Why did Parliament give up on the commonwealth so easily

Parliamentary rule pretty much only lasted Cromwell's lifetime and the marvellous experiment of the Republic died with it.

How could this be avoided?

Instead of Cromwell's son taking on the mantle, which parliamentarian would have been better suited to lead the country and stabiles republican rule?

Or would it be impossible?
 
Quite a stretch to call the Commonwealth (1649–1653) and Protectorate (1653–1659) parliamentary rule, at least has we understand it at present.

Although they were elections in 1654, 1656 and 1659 after Oliver Cromwell dissolved parliament over disagreements to put it lightly. Not considering the Rump Parliament ( 1648) that was a purge of the elected Long Parliament of 1640, nor Barebone's Parliament (1653) that was nominated. So from 1648 to 1654 they were only elections (the recruit elections) to replace MPs.

The main problem was that at least: a) the parliamentarians and b) Cromwell wanted some kind of rule by parliament or supremacy of the House of Common over the executive, whatever be King, Protector or committee of men but disagreed over how.

There was never a fully develop parliamentary responsibility of the Lord Protector or his ministers to parliament. From 1654 many parliamentarians or the the Old Cause always undid the limits of their role and reverted to full parliamentarianism to the annoyance of O. Cromwell and the Army.

However the unruly measures of the parliamentarians clashed with the Army and Cromwell in the following
a) strong (Cromwell and Army) or weak (parliamentarians) executive. The Humble Petition and Advice was a way to establish something akin to a strong executive with some responsibly to the House of Commons.
b) elections that everybody, and quite rightly saw as too dangerous and that would bring back a majority in favor of the monarchists that could call the King back. (this is what happened with the elections to the Cavalier Parliament of 1660)
c) religious liberty (At least for Protestants) a non bargaining issue for Cromwell and the Army that clashed with the more strict MPs that wanted to squash dissidents within an established protestant Church.
d) payment of the Army - the parliamentarians never gave fully satisfactory solutions. The Decimation tax (1655) that would have solved some of the problems was killed by parliament (1657)
e) self perpetuating rule from both the parliamentarians (recruit elections) and Cromwell (the pressure of the Army over parliament such as Pride's Purge and the Rule of the Major-Generals)
 
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I think the underlying part is frame of reference. We know how republics, monarchies, plutocracies whatever worked. They hadn't had the experience.
 
I think the underlying part is frame of reference. We know how republics, monarchies, plutocracies whatever worked. They hadn't had the experience.
Quite right, they were navigating in unknown land after the execution of Charles I.

Some chronological highlights
Wait!!, there is a regal succession here if we kill Charles!!!
30 Jan 1649 - "Act prohibiting the proclaiming any person to be King of England or Ireland, or the Dominions thereof". An act swiflty passed by parliament to close the loophole of royal succession.
30 Jan 1649 Execution of Charles I. (note that the execution was after PASSING of the above Act)
We need someone in charge of all of this!!
14 Feb 1649 Council of State appointed.
So, no king???
17 Mar 1649 The Rump Parliament abolishes the Monarchy (Act abolishing the kingship) - One and half month after execution of Charles I!!!!
Who needs them!!, No more obstructions from House of Lords

19 Mar 1649 Abolition of the House of Lords
Well, where a republic now???
19 May 1649 England declared a "Commonwealth and free state", with the House of Commons as supreme authority in the land (Act Declaring and Constituting the People of England to be a Commonwealth and Free-State) Almost four months after execution and 3 months of abolishing monarchy!!!

Aftermath
20 Apr 1653 Rump Parliament dissolved
4 Jul 653 Barebones Parliament assembles
16 Dec 1653 - Oliver Cromwell installed as Lord Protector.
 
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I do not have the detailed knowledge so helpfully offered by contributors here thus far. Based on the timeline and sketch of the actual players involved, I'd point out as well that the basic ideology of what we'd recognize today as a bona fide democratic republic is simply lacking. That is, it is one thing to declare Parliament to be the supreme sovereign authority, but---who is "Parliament?" In a modern, post American/French Revolution liberal or post-liberal democratic socialist ideology, the answer has been worked out to be "The People," specifically all the people, at least rhetorically. Lincoln had it formulated at Gettysburg--"government of the people, for the people, by the people." The Radical Republicans then followed through with the Reconstruction Amendments which among other things defined the baseline default of US (and thus state) citizenship--all persons born on US soil. And behold, the Census of 1870 was the first to attempt to count Native Americans. Meanwhile in the UK the franchise was evolving fitfully toward a similar end point of universal adult suffrage.

Now of course many a republic has existed that did not admit that everyone under its rule should vote equally, or at all. Many have been quite aristocratic with participation in the state's machinery restricted to quite a small minority. From that point of view, in the abstract it should seem the English Commonwealth could have drawn clear lines defining who was In and who was Out, the latter more or less "covered" by their virtual representation by their betters on the "father knows best" principle. Certainly what was probably a clear if slight majority, women, were considered adequately represented by men in some places until the middle of the 20th century--France for instance. In the late 18th and early 19th century women's suffrage was the stuff of subtle pleas (as in Abigail Adams's letters to her husband John) for consideration or extreme radicalism as with Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Women. There was no question that slaves had no political rights whatsoever until the American Revolution immediately raised it, based on democratic logic, and the question of the rights of freedmen was a thorny one in the USA until after the Civil War and the aforementioned Reconstruction Amendments.

