Zhirinovsky's Russian Empire
- Thread starter Pellegrino
- Start date
Sweet Christ this can only get worse from here. Someone with a Dragunov just end it now!
And this is what happens when people are not doing their jobs well, Corpral Hasinov. 
Hope, he was not punished by his superiors for it.
Being one of the guys responsible for the fall of Azerbaijan is punishment enough for an Azeri nationalist like him.
But Yeltsin was already shot and killed.
Hope, he was not punished by his superiors for it.
Being one of the guys responsible for the fall of Azerbaijan is punishment enough for an Azeri nationalist like him.
But Yeltsin was already shot and killed.
Chilling. I'm wondering, what sort of global policy Zhirinovski will have apart of his Near Abroad doings?
I'm wondering, what sort of global policy Zhirinovski will have apart of his Near Abroad doings?And this is what happens when people are not doing their jobs well, Corpral Hasinov.
Hope, he was not punished by his superiors for it.
Being one of the guys responsible for the fall of Azerbaijan is punishment enough for an Azeri nationalist like him.
But Yeltsin was already shot and killed.
Funny you should mention Corpral Hasinov, because we haven't heard the last from him just yet...
MarshalBraginsky
Banned
Is Hasimov gonna become the Azeri guerrilla fighter fighting against the Russians?
What we can see is that Zhirinovsky, just like in OTL, has no interest (or understanding) of economics. In OTL he often made bizzare promises to "invite Serbian companies" into the country to revitalize towns hit hard by the poor economy, or to give out "free vodka" as a solution to the economic problems Russia faced and he would often switch the conversation to Russian imperialism as soon as he could. In TTL, Zhirinovsky is more interested in military matters than economic matters, and we are starting to see that several Generals are molding his world view (or dictating it to him?) in regards to military operations. Lebed held a world view that only "those nations and peoples which for many centuries have been Russia’s friends today can be its true allies" as he said in Armenia, which could explain why he would support Zhirinovsky's pro-Armenian position.
The question on the economy is who will Zhirinovky dump it on, since he clearly is not interested in it himself. One of the main problems in the early 90s was the policies of Viktor Gerashchenko, head of the central bank of Russia. A staunch Communist who opposed to a private market economy, he elected to take the worst road possible: quasi-capitalism. Had Russia remained somewhat communist the economy wouldn't have grown at all, and it would have continued it's slow contraction, but it wouldn't have collapsed like it did either. Had they fully embraced a market economy, there would have been a massive hit as numerous unproductive businessess went under, but they would have avoided three years of hyper inflation. The question for TTL is this: do the communist get complete control of the economy? Or do the reformist? Or will we have some form of quasi-capitalism like we had in OTL, which could lead to an economy in shambles.
Fascinating that we get to see an Armenia-wank, with the Armenians kinda feeling guilty about it afterwards...
PART TWELVE: WE ARE ALL OUT OF TIME
PART TWELVE: WE ARE ALL OUT OF TIME
Armenian president announces Union partnership with Russia
Toronto Globe and Mail
Published: October 4, 1991
(YEREVAN, ARMENIA) – In a move that surprised the international community, the breakaway Former Soviet Republic of Armenia, which had declared independence from the Soviet Union on 23 August 1990, has apparently put the brakes on independence after negotiations with Russian President Vladimir Zhirinovsky. The agreement stunned many Armenian politicians, who openly questioned the move made by Levon Ter-Petrosyan, president of Armenia and leader of the independence minded Pan-Armenian National Movement. Although Armenia doesn’t reject its claim to independence, the Union with Russia provides that both nations would share a common military and currency, which some critics have called “independence in name only.”
“Does he honestly expect that by giving Zhirinovsky control of a joint Armenian-Russian military that this will result in anything other than occupation?” asked one protester in Yerevan, “he sold our country for the promise of Nagorno-Karabakh. But what good is union with Nagorno-Karabakh if we both just become part of Russia?”
The move has created anger in the federal government of the new Union of Democratic Republics as well.
“He has absolutely no authority to make agreements like this with the individual republics,” UDR Prime Minister Yuri Luzhkov said when told of the merger signed by Russian President Vladimir Zhirinovsky, “this is a matter of federal jurisdiction.”
Armenia has yet to formally agree to membership in a new Union of Democratic Republics, the successor state to the USSR. However, Secretary of State Gennady Burbulis hopes that this can provide the framework for a new Union agreement.
“Right now we are still trying to figure out the role of each Republic in the UDR.” He replied, “If this agreement with the Armenians provides the foundation upon which the nation can be preserved, then I am all for it.”
Zhirinovsky calls on UDR president Alksnis to “smoke out” remaining communists
Newsweek
Published: October 1, 1991
(MOSCOW) Vladimir Zhirinovsky criticized the newly appointed President of the Union of Democratic Republics for “abandoning the principles of the August Revolution.”
Attacking President Viktor Alksnis, Zhirinovsky indicated a possible crack in the conservative faction of the government, and a possible desire to side with more liberal elements of the government.
“Right now the Russian people have made clear that what they seek is democracy,” Zhirinovsky said on Russian TV, “yet Mr. Alksnis has yet to take any action to smoke out the remaining communists who are still in control many of the other republics.”
Mr. Zhirinovsky then pulled out a piece of paper and waived it in front of the camera, adding damaging claims against his federal counterpart.
“The government is still infested with communists,” he screamed into the camera, “I have here in my hand a list of 205, a list of names that were made known to President Alksnis as still being members of the Communist Party, and who nevertheless are still working and shaping policy in the country.”
President Alksnis responded cautiously to the accusation of collusion with the communists.
“I understand President Zhirinovsky’s concern over the fact that the communists still control much of the government in several of the republics,” Alksnis replied, “but we must tread carefully in dealing with the republics so as to avoid the possibility of war.”
Zhirinovsky dismissed the response as insufficient.
“What we need is to root out the communists,” he fired back, “how will we have a democratic nation when you have Islam Karimov, a communist, still in control in Uzbekistan, or Nursultan Nazarbayev, another communist, still in control of Kazakhstan? These men are opposed to change, and will not hesitate to tear apart the Union to preserve power.”
Many former members of the Communist Party accepted an offer from President Zhirinovsky’s of amnesty in exchange for membership in the Liberal Democratic Party. However, the offer was widely ignored outside of Russia and the Ukraine, due in part to concerns over the pro-Russian bias that many feel the LDP has.
Mr. Zhirinovsky has expressed deep anger over the lack of action from the federal government in dealing with what he describes as the “sleeping snake of communism.” He has been particularly vocal about his anger at the inaction taken by UDR President Alksnis in forcibly removing Communist President Ayaz Mutallibov of Azerbaijan, whom Zhirinovsky accuses of harboring a wanted fugitive named Corporal Vahid Hasinov.
