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6 September 1978
10 Downing Street
In his study in the confines of the townhouse, Prime Minister James 'Jim' Callaghan was crafting a carefully worded letter. Addressed to Her Majesty The Queen it was spelling out his plans to carry out both his best and worst-kept secret.

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The choice of the date of the General Election in Britain is the Prime Minister's, and their's alone. He may seek advice, listen to advisers and pore over data, but the final judgement rests with him.​

For James Callaghan, Prime Minister for barely two years since Harold Wilson's shock resignation in 1976, the decision was a hugely important one - and one laden with the possibility for catastrophe. The Government had been limping on as a minority since it's tiny majority of 3, won at the October 1974 election, had evaporated in March 1977. A deal struck with the Liberals had allowed the Government to get it's measures through and avoid a damaging defeat was reaching it's conclusion on 7 September 1978. The two choices that faced him were either to go on for another 13 months hoping to avoid defeat, or to call an election in the hope of winning back a majority.

The parliamentary party was exhausted from months of late-night votes, shabby deals and guerrilla tactics from the opposition. The trade unions were becoming increasingly hostile and adopting a combative mood, especially after Callaghan and his Chancellor, Denis Healey, had voiced support for a 5% pay settlement in the public and private sectors.

With discontent brewing and the Labour government hanging by a thread, Callaghan's judgement over the date of the General Election would be absolutely crucial to his chances of winning. There was a risk that cutting and running would result in Labour losing power, but waiting might see the political environment turn even worse, heralding in a Margaret Thatcher premiership. Callaghan recognised that the industrial situation might have destroyed Labour's support amongst trade unionists. A series of strikes might have cost it support with the country. Decisive action was needed.

Over the summer of 1978, James Callaghan made up his mind - he would go an election in October. It was a decision that would prove to be extremely wise. Though the Leader of the House of Commons, Michael Foot, and the Chief Whip, Michael Cocks, had urged the Prime Minister to delay the election until 1979, using Rhodesia, the improving economic outlook and the need for an up-to-date electoral register as arguments, the decision was made.

Callaghan maintained his position despite caution being urged by other figures, including David Owen, and the party's pollster, Bob Worcester - who warned that the party could lose an election in 1978. Callaghan himself, with his own amateur psephology skills, recognised the dangers an early election would bring. But, he was swayed by the economic and psephological data pointing in the other direction,

Denis Healey had forecast 3% growth for the rest of the year, with inflation at 8% and incomes rising by 15%. The budget, which had been in deficit in the second quarter of 1977, posted a £480 million surplus in the third and a £350 million surplus in the fourth. By the time 1978 arrived, revenues from North Sea oil helped Britain's position even more, allowing the Government to repay the final instalments of the IMF loan.

Callaghan's senior policy adviser, Bernard Donoughue, prepared analysis of polling figures and political factors, which pointed towards a positive position for Labour come the autumn. On the eve of the TUC Congress, senior union figures joined the Prime Minister at his farm to urge an October election. They left convinced their advice had been heeded.

The TUC Congress in Brighton saw Callaghan deliver a positive, upbeat speech on 5 September. The mood was more like that of an election rally. His performance was interpreted as a signal to the Tories that an election was imminent.

On 6 September, Callaghan privately informed the Palace in writing of his decision. An opinion piece in the Guardian the following warned that if Callaghan failed to call an election soon he would face the possibility of defeats in the Commons, and the possibility of a no-confidence vote followed by an unplanned election followed by the stalling and reversal of Labour's hard-earned recovery in the polls.

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7 September 1978
Cabinet Room, 10 Downing Street
His sleep the night before hadn't been easy. The Prime Minister was faced with the conflicting emotions of nervousness and excitement. He knew this is what he wanted to do, but was it the right decision? It was too late for him to back out now. On the other hand, he was faced with the prospect of being able to win a majority and mould Britain in the way he wanted to going into the 1980s.

As the Cabinet sat down for the day's meeting, news that an election was about to be called remained between the Palace, Callaghan, his wife and his closest advisers.

After the meeting, dominated by discussion on the situation in Rhodesia and the Bingham Inquiry, the Prime Minister told the Cabinet what most of them had expected: a General Election was being called.

Denis Healey recalled in his memoir, The Time of My Life, 'at Cabinet Jim told us that months of frustrating compromise and trench warfare were over. The news that an election was in he offing made us put our differences to one side and concentrate on winning the election.'