More typically we had the classical examples and such more modern ones as Venice or the Netherlands, or Switzerland though I am not aware of many reformers looking to the Swiss example consciously. I don't know how the ideology of inclusion versus exclusion worked in the Netherlands in the 17th century.

But...
I think the underlying part is frame of reference. We know how republics, monarchies, plutocracies whatever worked. They hadn't had the experience.

They could. But could they get their head around the Dutch? That is more complicated. Plus the Dutch were more flexible and tolerant than the theatre closing bores wanted to be.
I don't think we should be thinking in terms of mere ignorance or lack of imagination. The dynamic was driven by a positive rejection of totally inclusive democracy, as with Cromwell's early rejection of the pleas of such movements as the Diggers and the generic diversity of the "Ranters" as they were dismissed. There was a positive fear of democracy getting out of hand, of rule by the "mob" turning into either anarchy or as a desperate remedy, autocracy, either by a demagogue riding atop that wild stampeding herd or by the strongman who put them down. This too was the stuff of ancient Classical thought, and that, formulated by such scholars as Aristotle, was in context of republican regimes that assumed restrictions on political membership as a matter of course already. Even taking for granted not counting any women or any slaves, the numerical majority of adult men heading households in Classical Athens were not deemed members of the "polis" proper; they were "aliens," persons whose ancestors had settled as "guests" in Athens many generations before but never were deemed real Athenians. No doubt quite a few of these were rich men and influential, but they could not cross the line to be entitled to speak and vote in the city-state's democratic deliberations. Yet Aristotle was skeptical of the stability and virtue of even such a restricted system and considered it an extreme.

The classes of Englishmen who more or less supported the Commonwealth were clearly compromised in their political commitments. They wanted a say for themselves but were not swayed by any categorical imperative to grant it to others they distrusted, and surely they often had reason for this distrust based on things those they considered themselves "better" than had actually done and said when authority was weak. Any notions they had, later to be formulated by such thinkers as Locke, that rights devolved to themselves as an inheritance from "Adam" did not comfortably extend to those they had authority over, however compelling the logic. They therefore grabbed onto the lifeline of authoritarian thinking, and this I think largely explains the readiness of these classes to line up under the banner of monarchy again.

A century hence, the generation of American colonial leaders who eventually crossed the line into rebellion and thus revolutionary Patriotism, had first grown up as believers in the excellence of the evolved, unwritten but strong "British Constitution" which their political philosophers extolled as a brilliant blending of Aristotle's democratic, aristocratic, and monarchial principles, so cleverly setting checks and balances as to prevent the degeneration into Aristotle's categories of bad governance, by the mob, oligarchy, or despotism respectively, and thus exploiting the virtues of each possible good form. Over time of course in the aftermath of the 7 Years War the Patriots concluded the British system had in fact degenerated and was collapsing into oligarchic despotism hence their need to cut the ties and preserve their own locally evolved system--which shorn of king and Lords could only be the best republic they could contrive, and they set about experimenting with various state written constitutions and then their more informally aristocratic leaders--who generally did not dare, and I trust largely were not inclined, to, denounce the democratic foundations which were proclaimed as grand principles justifying and requiring their secession from the British Crown--arrived at a Federal Constitution which the state governments generally took as the model as well.

By this point, the experience of colonial governments having little or no formal aristocratic or monarchial check, and discovering they strongly resented these when asserted from London, combined with eventual success in rebellion and more or less limping along with few mob insurrections and those (such as Shay's Rebellion in Massachusetts or the Whiskey Rebellion in Washington's federal administration) fairly easily put down, led to greater confidence that the "natural aristocracy of merit" such as Jefferson proposed existed de facto would prevail well enough to rely on formally democratic republican principle as the bedrock of their organized society. The American experience allowed for fluid percolation of individuals to rise to prominence and leadership with no requirement of formal tests or regulation of formal class membership, and encouraged later generations to abandon all restrictions, at least in principle though in practice the art of excluding this or that category from serious consideration remains a lively one.

Could the English of the 17th century then have made this leap of faith themselves, perhaps looking to the Dutch example? It would help if someone can expound on how exactly the Netherlands provinces and their federal union did conduct business, concretely. But I do think that it would have been a hard leap to take, for the various strata of English more or less "gentlemen" to take, given that they were hardly the numerical majority of adult men I suppose, and required some kind of authoritarian principle to keep their underlings in check even as they jostled for influence and power themselves hoping not to be summarily excluded. Adopting the ideological lifeline of the authoritarian Great Chain of Being that so dominated their Elizabethian ancestors' thinking had proven, in the Tudor age and reign of James Stuart, to be a good compromise in practice, allowing individuals to rise with some frictional check but not enough to prevent the building of great fortunes and reputations for those who proved themselves both able and serviceable, while providing for astute leadership with a prudent ear to the ground and privileged, well served eyes scanning the horizons of the ship of state. It must have seemed to these gentlemen of this generation that their problems with Charles Stuart were not so much a matter of having a king at all, but rather one of having a bad king who believed himself to be unchecked and lacking obligations to those he ruled. Indeed meanwhile in the Netherlands the Dutch too eventually appointed someone to be King over them all. The age of unchecked absolute monarchy for England had indeed been tried and judged to be a failure, but it was definitely throwing out the baby with the bathwater to abandon the principle of monarchy as such; the age of a constitutional monarch subject to formal checks to enforce their proper ties and obligations to the kingdom they reigned over was what the Commonwealth, with the untrusted and "dangerous" mobs of the great majority of the actual common people kept out of the political Commons, seemed to be settling on naturally, via the evolving role of the Lord Protector as de facto monarch, however zealously the person of Cromwell avoided adopting the label.