Documentary filmmaker Michael Moore in trouble over controversial comments on Bin Laden
12/11/01
Fox News
Controversial filmmaker Michael Moore is in hot water over comments made about wanted terrorist Osama Bin Laden last night on CNN when he called the terrorist “a scapegoat” and questioned whether or not he was responsible for the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center.
“I am not saying he is innocent,” Moore told CNN, “but if you didn’t have an Osama Bin Laden, how do you justify invading Afghanistan?”
Moore went on to refer to Bin Laden as “Osama Bin Hasinov” throughout the interview, a not so veiled implication that the United States was using Bin Laden as an excuse to invade another country.
Corporal Vahid Hasinov was a former soldier in the Soviet military that was charged with treason and murder in the Union of Democratic Republics shortly after the failed hard-line coup attempt in 1991. Then Russian president Vladimir Zhirinovsky claimed in October of that year that the former Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan was “harboring” Hasinov, and subsequently demanded that they turn over “the wanted terrorist,” despite claims by his Azeri counterpart that the whereabouts of Hasinov remained unknown. Zhirinovsky was able to pressure the federal government of the UDR to launch a military action against Azerbaijan based on what most international observers felt was highly unreliable information.
“The very accusation that President Bush has invented Osama Bin Laden as an excuse for invading Afghanistan is beyond disgusting,” White House Press Secretary Ari Fleischer said in a press conference this morning, “unlike Corporal Hasinov the evidence against Bin Laden is clear and convincing.”
“Azerbaijan and Chechnya- “Profiles on the Russian "War on Terror”
(Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies)
By John Miller
Routledge Press, (2007)
CHAPTER ONE
Once General Lebed, General Viktor Dubynin and President Zhirinovsky decided that a war in Azerbaijan was “inevitable” both leaders began putting political pressure on their colleagues to begin the war before Azerbaijan’s possible planned declaration of independence in mid-October. Although Generals Lebed and Dubynin were still nominally under the command of UDR President Viktor Alksnis, they tended to avoid involving him in any matters of military planning, electing instead to confer with Zhirinovsky, whom they felt shared a common goal in national unity.
Zhirinovsky began to exert political pressure on the President Alksnis, with incendiary accusations against the not-yet established leader, while Lebed was successful in pressuring factions in the military that were still unsure about the 180-degree turn in policies.
“Most of the military saw Azerbaijan as an ally,” commented one Russian Colonel who saw duty in the Azeri conflict, “and we were somewhat reluctant to turn on them with such…forcefulness.”
However, Lebed was able to capitalize on a growing sense of nationalism within the Russian officer class, which started to act independent of the UDR military.
Lebed also was able to pressure some of the other republics to surrender military units and equipment for the upcoming military action in a way that would prove fatal for the independence aspirations of many of those republics.
“General Lebed saw first hand the effect of air power not only in Afghanistan, but also with the Americans in Iraq,” commented a close Lebed aid that helped plan the operation, “and he always planned the war to be fought the way it was, with Armenian ground troops and Russian air power.”
Lebed began plundering the UDR military located in other republics under the guise of preparing for a possible intervention in Nagorno-Karabakh. Although the other republics were deeply troubled by the move, it appeared to be alleviated somewhat due to Lebed’s clear preference for selecting aircraft units almost exclusively. Lebed was able to pressure Belarus into surrendering all 121 Tupolev Tu-16 bombers (know by the NATO reporting name of Badger) under its control.
“I think most of the politicians didn’t realize what they were giving up,” commented a Belarusian pilot, “they were still looking at things like it was 1950. As if one hundred bombers could be offset by the fifteen hundred T-72 battle tanks he was leaving behind. If they asked us, we would have told them that this was suicide.”
Although President Zhirinovsky appeared to defer to General Lebed on military matters, what was clear was that he did have a special interest in taking over the small number of Tupolev Tu-160’s stationed in the Ukraine. Zhirinovsky planned on using the supersonic strategic bombers in Azerbaijan. It was a rare instance where it appeared that General Lebed was overruled on military matters by the Russian president.
“Zhirinovsky saw Azerbaijan as the testing grounds for the Tu-160,” commented an aide familiar with Mr. Zhirinovsky, “and he saw the Tu-160 as the perfect weapon to instill an aura of absolute fear in the hearts of the other secessionists.”
Opposition leader Mikhail Arutyunov was considerably harsher in his assessment of the role the Tu-160 played in Zhirinovsky’s reign.
“Vladimir Zhirinovsky was the father of Russian fascism,” Arutyunov said in 1993, “and the Tupolev was his Gestapo.”
“My Russia- An Autobiography by former Russian Prime Minister Gennady Burbulis”
Published by Interbook, © 1998
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
I could see that President Alksnis was becoming very concerned that he would be “purged” despite President Zhirinovsky’s promises that the “era of purges” was over. The attack on Russian television the night before instilled a sense of fear in him, particularly since his appointment had absolutely no effect on appeasing the Baltic Republics. It was perhaps this sense of isolation that led him to meekly agree to intervention on behalf of the Armenian Republic. Still, we all envisioned limited air strikes, not the carpet bombing that ensued. We had no idea that Zhirinovsky would be willing to use such force just to make a point.
“I believe the time has come for action,” Anatoly Lukyanov said in a cheap ploy to win favor from Zhirinovsky, “our demands for Mutallibov to turn over the traitor Hasinov continues to go unanswered.”
We all sat silent, afraid to speak up. Perhaps if it were just Zhirinovsky who favored war we could stop him. But to oppose Lebed, Alksnis, Dubynin, Lukyanov and Zhirinovsky?
“Mr. President,” Prime Minister Ivan Silayev said softly, “Perhaps we need not commence military actions just yet. Perhaps we can issue another ultimatum, advising Mutallibov that he is running out of time.”
“Mr. Prime Minister,” Zhirinovsky said with a smirk, “I have already received clearance from President Alksnis to mobilize our troops. The Tupolevs are on their way to Baku as we speak.”
I heard a gasp from Silayev as he nearly stumbled out of his chair. I too was shocked. We were now at war and we had no say in the matter.
“So then it is over, “Silayev said as he tried to compose himself. “We are all out of time.”
Armenian president announces Union partnership with Russia
Toronto Globe and Mail
Published: October 4, 1991
(YEREVAN, ARMENIA) – In a move that surprised the international community, the breakaway Former Soviet Republic of Armenia, which had declared independence from the Soviet Union on 23 August 1990, has apparently put the brakes on independence after negotiations with Russian President Vladimir Zhirinovsky. The agreement stunned many Armenian politicians, who openly questioned the move made by Levon Ter-Petrosyan, president of Armenia and leader of the independence minded Pan-Armenian National Movement. Although Armenia doesn’t reject its claim to independence, the Union with Russia provides that both nations would share a common military and currency, which some critics have called “independence in name only.”