Tony Benn recalled in Diaries 'at last Jim has made a decison. We were handed it by Jim like some king addressing him court. But Labour's victory in October will give the left a real chance to fight for a socialist policies.'
 
So, Jim decides to go for an election in autumn of 1978? Interesting; haven't seen this as a PoD for a TL before...
 
What is the view of the Liberal Party? IOTL the Lib-Lab pact was active and Steel may feel that a Labour majority would consign them back to opposition.
 
How does this impact the devolution referendum the following year?

Not that much of an effect. Slightly stronger support for 'Yes' votes in Scotland and Wales, but still not enough to meet the 40% of the electorate threshold in Scotland and still close to 75% rejecting the plan in Wales.

But, despite that devolution is not dead and buried immediately.
 
Not that much of an effect. Slightly stronger support for 'Yes' votes in Scotland and Wales, but still not enough to meet the 40% of the electorate threshold in Scotland and still close to 75% rejecting the plan in Wales.

But, despite that devolution is not dead and buried immediately.

Does that mean a Labour majority and no reliance on the SNP and PC?
 
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7 September 1978
Ministerial Television Broadcast
The Prime Minister broadcast to the nation from 10 Downing Street at 5 o'clock to announce his decision to call an early General Election:

"Good Evening.

For the last four years this Government has made positive changes to our country. Despite a number of economic difficulties, we have introduced new social security benefits, increased the rights of tenants, increased the state pension by some 25%, froze council house rents and continued to build social housing on a substantial scale, including modernising older properties to allow everybody to live in a comfortable and modern home. We have helped those in our society with disabilities through the Invalid Care Allowance and alleviated child poverty with the new Child Benefit. We have helped the cause of women's equality, by giving them the right to equal access to jobs and equal treatment at work as men.

Those are just some of the many achievements we have managed over four years in office. With an improving outlook for our economy, we have an opportunity to achieve much more. We want to go further and change Britain for the better. But we can only deliver a programme of jobs and public services with a majority in Parliament. We are, at this present time, not gifted with the means to deliver on that programme. We have, therefore, decided to call an election.

The election will take place on the Fifth of October and you have two clear choices: a Labour government delivering on an ambitious programme to bring jobs and strong public services to all parts of Britain, or the new Tories under Mrs Thatcher with their experimental right-wing policies that threaten the improving economic outlook we have worked hard to achieve. Labour can see the way forward, and it's a better way than the alternative on offer and so at this election I ask for your support to help us change our country for the benefit of us all."

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7 September 1978
32 Smith Square
Preparations had been underway for some while at Conservative Central Office for an autumn election, with leader Margaret Thatcher correctly predicting that a rise in support for Labour would see the Prime Minister call a snap vote.

Shortly after Callaghan's announcement Thatcher called a meeting of the Shadow Cabinet and party strategists. Sir Keith Joseph and Lord Thorneycroft, as shadow minister for policy formation and party chairman respectively, were the two key leaders of the meeting. They set out the party's strategy for the election: targeting Labour for the 1.5 million unemployed and to offer real, substantial change and an end to the post-war consensus. A draft manifesto set out pledges on the family, law and order, defence, restrictions on immigration and selling off some sections of the nationalised economy.

The very latest poll had suggested that there could be a hung parliament, with the Conservatives as the largest party, but internal party analysis suggested Labour had the upper-hand. The trend was in their direction, and voters preferred James Callaghan over Margaret Thatcher. They had 4 weeks to change people's minds, to secure a majority and begin implementing radical new ideas.

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7 September 1978
National Liberal Club, Liberal Party HQ
David Steel had privately expected Callaghan to call an election when the Lib-Lab Pact came to an end. The agreement with Labour had been successful in it's intention of preventing the fall of the Government, but for the Liberals it ended up being fruitless - their key demand of proportional representation had been rejected by Labour MPs. Meanwhile, discussions between Labour ministers and Liberal frontbenchers proved detrimental with notable clashes between Denis Healey and John Pardoe. The Liberals were glad to do away with the agreement, but weren't overly pleased an election was on it's way.

The party had made some preparations, but with just four weeks to go until polling day preparatory work went into overdrive. The party was bouncing along the bottom of the polls at around 5% - having achieved 18% in 1974. The Thorpe affair had taken it's toll on the party, but Steel was confident that now people's minds were in election mode Liberal support would rise. His only hope was that with a rise in popular support would come an increase in their number of seats. A hung parliament was the explicit goal of the Liberals, with the hope of forcing Mrs Thatcher or Mr Callaghan into concessions, and agreeing to making electoral reform government policy.
 