Thus it would be left to later generations of adventurers seeking to exploit the New World on the basis of straightforward capitalist personal ambition to evolve the framework of streamlined democratic republicanism, relying on the checks imposed by class stratification and the channeling of personal ambition toward operation in a functional capitalist class of owners bound by market relations to a commonwealth of law, while in England and larger Britain the restive, turbulent circulation of persons into the expanding and fluid middle and upper classes of capitalism would slowly evolve the hierarchal chain of being of British society toward a similarly fluid political system, this time retaining the checks of both monarchy and formal aristocracy in the House of Lords all through the process.

For the Commonwealth to have remained a non-monarchial republic in being, I suspect the outcome of the Civil War would have to involve the victory of a faction far more radical in its populism than Cromwell and company, one that would incorporate and channel such factions as the Diggers rather than repress them. And it is not clear to me at all that any such radical revolutionary outcome of the crisis of Charles's reign was in the cards at all; to some it would be a matter of foregone principle such unwashed mobs could never possibly arrive at a sustainable state without being overcome and repressed by some form or other of authority set above them, if only perhaps their own leadership setting themselves up as despots--which to be sure, my own studies of radical movements of the medieval and early modern societies of Europe and its legacy tend to suggest is the likely outcome indeed, if they are not first crushed by forthright agents of hierarchal order. I remain enough of a radical daydream believer to suppose that maybe a true democratic commonwealth might emerge, persist and prosper on a 17th century European early modern era basis, but setting up this long shot with any plausibility is certainly beyond casual suggestion!
 
Having written the above reply, I am left wondering if we go back to the outbreak of open civil war in England whether the anti-monarchial faction might indeed have somehow wound up being dominated by, or anyway containing as indispensable factions, a radical "cantonial" faction united by shared program and providing an alternative "model army" grounded in radically democratic local regimes, where village self-government provides reasonably well trained, disciplined after a fashion, politically reliable fighters that such commanders as Cromwell perforce must rely on for victory and face as irremovable players after putting down the royalists. If a fair number of the English population at that point runs their government and law locally, while continuing to recognize the need to remain in federal union with the rest of England, then we would have a collective constituency for radical democracy and an argument that neither lords (formal or informal) or kings are needed.

I am not studying up on the details of how Switzerland evolved its own federal canton system in part because I don't believe for a moment that anyone (or anyway, very few people) in England would be consciously looking to the Swiss example. They could and did study up on many possible systems but I don't think it would occur to them to look to a bunch of rustic mountain men way off in distant central Europe and largely "Papist" at that. I don't recall any American or other revolutionary radicals of later centuries systematically modeling anything after the Swiss example, when it had been tested by further centuries of survival--indeed, Napoleon Bonaparte made short work of sweeping it all away at least on paper and imposing a "Helvetican" unitary "Republic;" the Swiss had to reconstruct something resembling their own system again after the French imperial system fell apart I gather, and indeed faced some severe crises in the middle of the 19th century.

But I do wonder if a parallel evolution might be possible, and if so whether England would thereby be diverted from the major role it played in the Modern period or perhaps might hit on either squaring the circle of an authoritarian and rather ruthless collective global empire on a nominally democratic basis, or even hit upon playing a similarly major geopolitical, economic and demographic powerhouse role with much more democratic mechanisms throughout the system--which would I think put global capitalism on a rather different basis in key phases of its general global evolution.

A cantonial Commonwealth would be quite different already in the mid-17th century; where the Commonwealth functioned largely as a unified kingdom in terms of European international power politics in the early "Westphalian system" age of emerging nations, perhaps we'd see wild contradictions in overall English policy as various port towns adopted different, conflicting policies. Would there be any unified English/"British" navy at all, for instance?

"British" in scare quotes refers to the fact that OTL there was no formal Act of Union joining Scotland to England until the early 18th century; I don't know how relations between Scotland and England worked when the parties dominating Scotland concurred with the victorious Roundheads of England that Charles was no monarch of theirs, but no formal act of union then tied Scotland, which I infer had no monarch of its own and accepted Charles II along with England, to the more populous southern nation in the island. If England goes "cantonial," with hundreds of little polities of various sizes united loosely in a great English confederation, do the Scots similarly adopt such cantons and participate in a general "British Commonwealth," and if major polities of Scotland do so, does all Scottish territory play along or will there be zones which either operate as a rival republic or adopt a king of their own, perhaps none other than Charles II himself? And anyway what the heck did happen OTL, where Scotland as a whole certainly never adopted any interim monarch nor did any pretender effectively control any major part of Scottish territory as far as I know, yet as far as I know the Scots were not participating in the Parliament in London either--did Cromwell claim to be and was recognized as Lord Protector of Scotland too, or what?