“Does he honestly expect that by giving Zhirinovsky control of a joint Armenian-Russian military that this will result in anything other than occupation?” asked one protester in Yerevan, “he sold our country for the promise of Nagorno-Karabakh. But what good is union with Nagorno-Karabakh if we both just become part of Russia?”
The move has created anger in the federal government of the new Union of Democratic Republics as well.
“He has absolutely no authority to make agreements like this with the individual republics,” UDR Prime Minister Yuri Luzhkov said when told of the merger signed by Russian President Vladimir Zhirinovsky, “this is a matter of federal jurisdiction.”
Armenia has yet to formally agree to membership in a new Union of Democratic Republics, the successor state to the USSR. However, Secretary of State Gennady Burbulis hopes that this can provide the framework for a new Union agreement.
“Right now we are still trying to figure out the role of each Republic in the UDR.” He replied, “If this agreement with the Armenians provides the foundation upon which the nation can be preserved, then I am all for it.”
Zhirinovsky calls on UDR president Alksnis to “smoke out” remaining communists
Newsweek
Published: October 1, 1991
(MOSCOW) Vladimir Zhirinovsky criticized the newly appointed President of the Union of Democratic Republics for “abandoning the principles of the August Revolution.”
Attacking President Viktor Alksnis, Zhirinovsky indicated a possible crack in the conservative faction of the government, and a possible desire to side with more liberal elements of the government.
“Right now the Russian people have made clear that what they seek is democracy,” Zhirinovsky said on Russian TV, “yet Mr. Alksnis has yet to take any action to smoke out the remaining communists who are still in control many of the other republics.”
Mr. Zhirinovsky then pulled out a piece of paper and waived it in front of the camera, adding damaging claims against his federal counterpart.
“The government is still infested with communists,” he screamed into the camera, “I have here in my hand a list of 205, a list of names that were made known to President Alksnis as still being members of the Communist Party, and who nevertheless are still working and shaping policy in the country.”
President Alksnis responded cautiously to the accusation of collusion with the communists.
“I understand President Zhirinovsky’s concern over the fact that the communists still control much of the government in several of the republics,” Alksnis replied, “but we must tread carefully in dealing with the republics so as to avoid the possibility of war.”
Zhirinovsky dismissed the response as insufficient.
“What we need is to root out the communists,” he fired back, “how will we have a democratic nation when you have Islam Karimov, a communist, still in control in Uzbekistan, or Nursultan Nazarbayev, another communist, still in control of Kazakhstan? These men are opposed to change, and will not hesitate to tear apart the Union to preserve power.”
Many former members of the Communist Party accepted an offer from President Zhirinovsky’s of amnesty in exchange for membership in the Liberal Democratic Party. However, the offer was widely ignored outside of Russia and the Ukraine, due in part to concerns over the pro-Russian bias that many feel the LDP has.
Mr. Zhirinovsky has expressed deep anger over the lack of action from the federal government in dealing with what he describes as the “sleeping snake of communism.” He has been particularly vocal about his anger at the inaction taken by UDR President Alksnis in forcibly removing Communist President Ayaz Mutallibov of Azerbaijan, whom Zhirinovsky accuses of harboring a wanted fugitive named Corporal Vahid Hasinov.
Documentary filmmaker Michael Moore in trouble over controversial comments on Bin Laden
12/11/01
Fox News
Controversial filmmaker Michael Moore is in hot water over comments made about wanted terrorist Osama Bin Laden last night on CNN when he called the terrorist “a scapegoat” and questioned whether or not he was responsible for the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center.
“I am not saying he is innocent,” Moore told CNN, “but if you didn’t have an Osama Bin Laden, how do you justify invading Afghanistan?”
Moore went on to refer to Bin Laden as “Osama Bin Hasinov” throughout the interview, a not so veiled implication that the United States was using Bin Laden as an excuse to invade another country.
Corporal Vahid Hasinov was a former soldier in the Soviet military that was charged with treason and murder in the Union of Democratic Republics shortly after the failed hard-line coup attempt in 1991. Then Russian president Vladimir Zhirinovsky claimed in October of that year that the former Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan was “harboring” Hasinov, and subsequently demanded that they turn over “the wanted terrorist,” despite claims by his Azeri counterpart that the whereabouts of Hasinov remained unknown. Zhirinovsky was able to pressure the federal government of the UDR to launch a military action against Azerbaijan based on what most international observers felt was highly unreliable information.
“The very accusation that President Bush has invented Osama Bin Laden as an excuse for invading Afghanistan is beyond disgusting,” White House Press Secretary Ari Fleischer said in a press conference this morning, “unlike Corporal Hasinov the evidence against Bin Laden is clear and convincing.”
“Azerbaijan and Chechnya- “Profiles on the Russian "War on Terror”
(Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies)
By John Miller
Routledge Press, (2007)
CHAPTER ONE
Once General Lebed, General Viktor Dubynin and President Zhirinovsky decided that a war in Azerbaijan was “inevitable” both leaders began putting political pressure on their colleagues to begin the war before Azerbaijan’s possible planned declaration of independence in mid-October. Although Generals Lebed and Dubynin were still nominally under the command of UDR President Viktor Alksnis, they tended to avoid involving him in any matters of military planning, electing instead to confer with Zhirinovsky, whom they felt shared a common goal in national unity.
Zhirinovsky began to exert political pressure on the President Alksnis, with incendiary accusations against the not-yet established leader, while Lebed was successful in pressuring factions in the military that were still unsure about the 180-degree turn in policies.
“Most of the military saw Azerbaijan as an ally,” commented one Russian Colonel who saw duty in the Azeri conflict, “and we were somewhat reluctant to turn on them with such…forcefulness.”
However, Lebed was able to capitalize on a growing sense of nationalism within the Russian officer class, which started to act independent of the UDR military.
Lebed also was able to pressure some of the other republics to surrender military units and equipment for the upcoming military action in a way that would prove fatal for the independence aspirations of many of those republics.
“General Lebed saw first hand the effect of air power not only in Afghanistan, but also with the Americans in Iraq,” commented a close Lebed aid that helped plan the operation, “and he always planned the war to be fought the way it was, with Armenian ground troops and Russian air power.”
Lebed began plundering the UDR military located in other republics under the guise of preparing for a possible intervention in Nagorno-Karabakh. Although the other republics were deeply troubled by the move, it appeared to be alleviated somewhat due to Lebed’s clear preference for selecting aircraft units almost exclusively. Lebed was able to pressure Belarus into surrendering all 121 Tupolev Tu-16 bombers (know by the NATO reporting name of Badger) under its control.