So Steel in this TL is acting as potential kingmaker and is willing to hold both the Tories and Labour to ransom. Interesting.
 
The Election Campaign
12 September - 4 October

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The 1978 General Election, beginning with the dissolution of Parliament on 12th September, was the first since 1959 to feature three new leaders for each of the main political parties. Each party called for a cut in income tax, but whilst Labour and the Conservatives did not specify the exact thresholds of income tax they would implement the Liberals did - having income tax start at 20% with a new top rate of 50%.

The Labour campaign emphasised two key messages: that the party needed a majority to deliver on its programme of jobs and public services, and that the 'new Tories' under Margaret Thatcher represented a 'new danger' to Britain.

Callaghan reiterated Labour's support for the NHS and for full employment, and focused on the positive economic picture that was becoming increasingly visible and the damage Labour believed the Conservatives would do to the country. In an early campaign broadcast, Callaghan asked: "The question you will have to consider is whether we risk tearing everything up by the roots."

Callaghan became the first sitting Prime Minister to agree to a televised leaders' debate, but the idea was rejected by Margaret Thatcher on the grounds that presidential-style debates were 'alien' to Britain. This move by Thatcher helped Labour to run a covert sexist campaign against the Conservatives and their leader. Indeed, Mr Callaghan, without explicitly mentioning Thatcher's sex, was said to be "a master at sardonically implying that whatever the leader of the opposition said was made even sillier by the fact that it was said by a woman".

Towards the end of the campaign Callaghan claimed a Conservative government "would sit back and just allow firms to go bankrupt and jobs to be lost in the middle of a world recession" and that the Conservatives were "too big a gamble to take"

The Labour manifesto - The Labour way is the better way - presented to the country four key priorities:

  1. Keeping a curb on inflation and prices
  2. Developing and implementing a new framework to improve industrial relations
  3. Returning to full employment
  4. Enlarge people's freedoms and use Britain's global influence to strengthen world peace and end world poverty.
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The Conservatives under their leader of three years Margaret Thatcher campaigned on a message of the chance of create a booming economy by doing away with the post-war consensus and implementing new policies, including the privatisation of public industries.

The family, law and order, national defence, immigration and privatisation were the key planks of the Conservative offer to the country in 1978. To sell help them, Thatcher used the tactics that had defeated her other male opponents: constantly studying, sleeping only a few hours a night, and exploiting her femininity to appear as someone who understood housewives' household budgets.

The Conservatives' manifesto set out 'three duties' of government, which it claimed Labour had failed to do. They were to 'maintain a stable currency', 'provide adequate defences for the country' and 'protect persons and property of people against crime, violence and vandalism'.

The Conservative Manifesto set out the 'four priorities' of a Thatcher government:
  1. "to bring inflation under lasting control, by pursuing sensible financial policies and reducing excessive public spending and borrowing which have halved the value of the £ under Labour"
  2. "to bring Britain's defences to a safe level, at which we can at least honour our obligations to our allies"
  3. "to restore law and order, so that people may feel secure in their homes and in the streets"
  4. "to create an economic climate in which industry and those who in it can prosper".

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David Steel's Liberals had been suffering in the polls, much of their vote splitting between the two main parties following the scandal surrounding their former leader, Jeremy Thorpe. At just 5% the Liberals were at best hoping to hold a couple of seats, but Steel believed the Liberals could make advances and cause a hung parliament. In that case, he wanted to be prepared for it with a set of detailed Liberal policy ideas to present to the party in the best position to form a government.

The Real Fight is for Britain set out the key priorities of the Liberals, which included simplifying the personal tax system, encourages initiative, promote a wider distribution of wealth, giving greater importance to environmental issues, electoral reform, a written constitution, a Bill of Rights, gender equality, building more council homes for sale, education reforms and closer cooperation with the European Community.

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Opinion Polling
At the beginning of the campaign the Conservatives had a slight advantage over Labour, with seat predictions suggesting a hung Parliament with the Conservatives as the largest party.

By late September Labour had moved seven points ahead of the Conservatives, and in the first week of October their lead peaked at ten points.

As election day loomed, though, their leads began to drop and the final opinion polls published the day before the election showed Labour leads of between two and five points, indicating either a hung parliament with Labour as the largest party or a fairly modest, but comfortable majority.

Throughout the campaign Callaghan maintained a lead over Thatcher on personal ratings, and by the end of the campaign the Prime Minister had a fourteen point lead over Thatcher on the personal level.
 