Anyway leaving this lacuna in my education aside, thinking of England as a patchwork of largely autonomous local cantons, I suppose some of these would be radically democratic, with effectively universal town meeting governance by the whole adult male population more or less deferring to this or that factional leaders who, knowing the relative and perhaps shifting balance of power among them, more or less amicably negotiate consensus rules and choose delegates, with or without formal acclimation by the gathered folks, to go to Parliament, while other places might be more formally aristocratic, with certain burghers or squires understood to be responsible for and in charge of the general populace and either meeting as a senate of sorts or simply deferring to a consensus local Protector who handpicks his agent in Parliament or drops in as the formal Member himself. For radical democracy to persist in any cantons I suppose there has to be a general assent in the Commonwealth as a whole that such extremism is acceptable at least as long as it doesn't get too unruly, and the magnates of the more authoritarian bailiwicks have to tolerate a certain degree of pro-democratic agitation and accept the pretensions of the "mob" to have some right to demand some accounting of what the Great and Good they defer to are up to and doing for them lately. Otherwise I expect that one by one, the radical zones would have more orderly and safe overlords imposed on them piecemeal and the democratic principle would be snuffed out--whereas I don't think it is inevitable, even if the Commonwealth affirms all authority devolves from the total populace, that all zones will go fully democratic, though the "threat" of the mob asserting itself might indeed make a squirearchy or senate of rich burghers keep their political ears to the ground and in fact act to keep a consensus majority of their subjects reasonably satisfied with things as they are.

On such a basis as this, perhaps the Commonwealth Parliament can defer much of what they had to legislate on and provide concrete executive machinery for down to the cantonial local self-administration, and much coordination of diverse and contradictory local rules can be done collectively, in committee or by floor debate, by Parliament as a whole, if the various cantons do accept Parliament's upshot rulings as final.

There still would be a need for some central executive power I suppose--OTL the modern Swiss system provides a collective though small Executive Council, with its members carefully and deliberately balanced in partisan composition. It would be possible to also provide a supreme chief executive who must answer to such a council as well as to Parliament as a whole, but this might be avoided to prevent the nucleus of a new monarchy from forming.

Now OTL, the evolution of the British parliamentary constitutional monarchy system was deeply intertwined with that of global capitalism. Basically, the leaders of the Commons believed themselves to be primarily answerable to the most powerful and wealthy sectors of the British system, with obligations to the commoner majority being as much about keeping them subservient as about looking to their interests. It was only gradually that various sectors of the working classes were systematically included in the electorate, on a selective basis of qualifications, and the entire process was somewhat ramshackle, with different constituencies having different degrees of more or less popular franchise, not to mention these constutuencies varying wildly in actual total population, from "rotten boroughs" with some nominal lord having the sole discretionary vote and no actual inhabitants whatsoever, to great cities that had grown up where hundreds of thousands were represented by another MP having the same weight as the handpicked Member chosen by some lord of a vanished ghost town.

If a cantonial basis for a Commonwealth Parliament exists, I would expect a certain rough and haphazard coordination of population with membership to evolve over the centuries (assuming the system survives as well as say the Swiss one did OTL); if some town that once clearly had a plain right to send two or three members shrinks down, sooner or later it will shed these members and in time its territory be swallowed up in some neighboring zone the remaining inhabitants have shifted their ties to, while a growing town will have influence in the private sphere that gives it leverage to pick up new members, perhaps with some quid pro quo constraining their selection to be either more democratic or less so, depending on which way the political winds are blowing that decade. This process might relieve any pressure for systemization of constituency size, with the rough sorting deemed sufficient to achieve fair representation overall.

OTL, with Parliament and the local rule both coordinated to be preoccupied with the interests of the well off, capitalism evolved with persons of wealth being able to largely prevail. Would cantonial organization, reserving key powers of governance to local regimes, serve to totally block such evolution, or would the democratic principle be inevitably repressed in favor of a de facto rule by gentry? I suspect a compromise might emerge, which would somewhat slow the evolution of capitalism as we know it and perhaps systematically divert it toward a more social democratic path. Some rural cantons might become conservative peasant republics, sticking to traditional norms and thus developing productivity more slowly, and if it is true that only privatization on OTL lines can open the way for progress in agricultural productivity, such zones would come under fatal pressures. But if in fact there are other paths to collective gains in productivity with more intensive farming guided by democratic consensus, we might see ATL forms along what we might retrospectively label as "syndicalist" collectives meeting and exceeding the needs of rising local populations and marketing surplus goods for sale to urban populations as internal improvements aid better communications via canals and later railroads. Meanwhile others might follow capitalist logic but their "surplus population" might as OTL find homes in growing industrial centers. There too, if the democratic principle is not extinguished, rising populations first of craft workers and then of more or less capitalist proletarian workers might be able to secure more or less political representation and advocacy, and thus divert more of the rising productivity toward themselves, which would slow accumulation of capitalist wealth but perhaps not check it completely, allowing for the slower accumulation of concentrated wealth permitting gradual development of centralized industrial production--but with a stronger consumer market of better off proletarians who also are politically active and see to it the law is as much on their side as on that of the more wealthy. It may be that overall, despite constricting the accumulation of capital in few aristocratic hands, that industrial progress picks up the pace on the basis of a wider population, better fed, better educated, more active, who provide essentially the same rate of innovation and invention and thus Britain does become the industrial powerhouse of OTL.