“I think most of the politicians didn’t realize what they were giving up,” commented a Belarusian pilot, “they were still looking at things like it was 1950. As if one hundred bombers could be offset by the fifteen hundred T-72 battle tanks he was leaving behind. If they asked us, we would have told them that this was suicide.”
Although President Zhirinovsky appeared to defer to General Lebed on military matters, what was clear was that he did have a special interest in taking over the small number of Tupolev Tu-160’s stationed in the Ukraine. Zhirinovsky planned on using the supersonic strategic bombers in Azerbaijan. It was a rare instance where it appeared that General Lebed was overruled on military matters by the Russian president.
“Zhirinovsky saw Azerbaijan as the testing grounds for the Tu-160,” commented an aide familiar with Mr. Zhirinovsky, “and he saw the Tu-160 as the perfect weapon to instill an aura of absolute fear in the hearts of the other secessionists.”
Opposition leader Mikhail Arutyunov was considerably harsher in his assessment of the role the Tu-160 played in Zhirinovsky’s reign.
“Vladimir Zhirinovsky was the father of Russian fascism,” Arutyunov said in 1993, “and the Tupolev was his Gestapo.”
“My Russia- An Autobiography by former Russian Prime Minister Gennady Burbulis”
Published by Interbook, © 1998
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
I could see that President Alksnis was becoming very concerned that he would be “purged” despite President Zhirinovsky’s promises that the “era of purges” was over. The attack on Russian television the night before instilled a sense of fear in him, particularly since his appointment had absolutely no effect on appeasing the Baltic Republics. It was perhaps this sense of isolation that led him to meekly agree to intervention on behalf of the Armenian Republic. Still, we all envisioned limited air strikes, not the carpet bombing that ensued. We had no idea that Zhirinovsky would be willing to use such force just to make a point.
“I believe the time has come for action,” Anatoly Lukyanov said in a cheap ploy to win favor from Zhirinovsky, “our demands for Mutallibov to turn over the traitor Hasinov continues to go unanswered.”
We all sat silent, afraid to speak up. Perhaps if it were just Zhirinovsky who favored war we could stop him. But to oppose Lebed, Alksnis, Dubynin, Lukyanov and Zhirinovsky?
“Mr. President,” Prime Minister Ivan Silayev said softly, “Perhaps we need not commence military actions just yet. Perhaps we can issue another ultimatum, advising Mutallibov that he is running out of time.”
“Mr. Prime Minister,” Zhirinovsky said with a smirk, “I have already received clearance from President Alksnis to mobilize our troops. The Tupolevs are on their way to Baku as we speak.”
I heard a gasp from Silayev as he nearly stumbled out of his chair. I too was shocked. We were now at war and we had no say in the matter.
“So then it is over, “Silayev said as he tried to compose himself. “We are all out of time.”
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In OTL the Armenian-Azeri conflict was one of numerous military disasters for the Russians than detroyed the reputation of the Russian military overnight (lukedalton brought this point up on page one). In OTL the Russians were supporting the Azeris, who had strong military advantages such as more Soviet troops of Azeri background, much more ammunition (10,000 railroad cars of ammunition versus 500) and more weapons. The fact that despite this, and despite Russian aid, they still were badly defeated by the Armenians, showed that the Russian military was just not the same. In TTL, Zhirinovsky siding with the Armenians switches things around quite a bit. In OTL we see that the Armenians win the war, nothing changes here except the Russian are now supporting them and using air power to hit the Azeris. I think as a result we have the same result but much quicker and Russia gets its version of the invasion of Panama, a quick war that restores the prestige and confidence in the military after a shocking loss. But as we can tell from some of the reports, the Armenians end up with a lot more than they bargained for...
Russian bombers virtually destroyed Grozny in two months in OTL, the question is would Zhirinovsky allow carpet bombing or would he use stratigic bombing. And based on what we can see from him so far, it looks like he wouldn't have any problem with CB
PART THIRTEEN: WE DESTROY THEM ALL
PART THIRTEEN: DESTROY THEM ALL
PART THIRTEEN: WE DESTROY THEM ALL
In OTL we have a situation where the Azeri president didn't want to create an independent military, rather he was happy with the status quo with Soviet troops doing the bulk of the military work in Azerbaijan. This proves to be a disaster for Azerbaijan in TTL, as we can see. Without an independent military in Azerbaijan, the Russians have little resistance when they move into Azerbaijan. We also see the first hints of what will happen in Georgia, where Russian and UDR troops encounter resistance and "regroup" in what is South Osettia and Abkhazia in OTL. We start to see the seeds of future conflicts planted. Some resources from OTL that I refer to here...
Leader of the Azerbaijani Popular Front, an independence supporting opposition group:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abulfaz_Elchibey
Great article about how the struggle between the president and the PF between 91-92 allowed the Armenians to do so well in the conflict
http://budapest.sumgait.info/khojaly/situation-azerbaijan.htm
Great article from Patrick Gorman on the state of the Azeri military in 1991:
http://www.zerbaijan.com/azeri/azarmy.htm
Nasnosnaya Air Base near Baku
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nasosnaya_Air_Base
PART THIRTEEN: WE DESTROY THEM ALL
UDR Deploying Troops to Dagestan in preparation for planned “police action”
Time Magazine
By James Mapp – October 15, 1991
The Union of Democratic Republics sent a “temporary detachment” of troops into the southern region of Dagestan, which borders the UDR Republic of Azerbaijan, to combat terrorism and to “bring a wanted criminal to justice”, the Interior Ministry said.
“We are talking about a temporary deployment to prevent terrorism and to wipe out communist extremists who clearly are aiming to make Azerbaijan a safe haven for anti-democratic forces opposed to the federal government,” a spokesman for the Russian Interior Ministry said from the Dagestan capital city, Makhachkala.
About 100,000 troops are being moved from all over the country to form temporary police and military units aimed at “rooting out the last holdouts of the communist regime,” said Yuri Sudakov, the secretary of Dagestan’s state security council. The realignment of forces in preparation for the “police action” was ordered by UDR President Viktor Alksnis in association with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Zhirinovsky.
The authorities were attempting to deploy 25,000 to 50,000 federal troops from Moscow, according to reports published in the Moscow press. A convoy of armored personnel carriers and military vehicles was seen moving toward southern Dagestan from October 1st to October 10th, the reports said. However, the report also indicated difficulty in mobilization with several units located in many of the other republics refusing the deployment. The report indicated that many of the non-Russian units in the Republic of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan have declared allegiance to their respective Republics and appear to be mobilizing in preparation for an anticipated “invasion” from Russian forces. Islam Karimov, a communist who is still in control in Uzbekistan, declared independence on August 31, 1991. The move was widely criticized by the UDR and the USA. Karimov promised to “defend the Uzbek people from the fascist government that has taken over Moscow.”
