout blow, while Auchinleck will now manage the British forces through the very green Ritchie, his infantry close to gaining the escapements south of Tobruk.
 

Driftless

Donor
Soooo, Apart from Heath being a Corps commander in North Africa, this version of Op. Crusader is fairly close to OTL(up to this point)?
 
21st Panzer continued northwards, (...) reaching Bardia by midnight, where they could resupply.
Water and food, and personal weapon ammo, sure. But did Bardia have big enough stocks of petrol and especially the multiple types of tank ammo, to resupply those?
 
Hart had stayed on as CinCAF past his retirement date, July 1941, at the direction of Adm. Stark, directly authorized by the Secretary of the Navy, and FDR. The problem with Hart's situation was the War Dept. and Chiefs of Staffs decision to make MacArthur Commander of all American forced in the Far East. Summer of 1941, thanks to MacArthur's PR and regular staff insulating him, no one but Thomas Hart realized that Mac Arthur had some screws backed out, way out.
I guess that you didn't need to pass any Board Evals in being recalled to active duty.
 

Fatboy Coxy

Monthly Donor
Soooo, Apart from Heath being a Corps commander in North Africa, this version of Op. Crusader is fairly close to OTL(up to this point)?
Hi Driftless, yes all should be as was historically, except Heath by name has replaced Godwin-Austen, but follows the same line as to my mind, what he did was pretty conventional up to now.
 

Fatboy Coxy

Monthly Donor
Water and food, and personal weapon ammo, sure. But did Bardia have big enough stocks of petrol and especially the multiple types of tank ammo, to resupply those?
Hi JWilly48519, I'm not an expert on Operation Crusader, nor the North African campaign, but from what I've read of the battle, at the start both panzer divisions of the Afrika Korps were positioned between Tobruk and Bardia, along the Via Balbo road and Trigh Capuzzo track. Bardia had a supply dump of fuel, ammo and general supplies for them. However owing to the interdiction of supplies from Italy, the restrictions on tonnage that could be shifted through the North African ports and the long road distances to the front lines, meant Rommel was nearly always living almost hand to mouth. He had built up a stock of supplies, enough for him to launch an attack on Tobruk, but the British attacked first. He gets a lot of criticism for his "dash to the wire" failure, which used up precious fuel he could ill afford to waste. Of course, if he had of found and captured one of the two big British supply dumps in the desert to the south (shielded by the British 22nd Guards Bde) or the railhead at Misheifa, his troubles would have been over, while Cunningham would have been proven right!
 
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