Without a strong central regime, can Britain (I am pretty much assuming that Scotland does get absorbed into an island-wide system, and leaving vague the question of how Ireland either gets absorbed or gets loose--I am in fact assuming the Irish too get absorbed in, perhaps with less overall violence and repression than OTL, perhaps with as much or more) field anything like the OTL Royal Navy? I suspect that the basic maritime bent of the coastal British people will pretty well provide for a strong merchant fleet and that the shipowners, perhaps having to contend with sailor crews more assertive of personal rights but probably recognizing the need for unified command of a vessel, be it mercantile or military, will to some degree combine arming and militia-organizing their merchant ships with specialized naval warships and at any rate mount a fairly effective Navy capable (with merchant militia support) of defending the isles themselves, and of various colonial ports, and that overseas enterprises will be perhaps quite as ruthless as they were OTL, though perhaps the famously strict discipline of the OTL RN might be somewhat relaxed and the fleet elements therefore somewhat less effective, requiring larger numbers of hulls to accomplish the same military feats as OTL, the upshot being that Brittania does not quite rule the waves with the same iron hand as OTL but at any rate British adventurers will be able to swashbuckle their way around the world and establish colonial centers of power eventually spread around the globe.

OTL, the great opportunity fueling the rise of British supremacy was seizing control of many Caribbean sugar islands, exploiting slave labor there ruthlessly, and thus laying the economic foundations for supremacy in India and elsewhere in the tropics. A major step on the road was bringing the Spanish "Empire of the Indies" to terms permitting British shipping to supply the trade in Spanish American colonial ports.

Can Commonwealth Britain composed of a federal union of hundreds of local cantons accomplish anything like that? And would the Parliament, if it could levy the taxes and supply consensus leadership strong enough to accomplish such a purpose, approve it?

Welp, I think I have strayed pretty far down this speculative road where the original foundation is hardly laid firmly in the first place, so I will leave off such details. I do suppose a certain amount of slave plantation regimes would be founded and exploited under such a regime. It is not so clear that the OTL English and Scottish stances against "Papism" would persist as long and strongly, since I suspect Cantonial England would perforce include a bunch of tracts where in fact fairly strong Catholic sentiments persist and eventually emerge openly; certainly the Netherlands set an example of toleration, as did Switzerland--if such a regime were to arise in the British isles, it would not be founded with conscious imitation of Switzerland in mind, but after it evolves and persists some decades and generations, people in both Switzerland and Britain will notice the resemblances and start thinking in terms of comparing them, and a partisan faction in favor of tolerance would gain some traction--particularly since the deal would involve reciprocal acceptance of de facto Protestant radicalism in other bailiwicks, along with development of canton zones with tolerance or acceptance of diversity in creed. Therefore provided no particular denominational faction attempts to seize control of the rest of Britain unilaterally, the question of denomination might be defused much earlier than OTL, with it established that different faiths do not necessarily involve disloyalty to the Commonwealth as a whole. (This might well be key to a different and less traumatic incorporation of Ireland into the general system of course).

Given that the British will be cutting themselves into the Caribbean and general tropical plantation trade to some degree, I suppose the foundation and growth of North American Atlantic colonies is pretty near inevitable, though perhaps they might grow more slowly than OTL. Both Virginia and Massachusetts were going concerns before the English Civil War, which is pretty much the POD here, after all. Such a radical Commonwealth might lose control of Virginia though I don't know whom any Royalist colonials would turn to to protect themselves from reconquest by the Commonwealth eventually--most European powers capable of fending off such British ventures would be Catholic after all; perhaps the Dutch, or some rising Scandinavian power, might take an interest. Ironically if the Virginian colonists do seek the protection of such Catholic monarchs as those of France or Spain, their later reconquest by a British Commonwealth that has come to terms with English and Scottish and perhaps Irish Catholics might be smoothed over by that evolution! At any rate I expect Massachusetts and New England generally would remain tied to the Commonwealth and over time, perhaps instead of half a dozen or so New England colonies, there might be dozens then hundreds of New England cantons, and these might organically gain representation in Parliament on the same basis as British cantons, excepting the practical matter that communications between their people and their MPs would be slow. But it might be enough to keep the American colonies, even if restricted to "above the Mason-Dixon Line" or even perhaps north of still Dutch New Netherlands, and spill over the mountains to contend with the French for the OTL Midwest and Great Lakes region and perhaps west and south of there. Britain, under my rather rosy pro-democratic scenario, might overall manage the same demographic explosion as OTL, and opportunity in the New World still beckon much as OTL, with the expanding mass of British settlement being pre-organized into a federal cantonial system sending larger and larger numbers of MPs to London--or perhaps devising a system of groups of cantons picking a British resident to serve as their MP as proxies, perhaps meanwhile evolving an American based clearinghouse regional parliament, initially in Boston then moving west as settlement does.
 