The report also indicated that many Russian units are having trouble with the mobilization from angry locals. Russian troops en route to Dagestan appear to have been harassed by locals opposed to the military action. The Associated Press reported that Russian units were denied entry into Tbilisi, Georgia by protesters who blocked the road and threw rocks at the convoy. The Russian units fell back to the Georgian cities of Sokhumi in the North West and Tskhinvali in the North Central regions of the country where they appear to have fortified in preparation for a possible attempt by restive Georgians at expelling them from the Republic entirely. It is believed that at least 20,000 troops that were to be used in the “police action” are now bogged down in Georgia.
UDR troops mobilize in Moscow as they prepare to deploy to Azerbaijan. October 01, 1991 (AP)
Protesters in Tbilisi, Georgia prevent Federal Troops of the UDR from passing through the city en route to Azerbaijan (October 6, 1991) (AP)
Anti-Government protesters prevent Federal tanks from passing through Tbilisi, Georgia today, forcing the troops to withdraw to abandon plans to go to the Azerbajani border and instead withdraw to the city of Tskhinvali.
(October 8, 1991)
UDR and Russian troops storm into Azerbaijan before planned Declaration of Independence
BBC
October 17, 1991
(Moscow) UDR President Viktor Alksnis has ordered tanks and troops into the communist-controlled Republic of Azerbaijan today. Although over 100,000 troops had been planned for what the federal government is calling a “police action”, it appears that less than 20,000 were available for the intervention, with thousands bogged down in other republics and others rejecting the authority of the federal government. However, the Supreme Council of Azerbaijan was scheduled to adopt a Declaration of Independence the following day, which appears to have prompted the Federal Government to act.
Hundreds of tanks and armored personnel carriers crossed the border from the Russian province of Dagestan at first light this morning. Large portions of the Soviet 4th Army stationed in Azerbaijan appeared to be torn with conflicted loyalties as the troops moved quickly to seize the Nasosnaya Air Base northwest of Baku. The move appears to coincide with a separate military action from the west, with Armenian troops storming into the breakaway province of Nagorno-Karabakh, where the bulk of the Azeri police and military forces are located.
The Russian army says its mission is to restore constitutional order in Azerbaijan and to root out “terrorists” such as the wanted fugitive Vahid Hasinov, who is believed to be hiding in Baku. The Federal Government also indicated that the “police action” is necessary to break the Communist Party stranglehold on Azerbaijan. However, opposition leader Abulfaz Elchibey, of the Azerbaijani Popular Front, condemned what he called “an invasion”.
The predominantly Muslim republic of Azerbaijan was, under the previous communist regime, one of the closest allies of the central government. However, with the fall of the Communist Party two months ago Azerbaijan suddenly found its loyalties to the former ruling party a liability. Azerbaijani President Ayaz Mutallibov has been harshly criticized by supporters of the Popular Front for his opposition to creating an independent army, instead relying largely on Soviet troops. The move has backfired badly on the President now, with Russian troops in the north facing minimal opposition.
AZERI TROOPS ROUTED IN NORTH AND IN WEST
The bulk of the former Soviet 4th Army, which was based in Azerbaijan, appears to have been neutralized by the lightning attack. At least ten thousand troops stationed at the Nasosnaya Air Base surrendered to the federal troops. The former Soviet 4th Army, although primarily made up of Azeri conscripts, had an officer class that was almost exclusively Russian. Officers at Nasosnaya Air Base immediately “welcomed their reinforcements” into the base and turned it over to the federal troops without opposition. Azeri troops, overwhelmed and confused at the sudden developments, were disarmed and rounded up for what military commander Alexander Lebed called “a transfer to other bases outside the republic of Azerbaijan.”
In the west, the federal government took advantage of the pre-existing OMON detachments already in the country to crush the pockets of Azeri detachments in Stepanakert. With the aid of Armenian military units that flooded across the porous border between the two republics, the OMON forces easily routed their former allies with minimal resistance. Just three months ago the OMON detachments were used almost exclusively as support for the Azeri government in routing out Armenian separatist in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan.
“Azerbaijan and Chechnya- “Profiles on the Russian "War on Terror”
(Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies)
By John Miller
Routledge Press, (2007)
CHAPTER FOUR
Despite the numerous problems with mobilization, and the lack of troops available for the planned “police action,” UDR and Russian troops found their fortunes turn almost immediately on the 17th when they crossed into Azerbaijan. Although General Lebed was deeply troubled by the problems during mobilization, he also recognized that a planned declaration of independence could prove fatal for the war effort, particularly with the former Soviet 4th Army, which was almost exclusively made up of Azerbaijani troops. He also recognized that Azerbaijani president Ayaz Mutallibov could see the horrific mistake he made in not creating an independent military and over the last two months he was trying desperately to undo the damage.
“Once the OMON forces stopped targeting the Armenians, it woke up Mutallibov to how tenuous his grip on the country now was,” commented a close aid to the former Azerbaijani president, “overnight Armenian forces began routing the Azeri police forces with the Russians just standing there looking on. He knew that he had to create an independent army to oppose the Armenians.”
However, his focus remained on what he called “The Armenia threat” to the west and not the growing anti-Azeri rhetoric coming from Moscow, another mistake that would prove fatal.
“He still refused to believe the Russians would turn on him,” commented the aid, “he figured that even if they were no longer backing him up against the Armenians that they wouldn’t invade as long as he didn't provoke them. Otherwise he would have taken steps to nationalize the 4th Army.”
On October 17th Russian and UDR troops crossed the border from Dagestan, Russia in an attempt to seize the Nasosnaya Air Base in North East Azerbaijan. General Lebed considered the base critical for any military operation inside the country, and felt that it should be the first and only objective in the opening hours of the conflict. Although other generals felt confident of an easy victory against the 4th Army, General Lebed was worried that an organized 4th Army with a dedicated officer class loyal to Baku could prevent Russian troops from seizing it.
“Lebed saw the horrible, horrible geography involved in taking the base,” one Russian cabinet member said of the General’s plan, “he saw that the base was only 30 kilometers from Baku, and only a few kilometers from Sumqayit, the second largest city in Azerbaijan. If the Azerbaijanis chose to fight for it, it would be easy to reinforce. But he also saw that with the base so close to Baku and Sumqayit that the Federal government could win the entire war quickly if they were in control of it.”