@Shevek23 Excellent analysis.
I don't know how relations between Scotland and England worked when the parties dominating Scotland concurred with the victorious Roundheads of England that Charles was no monarch of theirs, but no formal act of union then tied Scotland, which I infer had no monarch of its own and accepted Charles II along with England, to the more populous southern nation in the island. If England goes "cantonial," with hundreds of little polities of various sizes united loosely in a great English confederation, do the Scots similarly adopt such cantons and participate in a general "British Commonwealth," and if major polities of Scotland do so, does all Scottish territory play along or will there be zones which either operate as a rival republic or adopt a king of their own, perhaps none other than Charles II himself? And anyway what the heck did happen OTL, where Scotland as a whole certainly never adopted any interim monarch nor did any pretender effectively control any major part of Scottish territory as far as I know, yet as far as I know the Scots were not participating in the Parliament in London either--did Cromwell claim to be and was recognized as Lord Protector of Scotland too, or what?
This ^ I can help with:
The Scots did not agree that Charles was no longer king and certainly didn't agree with his execution. After his father's execution, Charles II was crowned at Scone in 1651. After some marching back and forth on both sides, Cromwell's armies defeated the Scottish royalist forces and from 1653 Commonwealth was declared to encompass Scotland and Ireland as well as England and Wales, with Cromwell as Lord Protector of all the nations. The London Parliament, however, remained entirely English, with no Scottish representation, resulting in many decisions being catastrophic for the Scottish economy which functioned differently from the English one.
So I suspect that if a 'canton' system were to be introduced and be successful (or at least not fail) in England, it might be forced upon Scotland and Ireland too, but without taking account of the economic differences and would therefore probably fail in those countries.
https://www.royal.uk/charles-ii
The Scots were horrified when Charles I was executed in 1649, and while England became a republic, they proclaimed his son king, and invited him to come to Scotland. Agreeing to Presbyterian demands that he sign the National Covenant, he did so.
Cromwell then marched north, defeated the Scots at the Battle of Dunbar on 3 September 1650, captured part of southern Scotland and seized and removed the nation's public records, although he did not manage to take the Honours of Scotland (the Scottish regalia).
On 1 January 1651, the Scots crowned Charles II at Scone (this turned out to be the last such Coronation at Scone). In July, the English army marched into Fife and then captured Perth, while the Scottish forces headed south into England, where they were defeated at the Battle of Worcester on 3 September 1651.
Charles II escaped, and fled to France once more. The English, meanwhile, moved on to take Stirling and Dundee.
By 1 October, Scottish resistance was effectively at an end, and the English government announced that England and Scotland were henceforth to be one commonwealth. This union took effect from 1652, although the acts of union did not become law until 1657.
Scotland was inadequately represented in Parliament and a council of state set up in 1655 included only two Scots. The resulting administrative and legal system was efficient, but financial ruin was widespread, legislation was designed to suit the English but not the Scottish economy, and the long-standing ecclesiastical divisions continued.
 
30 Jan 1649 - "Act prohibiting the proclaiming any person to be King of England or Ireland, or the Dominions thereof".
17 Mar 1649 The Rump Parliament abolishes the Monarchy (Act abolishing the kingship)
Now I want to see the world where the first of these stands in force in the long term but the second never happens.
 
@Shevek23 Excellent analysis.

This ^ I can help with:
The Scots did not agree that Charles was no longer king and certainly didn't agree with his execution. After his father's execution, Charles II was crowned at Scone in 1651. After some marching back and forth on both sides, Cromwell's armies defeated the Scottish royalist forces and from 1653 Commonwealth was declared to encompass Scotland and Ireland as well as England and Wales, with Cromwell as Lord Protector of all the nations. The London Parliament, however, remained entirely English, with no Scottish representation, resulting in many decisions being catastrophic for the Scottish economy which functioned differently from the English one.
So I suspect that if a 'canton' system were to be introduced and be successful (or at least not fail) in England, it might be forced upon Scotland and Ireland too, but without taking account of the economic differences and would therefore probably fail in those countries.
https://www.royal.uk/charles-ii
The Scots were horrified when Charles I was executed in 1649, and while England became a republic, they proclaimed his son king, and invited him to come to Scotland. Agreeing to Presbyterian demands that he sign the National Covenant, he did so.
Cromwell then marched north, defeated the Scots at the Battle of Dunbar on 3 September 1650, captured part of southern Scotland and seized and removed the nation's public records, although he did not manage to take the Honours of Scotland (the Scottish regalia).
On 1 January 1651, the Scots crowned Charles II at Scone (this turned out to be the last such Coronation at Scone). In July, the English army marched into Fife and then captured Perth, while the Scottish forces headed south into England, where they were defeated at the Battle of Worcester on 3 September 1651.
Charles II escaped, and fled to France once more. The English, meanwhile, moved on to take Stirling and Dundee.
By 1 October, Scottish resistance was effectively at an end, and the English government announced that England and Scotland were henceforth to be one commonwealth. This union took effect from 1652, although the acts of union did not become law until 1657.
Scotland was inadequately represented in Parliament and a council of state set up in 1655 included only two Scots. The resulting administrative and legal system was efficient, but financial ruin was widespread, legislation was designed to suit the English but not the Scottish economy, and the long-standing ecclesiastical divisions continued.
It surprises me the Scots weren't able to rally around some patriotic coalition and reject English rule; surely England had the numbers and with Cromwell's "New Model Army" innovations, a more efficient military to boot, but against this we'd have the fact that the Scots despite many disadvantages had been able to resist being conquered by the British for the better part of a thousand years. That was in medieval and very early modern conditions of course, things were changing rapidly. Certainly part of Scotland's ability to stay independent related to traditional alliances with France, which would be out the window in an era where the French monarchy was Catholic and the majority of Scots were anti-Papist.

For that matter, a major issue causing the English Civil War was the perception that Charles was attempting to restore Catholicism in England, and while I can appreciate the Scots valued their own Scottish dynasty being the one that held both kingdoms in personal union, would that really trump the intense Calvinist allegiances of the urban lowlander Scots? It would seem if it were true that the Scots generally were strongly aligned with the Stuart dynasty that this patriotic consideration overcame worries about Catholic leanings, and I find that quite strange. As I understand it, the highlands remained pretty strongly Catholic, so it makes sense much of the terrain would back Charles II, but not I suspect the numbers of population, concentrated as these would have been in the lowlands and Calvinist. (Calvinist to the point that they eventually banned Christmas celebrations, only to reinvent another solstice holiday at some point).