The move into Azerbaijan with only a handful of troops was one that concerned Lebed, who knew that technically the 4th Army outnumbered the Federal troops coming in. However, he took pains to carefully construct the action as a police action and try not to inflame nationalist sentiments. As Russian troops moved in, the focus appeared to remain almost exclusively on the “wanted terrorist and murderer” Vahid Hasinov. In the border town of Khudat, the first town that federal troops entered, Russian policemen pinned “wanted” posters across the town of Corporal Hasinov and asked confused people on the street if they “saw this man” as they handed out photos of Hasinov. When “satisfied” after a few cursory questions of the local police force that Hasinov was not hiding in Khudat, they thanked the people and asked anyone with information to contact the local authorities. Within thirty minutes of the invasion of Azerbaijan, Russian and federal troops were gone from Khudat with not a shot fired. The scene was repeated in Khachmaz, Kuba, and Gusar within an hour. In the town of Sheki, where protesters began to block the road and throw rocks at the invading troops, the military responded with stiff armed police tactics as opposed to treating the protest as insurgents in a military conflict. UDR police units fired tear gas and used high powered hoses to disperse the protesters before passing through the town en route to Nasosnaya Air Base.
UDR Troops in Kuba, Azerbaijan hand out a poster of Vahid Hasinov to a local farmer.
Armenian militias capture disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh as Azerbaijani president struggles to hold onto power.
Toronto Globe and Mail
Published: October 4, 1991
Armenian units of the UDR oversee the siege of Khojavend
(KHOJAVEND, UDR) – Armenian troops, supported by federal troops of the UDR, routed the last Azeri held stronghold in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh today in the town of Khojavend. Khojavend was the last stronghold of Azerbaijani resistance, but its capitulation looks unlikely to end what the federal government is calling a “police action”.
Armenian troops easily dispatched the badly demoralized Azeri police units, who put up token resistance before fleeing north east towards Barda. The Armenian military now controls over 80% of the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, while a pro-Armenia militia headed by American born Monte Melkonian controls the rest. However, inspired by their success and their new alliance with the central government, Armenian soldiers are continuing their eastward march.
“We won’t stop until we reach the Kura River,” one Armenian soldier said as he walked through the streets of the deserted village of Khojavend, “and if the Azerbaijanis don’t support our right to live in freedom then we will keep going on until we get to Baku!”
Federal troops in the east have surrounded the cities of Baku and Sumqayit, although they have not entered either city. Using the captured Nasosnaya Air Base near Baku, Federal troops have also provided valuable air support to the Armenian forces, although the federal government claims it is not “taking sides.”
“We are just there as part of a police action,” UDR Prime Minister Yuri Luzhkov said in a press release yesterday, “And we condemn the Azerbaijani government’s despicable attempts to foster ethnic strife in an attempt to divert our policemen from rooting out terrorists and criminals.”
In Baku President Ayaz Mutallibov faced the most difficult challenge to his tenuous grip on power as rioters took to the streets of the capital protesting what they consider the President’s mismanagement of the war.
“Right now the Armenians are conquering half our country and the Russians have us boxed in here in Baku,” commented one protester who wished to remain unnamed, “and yet all he cares about is (Abulfaz) Elchibey becoming president! He is more concerned with power than the country!”
Supporters of the opposition Popular Front have already seized dozens of government buildings and called for the resignation of the President.
“He led us into this mess,” said Popular Front Leader Abulfaz Elchibey, “and yet he still refuses to take any steps to defend out country. We need to gather our troops, we need to fight. And we need to declare independence right now!”
President Mutallibov has ordered police units to crack down on protesters, enflaming tensions further.
“My Russia- An Autobiography by former Russian Prime Minister Gennady Burbulis”
Published by Interbook, © 1998
CHAPTER SIXTEEN
Once we learned that Azerbaijani President Mutallibov had been deposed by the Popular Front, we all began to cheer and pat each other on the back. Could this be? Could we have won this war in just ten days with only twenty-three casualties? The Armenians were becoming greedy, and we all were worried that if this continued we would have to deal with what we all considered to be a serious problem. The Armenians were making no efforts to hide their xenophobia and their ethnic hatred of the Azeris. They were ethnically cleansing the areas in the occupied regions and were starting to enflame passions all over the UDR. The Uzbeks and Turkmen were in near revolt, they were appalled at the treatment of the Azeris at the hands of the Armenians, and they demanded the federal government intervene. We were also frightened that if the Armenians didn’t get control of themselves that it could prompt the international community to recognize the independence of Uzbekistan. But Zhirinovsky looked sad at the news that we "won". He needed the communists in control of Baku, otherwise what was his excuse for being there?
“Should we send out an emissary to Mr. Elchibey, the new Azerbaijani president?” I asked. “Perhaps see if he is willing to accept our terms.”
“Why should we do that?” Zhirinovsky hissed, “His first act was to declare independence. He second was to issue an ultimatum for the federal government to lift the siege of Baku. I hardly think that we reward treason with an olive branch.”
“Then what do you suggest,” I asked forcefully, “to send troops into Baku? It will electrify the opposition, and it could cost us many soldiers. Why throw away this victory?”
“We had two goals when we entered Azerbaijan,” Zhirinovsky said, “to capture Hasinov and to root out the communists. We have yet to accomplish either.”
“So what do we do about that,” I shot back, “send troops into a possible bloodbath in Baku?”
“That won’t be necessary,” Zhirinovsky replied coldly. “We maintain the siege, and we let the Armenians do what needs to be done. We destroy them all."
PART THIRTEEN: WE DESTROY THEM ALL
In OTL we have a situation where the Azeri president didn't want to create an independent military, rather he was happy with the status quo with Soviet troops doing the bulk of the military work in Azerbaijan. This proves to be a disaster for Azerbaijan in TTL, as we can see. Without an independent military in Azerbaijan, the Russians have little resistance when they move into Azerbaijan. We also see the first hints of what will happen in Georgia, where Russian and UDR troops encounter resistance and "regroup" in what is South Osettia and Abkhazia in OTL. We start to see the seeds of future conflicts planted. Some resources from OTL that I refer to here...
Leader of the Azerbaijani Popular Front, an independence supporting opposition group:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abulfaz_Elchibey
Great article about how the struggle between the president and the PF between 91-92 allowed the Armenians to do so well in the conflict
http://budapest.sumgait.info/khojaly/situation-azerbaijan.htm
Great article from Patrick Gorman on the state of the Azeri military in 1991:
http://www.zerbaijan.com/azeri/azarmy.htm
Nasnosnaya Air Base near Baku
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nasosnaya_Air_Base
PART THIRTEEN: WE DESTROY THEM ALL
UDR Deploying Troops to Dagestan in preparation for planned “police action”
Time Magazine
By James Mapp – October 15, 1991
The Union of Democratic Republics sent a “temporary detachment” of troops into the southern region of Dagestan, which borders the UDR Republic of Azerbaijan, to combat terrorism and to “bring a wanted criminal to justice”, the Interior Ministry said.
“We are talking about a temporary deployment to prevent terrorism and to wipe out communist extremists who clearly are aiming to make Azerbaijan a safe haven for anti-democratic forces opposed to the federal government,” a spokesman for the Russian Interior Ministry said from the Dagestan capital city, Makhachkala.
About 100,000 troops are being moved from all over the country to form temporary police and military units aimed at “rooting out the last holdouts of the communist regime,” said Yuri Sudakov, the secretary of Dagestan’s state security council. The realignment of forces in preparation for the “police action” was ordered by UDR President Viktor Alksnis in association with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Zhirinovsky.
The authorities were attempting to deploy 25,000 to 50,000 federal troops from Moscow, according to reports published in the Moscow press. A convoy of armored personnel carriers and military vehicles was seen moving toward southern Dagestan from October 1st to October 10th, the reports said. However, the report also indicated difficulty in mobilization with several units located in many of the other republics refusing the deployment. The report indicated that many of the non-Russian units in the Republic of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan have declared allegiance to their respective Republics and appear to be mobilizing in preparation for an anticipated “invasion” from Russian forces. Islam Karimov, a communist who is still in control in Uzbekistan, declared independence on August 31, 1991. The move was widely criticized by the UDR and the USA. Karimov promised to “defend the Uzbek people from the fascist government that has taken over Moscow.”
The report also indicated that many Russian units are having trouble with the mobilization from angry locals. Russian troops en route to Dagestan appear to have been harassed by locals opposed to the military action. The Associated Press reported that Russian units were denied entry into Tbilisi, Georgia by protesters who blocked the road and threw rocks at the convoy. The Russian units fell back to the Georgian cities of Sokhumi in the North West and Tskhinvali in the North Central regions of the country where they appear to have fortified in preparation for a possible attempt by restive Georgians at expelling them from the Republic entirely. It is believed that at least 20,000 troops that were to be used in the “police action” are now bogged down in Georgia.
UDR troops mobilize in Moscow as they prepare to deploy to Azerbaijan. October 01, 1991 (AP)
Protesters in Tbilisi, Georgia prevent Federal Troops of the UDR from passing through the city en route to Azerbaijan (October 6, 1991) (AP)
Anti-Government protesters prevent Federal tanks from passing through Tbilisi, Georgia today, forcing the troops to withdraw to abandon plans to go to the Azerbajani border and instead withdraw to the city of Tskhinvali.
(October 8, 1991)
UDR and Russian troops storm into Azerbaijan before planned Declaration of Independence
BBC
October 17, 1991
(Moscow) UDR President Viktor Alksnis has ordered tanks and troops into the communist-controlled Republic of Azerbaijan today. Although over 100,000 troops had been planned for what the federal government is calling a “police action”, it appears that less than 20,000 were available for the intervention, with thousands bogged down in other republics and others rejecting the authority of the federal government. However, the Supreme Council of Azerbaijan was scheduled to adopt a Declaration of Independence the following day, which appears to have prompted the Federal Government to act.
Hundreds of tanks and armored personnel carriers crossed the border from the Russian province of Dagestan at first light this morning. Large portions of the Soviet 4th Army stationed in Azerbaijan appeared to be torn with conflicted loyalties as the troops moved quickly to seize the Nasosnaya Air Base northwest of Baku. The move appears to coincide with a separate military action from the west, with Armenian troops storming into the breakaway province of Nagorno-Karabakh, where the bulk of the Azeri police and military forces are located.
The Russian army says its mission is to restore constitutional order in Azerbaijan and to root out “terrorists” such as the wanted fugitive Vahid Hasinov, who is believed to be hiding in Baku. The Federal Government also indicated that the “police action” is necessary to break the Communist Party stranglehold on Azerbaijan. However, opposition leader Abulfaz Elchibey, of the Azerbaijani Popular Front, condemned what he called “an invasion”.
The predominantly Muslim republic of Azerbaijan was, under the previous communist regime, one of the closest allies of the central government. However, with the fall of the Communist Party two months ago Azerbaijan suddenly found its loyalties to the former ruling party a liability. Azerbaijani President Ayaz Mutallibov has been harshly criticized by supporters of the Popular Front for his opposition to creating an independent army, instead relying largely on Soviet troops. The move has backfired badly on the President now, with Russian troops in the north facing minimal opposition.
AZERI TROOPS ROUTED IN NORTH AND IN WEST
The bulk of the former Soviet 4th Army, which was based in Azerbaijan, appears to have been neutralized by the lightning attack. At least ten thousand troops stationed at the Nasosnaya Air Base surrendered to the federal troops. The former Soviet 4th Army, although primarily made up of Azeri conscripts, had an officer class that was almost exclusively Russian. Officers at Nasosnaya Air Base immediately “welcomed their reinforcements” into the base and turned it over to the federal troops without opposition. Azeri troops, overwhelmed and confused at the sudden developments, were disarmed and rounded up for what military commander Alexander Lebed called “a transfer to other bases outside the republic of Azerbaijan.”
In the west, the federal government took advantage of the pre-existing OMON detachments already in the country to crush the pockets of Azeri detachments in Stepanakert. With the aid of Armenian military units that flooded across the porous border between the two republics, the OMON forces easily routed their former allies with minimal resistance. Just three months ago the OMON detachments were used almost exclusively as support for the Azeri government in routing out Armenian separatist in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan.
“Azerbaijan and Chechnya- “Profiles on the Russian "War on Terror”
(Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies)
By John Miller
Routledge Press, (2007)
CHAPTER FOUR
Despite the numerous problems with mobilization, and the lack of troops available for the planned “police action,” UDR and Russian troops found their fortunes turn almost immediately on the 17th when they crossed into Azerbaijan. Although General Lebed was deeply troubled by the problems during mobilization, he also recognized that a planned declaration of independence could prove fatal for the war effort, particularly with the former Soviet 4th Army, which was almost exclusively made up of Azerbaijani troops. He also recognized that Azerbaijani president Ayaz Mutallibov could see the horrific mistake he made in not creating an independent military and over the last two months he was trying desperately to undo the damage.
“Once the OMON forces stopped targeting the Armenians, it woke up Mutallibov to how tenuous his grip on the country now was,” commented a close aid to the former Azerbaijani president, “overnight Armenian forces began routing the Azeri police forces with the Russians just standing there looking on. He knew that he had to create an independent army to oppose the Armenians.”
However, his focus remained on what he called “The Armenia threat” to the west and not the growing anti-Azeri rhetoric coming from Moscow, another mistake that would prove fatal.
“He still refused to believe the Russians would turn on him,” commented the aid, “he figured that even if they were no longer backing him up against the Armenians that they wouldn’t invade as long as he didn't provoke them. Otherwise he would have taken steps to nationalize the 4th Army.”