So I am inferring the Scots taken as an average were ambivalent; as patriots they wished to see the Stuart dynasty restored, and those of them who were still Catholic--a numerical minority who occupied a very large if not very prosperous territory lightly--would be totally against the Commonwealth and all its designs, suffering no ambiguity at all--and yet even in their highland strongholds, were not strong enough to prevent the Commonwealth forces from moving in and gaining effective control. Whereas it seems the more urban, less marginal, relatively well off and populous lowlands is where they really fell between stools, being unable to entirely turn their back on their dynasty and embrace the Protestant Commonwealth (after all, it would be dominated by Anglicans rather than Calvinists) but apparently also unable to join forces with their compatriot though not co-religionist Highlander kin to form a united front against English rule--nor did they so placate and reassure these English overlords as to be trusted with fair representation even by the slapdash standards of the age. Again they had no Continental allies to distract the English with it would seem.

Now I have to admit right now that this whole "canton Commonwealth" scheme of mine is pretty much an unfounded pipe dream, the closest thing to foundation being that the Swiss managed something akin to it, but they after all were some pretty marginal populations in difficult to conquer terrain of dubious economic value except to the extent some of these valleys were major overland trade routes tying the Mediterranean to the Rhine borne trade--in terms of primary local production though, they could not sustain much population density nor surplus, whereas locals who knew the terrain and how to fight could hold some home turf advantage over lowlander armies. England on the other hand was generally prime real estate for exploitation and it is hard to see how a bunch of peasant, and in this era still less urban artisan commoners, could organize a social counter-proposal to the well developed and flexible social hierarchy of the Tudor heritage, which could co-opt the energy and intelligence of striving individuals while continuing to revere strong authority that could organize force pretty effectively. But without such populist mass movements, furthermore being sophisticated enough to both hold their own in fighting with forces supported by more typical early modern regimes and also negotiate alliance with such gentry as Cromwell stood for, there is little reason to expect any outcomes more democratic than those that did prevail OTL.

If such a thing could have happened though, I would think either the Scots would stand aloof, reverting to a separate kingdom apparently under Charles II Stuart (how they square the circle of Calvinist urban populations reconciling with his High Church and probably actually pro-Catholic leanings I don't know), or partially or wholly Scotland comes into the Commonwealth on equal terms, per capita anyway--I would foresee a separate Highland kingdom that is frankly Catholic and on diplomatic and military-aid life support by some set of Catholic continental allied monarchs, struggling for its life to repel lowlander invaders, with the lowland cantons being Calvinist and represented in rough proportion to their population in London Parliament. The sort of federation I mentioned devolves a lot of powers to the local regimes so Edinburgh, Glasgow, Dundee etc would be run according to the wishes of their burghers largely, and any policies Parliament seeks to impose would have to reckon with their self-advocacy and probable ability to find allies with similar interests among the English borough MPs.

In fact I am interpreting the narrative of "Cromwell's Commonwealth ruined Scottish economy" as "they greatly damaged the interests of the highlanders they were repressing anyway, against their spirited but ineffective resistance, while the lowland towns did OK or anyway fared only moderately badly and therefore did not unite with the Highlanders in effective rebellion." It would seem that the capitalist transformation of Scotland went into overdrive, with the entire Highlands being effectively "enclosed" quite highhandedly as the English saw no benefit in conciliating the inhabitants whatsoever, and due to their limited numbers, wealth, and lack of allies either in the Lowlands or on the Continent, not even the negative asset of being able to discomfit the Commonwealth forces much was in their hands. So the English could do what they wanted and I suppose both Ireland and the Scottish highlands were their laboratory in mastering the art of exploiting conquered territory efficiently.

Returning to the OP, it seems yet another answer to the question of why the Commonwealth reverted so readily to the monarchy; it was not long after Charles II's restoration that the Act of Union gave the Scots a fairly proportional representation in Parliament, and before that the restored Stuart dynasty could be seen as virtual representation, and I would guess Charles II did take steps to get Scotland closer to political balance with England. Thus a potential rift in British control of the whole island was largely repaired, and once the dynasty had passed to other claimants with no particular ties to Scotland formal inclusion of Scottish constituencies was institutionalized instead. Whereas the alternative of a Scottish republic would have raised knotty confessional issues and required the lowlanders to attempt to occupy the Highlands or else cut deals with the Papist highlanders; as things worked out OTL the Highlands were occupied indeed, but it was the deeper pockets of the English that largely funded and staffed the Redcoat armies that had to do it.

Again when push came to shove, the interests of propertied gentlemen were better served invoking a monarchial principle requiring universal deference as opposed to raising the troublesome issues of democracy for me but not for thee. The economically strong could count on having political strength to make Parliament judicious in its dealings with them, while either leaving the socially weak to their local mercies or intervening with national law, in the name of the King, pretty generally on behalf of the gentry. Peripheral gentry might have a rough ride, but not as rough as those they lorded over.
 