On October 17th Russian and UDR troops crossed the border from Dagestan, Russia in an attempt to seize the Nasosnaya Air Base in North East Azerbaijan. General Lebed considered the base critical for any military operation inside the country, and felt that it should be the first and only objective in the opening hours of the conflict. Although other generals felt confident of an easy victory against the 4th Army, General Lebed was worried that an organized 4th Army with a dedicated officer class loyal to Baku could prevent Russian troops from seizing it.
“Lebed saw the horrible, horrible geography involved in taking the base,” one Russian cabinet member said of the General’s plan, “he saw that the base was only 30 kilometers from Baku, and only a few kilometers from Sumqayit, the second largest city in Azerbaijan. If the Azerbaijanis chose to fight for it, it would be easy to reinforce. But he also saw that with the base so close to Baku and Sumqayit that the Federal government could win the entire war quickly if they were in control of it.”
The move into Azerbaijan with only a handful of troops was one that concerned Lebed, who knew that technically the 4th Army outnumbered the Federal troops coming in. However, he took pains to carefully construct the action as a police action and try not to inflame nationalist sentiments. As Russian troops moved in, the focus appeared to remain almost exclusively on the “wanted terrorist and murderer” Vahid Hasinov. In the border town of Khudat, the first town that federal troops entered, Russian policemen pinned “wanted” posters across the town of Corporal Hasinov and asked confused people on the street if they “saw this man” as they handed out photos of Hasinov. When “satisfied” after a few cursory questions of the local police force that Hasinov was not hiding in Khudat, they thanked the people and asked anyone with information to contact the local authorities. Within thirty minutes of the invasion of Azerbaijan, Russian and federal troops were gone from Khudat with not a shot fired. The scene was repeated in Khachmaz, Kuba, and Gusar within an hour. In the town of Sheki, where protesters began to block the road and throw rocks at the invading troops, the military responded with stiff armed police tactics as opposed to treating the protest as insurgents in a military conflict. UDR police units fired tear gas and used high powered hoses to disperse the protesters before passing through the town en route to Nasosnaya Air Base.
UDR Troops in Kuba, Azerbaijan hand out a poster of Vahid Hasinov to a local farmer.
Armenian militias capture disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh as Azerbaijani president struggles to hold onto power.
Toronto Globe and Mail
Published: October 4, 1991
Armenian units of the UDR oversee the siege of Khojavend
(KHOJAVEND, UDR) – Armenian troops, supported by federal troops of the UDR, routed the last Azeri held stronghold in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh today in the town of Khojavend. Khojavend was the last stronghold of Azerbaijani resistance, but its capitulation looks unlikely to end what the federal government is calling a “police action”.
Armenian troops easily dispatched the badly demoralized Azeri police units, who put up token resistance before fleeing north east towards Barda. The Armenian military now controls over 80% of the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, while a pro-Armenia militia headed by American born Monte Melkonian controls the rest. However, inspired by their success and their new alliance with the central government, Armenian soldiers are continuing their eastward march.
“We won’t stop until we reach the Kura River,” one Armenian soldier said as he walked through the streets of the deserted village of Khojavend, “and if the Azerbaijanis don’t support our right to live in freedom then we will keep going on until we get to Baku!”
Federal troops in the east have surrounded the cities of Baku and Sumqayit, although they have not entered either city. Using the captured Nasosnaya Air Base near Baku, Federal troops have also provided valuable air support to the Armenian forces, although the federal government claims it is not “taking sides.”
“We are just there as part of a police action,” UDR Prime Minister Yuri Luzhkov said in a press release yesterday, “And we condemn the Azerbaijani government’s despicable attempts to foster ethnic strife in an attempt to divert our policemen from rooting out terrorists and criminals.”
In Baku President Ayaz Mutallibov faced the most difficult challenge to his tenuous grip on power as rioters took to the streets of the capital protesting what they consider the President’s mismanagement of the war.
“Right now the Armenians are conquering half our country and the Russians have us boxed in here in Baku,” commented one protester who wished to remain unnamed, “and yet all he cares about is (Abulfaz) Elchibey becoming president! He is more concerned with power than the country!”
Supporters of the opposition Popular Front have already seized dozens of government buildings and called for the resignation of the President.
“He led us into this mess,” said Popular Front Leader Abulfaz Elchibey, “and yet he still refuses to take any steps to defend out country. We need to gather our troops, we need to fight. And we need to declare independence right now!”
President Mutallibov has ordered police units to crack down on protesters, enflaming tensions further.
“My Russia- An Autobiography by former Russian Prime Minister Gennady Burbulis”
Published by Interbook, © 1998
CHAPTER SIXTEEN
Once we learned that Azerbaijani President Mutallibov had been deposed by the Popular Front, we all began to cheer and pat each other on the back. Could this be? Could we have won this war in just ten days with only twenty-three casualties? The Armenians were becoming greedy, and we all were worried that if this continued we would have to deal with what we all considered to be a serious problem. The Armenians were making no efforts to hide their xenophobia and their ethnic hatred of the Azeris. They were ethnically cleansing the areas in the occupied regions and were starting to enflame passions all over the UDR. The Uzbeks and Turkmen were in near revolt, they were appalled at the treatment of the Azeris at the hands of the Armenians, and they demanded the federal government intervene. We were also frightened that if the Armenians didn’t get control of themselves that it could prompt the international community to recognize the independence of Uzbekistan. But Zhirinovsky looked sad at the news that we "won". He needed the communists in control of Baku, otherwise what was his excuse for being there?
“Should we send out an emissary to Mr. Elchibey, the new Azerbaijani president?” I asked. “Perhaps see if he is willing to accept our terms.”
“Why should we do that?” Zhirinovsky hissed, “His first act was to declare independence. He second was to issue an ultimatum for the federal government to lift the siege of Baku. I hardly think that we reward treason with an olive branch.”
“Then what do you suggest,” I asked forcefully, “to send troops into Baku? It will electrify the opposition, and it could cost us many soldiers. Why throw away this victory?”
“We had two goals when we entered Azerbaijan,” Zhirinovsky said, “to capture Hasinov and to root out the communists. We have yet to accomplish either.”
“So what do we do about that,” I shot back, “send troops into a possible bloodbath in Baku?”
“That won’t be necessary,” Zhirinovsky replied coldly. “We maintain the siege, and we let the Armenians do what needs to be done. We destroy them all."
Last edited:
MarshalBraginsky
Banned
I'm beginning to think that Zhirinovsky's foolhardy moves would come back to bit him where he least expects it.
This is one of those stories written so well I almost forget I'm reading fiction instead of a history book purchased on my kindle...
That last line was suitably ominous!
Excellent work so far! I've always been interested in what a more violent implosion of the USSR would have looked like. The aviation buff in me is looking forward to seeing what the Tu-160 is really capable of!
Excellent work so far! I've always been interested in what a more violent implosion of the USSR would have looked like. The aviation buff in me is looking forward to seeing what the Tu-160 is really capable of!