Instead of Cromwell's son taking on the mantle, which parliamentarian would have been better suited to lead the country and stabiles republican rule?
Which son?
A lot of observers thought the younger son Henry Cromwell was the better leader than the elder son Richard.
Oliver appointing Henry over Richard would not have offended Richard personally, and it would have affirmed that Britain is not a fully hereditary monarchy with eldest son succeeding regardless of skills.
 
Parliamentary rule pretty much only lasted Cromwell's lifetime and the marvellous experiment of the Republic died with it.

How could this be avoided?

Instead of Cromwell's son taking on the mantle, which parliamentarian would have been better suited to lead the country and stabiles republican rule?

Or would it be impossible?
IMO it would require a POD if not multiple PODs before Pride's Purge to prevent it from happening.

Some of them can be:
- John Pym and/or John Hampden survive.
- Oliver Cromwell is removed from the scene one way or another, and his role ITTL is taken up by a Leveller sympathizer (let's say Rainsborough), which eventually helps turning the Levellers into a powerful political force.
- Parliament coughing up money to pay troop arrears to demobilize the New Model Army.
- Charles manages to bring Spanish/French troops to England to fight for him.
- Charles and his sons all perish during the course of the war.
 
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IMO it would require a POD if not multiple PODs before Pride's Purge to prevent it from happening.

Some of them can be:
- John Pym and/or John Hampden survive.
- Oliver Cromwell is removed from the scene one way or another, and his role ITTL is taken up by a Leveller sympathizer (let's say Rainsborough), which eventually helps turning the Levellers into a powerful political force.
- Parliament coughing up money to pay troop arrears to demobilize the New Model Army.
- Charles manages to bring Spanish/French troops to England to fight for him.
- Charles and his sons all perish during the course of the war.
If Charles and his sons all perish then the next in line of succession is his oldest daughter, Mary, who is married to William of Orange in the Netherlands, and he would be seen as "a good Protestant". (Their son is the William in the 'William and Mary' who did accede to the throne a generation later on.) If they go directly for the next male heir instead then it's his nephew, Prince Rupert of the Rhine, who would also be seen as "a good Protestant" but whose recent role as a Royalist commander might deter them.
 
If Charles and his sons all perish then the next in line of succession is his oldest daughter, Mary, who is married to William of Orange in the Netherlands, and he would be seen as "a good Protestant". (Their son is the William in the 'William and Mary' who did accede to the throne a generation later on.) If they go directly for the next male heir instead then it's his nephew, Prince Rupert of the Rhine, who would also be seen as "a good Protestant" but whose recent role as a Royalist commander might deter them.
The next male heir is Charles I Louis, Elector Palatinate of the Rhine (aka Rupert's older brother).


But they might invite Rupert anyway, to minimise potential continental entanglements.
 
The next male heir is Charles I Louis, Elector Palatinate of the Rhine (aka Rupert's older brother).


But they might invite Rupert anyway, to minimise potential continental entanglements.
Oops! I'd been thinking that he'd turned Catholic in order to recover his lands after the Thirty Years War, and so would have been discounted automatically, but on reading that article I see that not only was it his eventual successor (a cousin) who was Catholic but also that he'd openly sided with Parliament. Okay, he's an even better potential candidate.
 
I just looked up the bio of Charles I Louis of Palatine, and if you want to prevent the Stuart restoration, a better POD is that Parliament proclaims him King in 1649. Its an entirely realistic POD, as he was in England at the time and sided with Parliament.

This has to be a POD in itself. I researched his relatives, and while this alternative "Charles II" would have reigned ITTL until 1680, his only son died childless in 1685. The next in line under English law was a daughter, who married the Duke of Orleans in France and converted to Catholicism. This marriage took place in 1674 and is almost certainly butterflied away. That means no house of Bourbon-Orleans, which has major implications in later French history. Even if for reasons the marriage and its children happen, you could have her recoverting to Protestantism to become Queen of England, and if her husband does the same, that also removes the house of Bourbon-Orleans from French history.
 
The next male heir is Charles I Louis, Elector Palatinate of the Rhine (aka Rupert's older brother).


But they might invite Rupert anyway, to minimise potential continental entanglements.
The problem is that Rupert fought against them and would have turned down their offer, especially when Parliament's demand would have basically resulted in him becoming a puppet king.

Oops! I'd been thinking that he'd turned Catholic in order to recover his lands after the Thirty Years War, and so would have been discounted automatically, but on reading that article I see that not only was it his eventual successor (a cousin) who was Catholic but also that he'd openly sided with Parliament. Okay, he's an even better potential candidate.
No 17th century monarch would have wanted to become a puppet king. Unlike William III in 1688, both Charles Louis and Rupert would have been in no position to make demands.

If Charles and his sons all perish then the next in line of succession is his oldest daughter, Mary, who is married to William of Orange in the Netherlands, and he would be seen as "a good Protestant". (Their son is the William in the 'William and Mary' who did accede to the throne a generation later on.) If they go directly for the next male heir instead then it's his nephew, Prince Rupert of the Rhine, who would also be seen as "a good Protestant" but whose recent role as a Royalist commander might deter them.
William II also supported Charles during the ECW. The point is that if there is no male Stuarts left, much more of the Parliamentarians would have seriously considered running the state without a king, especially if they were reluctant to invite a foreign monarch (in 1688 they simply had no choice but to invite William III), and if they were still led by Pym and/or Hampden by the end of the war and/or the commander of the NMA was a Leveller sympathizer.

At least 2 PODs would be required IMO.
 
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