Election Day
5 October 1978

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Election Day 1978 began for many people as a typical autumn day - with rain and wind. Inside the various political camps fears were raised that the weather in parts of northern England, in Scotland and in Northern Ireland could depress turnout. It was hard to determine who this could cause a disadvantage to - would older Tory voters stay away from the cold, or would younger Labour voters decide the trip to polling station wasn't worth it in this weather? Within hours they would find out.

In Cardiff, the Prime Minister and his wife, Audrey, had cast their votes and declared to the waiting press that he was expecting a 'good result'. In Finchley in northwest London, Mrs Thatcher and her husband, Denis, had cast their votes and said she was expecting a 'good night for the party and a good night for the country'.

As the day went on the weather gradually improved and polling stations reported an increase in the pace of the number of voters. As ten o'clock approached the key figures across the country returned to constituency homes to watch the BBC's coverage of Decision '78 hosted by David Dimbleby.

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Just after the polls had closed the BBC released the results of their "on the day poll" combined with opinion polling which formed a forecast of the result:
  • Labour: 325-349 (337)
  • Conservative: 269-293 (281)
  • Liberal: 3-9 (6)
  • Others: 11-21 (16)
The central forecast predicted a Labour majority of 39, although it could range anywhere from 15 to 63. Dimbleby was keen to stress that it was just a poll and not an exact picture of the result.

Despite the caveats, the poll was received well in Cardiff by the Prime Minister's team who had been predicting a majority but only of around 11 seats, putting them on around 323. The potential for a healthy majority potentially beyond 30 was treated as though it was a landslide - 2 years of governing in minority with deals with the Liberals, who were set to be hit hard by the electorate if the poll was right, looked as though they were over.

For Mrs Thatcher's team the poll wasn't exactly what they were expecting. 269 would mean losses of 8. They were hoping to be towards the higher end of the forecast and making gains of almost 20, they still held out hope that they could squeak a tiny majority and just slip past the 318 they'd need to win - or at least trigger a hung parliament and open up the possibility of putting themselves in Downing Street through some kind of arrangement with other parties.

Once the results had begun to filter through, hopes of Britain's first woman Prime Minister taking office were dashed. Baintree, Cleveland and Exeter were just a few Conservative seats that fell to Labour. Once Lowestoft came through and it was revealed that Thatcher's Shadow Employment Secretary, Jim Prior, had lost his seat it was beyond clear that Labour were heading for re-election in a handsome victory.

As dawn broke Labour had crossed the 318 they needed to win a majority and victories for them were piling up across the country and by lunchtime the final result was clear as Callaghan drove to the Palace to kiss hands with The Queen to form his second government - a majority Labour government - with the third highest amount of votes ever cast for a political party at an election in the UK.

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Armed with his new majority of 57 seats, Callaghan returned to Downing Street. After a brief lunch with his advisers where the necessary Cabinet reshuffle was discussed the formation of his new Government began - it was a Government was had his name stamped firmly and authoritatively on it.

One of the big departures was Tony Benn - sacked as Energy Secretary. Surprising appointments were something Callaghan had proved himself capable of pulling off when he appointed 38-year-old David Owen as Foreign Secretary in 1977.

Right and left, England, Scotland and Wales, the wartime generation and the baby boomers - Callaghan appointed a relatively balanced Cabinet which over time would allow him to deploy the talents of a generation of hard-working and skilful ministers.

Second Callaghan Ministry

Prime Minister: James Callaghan
Chancellor of the Exchequer: Denis Healey
Foreign Secretary: David Owen
Home Secretary: Merlyn Rees
Defence Secretary: Bill Rodgers
Education & Science Secretary: Shirley Williams
Energy Secretary: John Morris
Employment Secretary: Eric Varley
Environment Secretary: Peter Shore
Industry Secretary: Gerald Kaufman
Overseas Development Minister: Judith Hart
Trade Secretary: Joel Barnett
Prices & Consumer Protection Secretary: Roy Hattersley
Transport Secretary: Albert Booth
Scotland Secretary: Bruce Millan
Northern Ireland Secretary: Roy Mason
Wales Secretary: Neil Kinnock
Agriculture, Fisheries & Food Minister: John Silkin
Health Secretary: Stanley Orme
Social Security Secretary: David Ennals
Leader of the House of Lords: The Lord Peart
Leader of the House of Commons: Michael Foot
Government Chief Whip: Michael Cocks
Chief Secretary to the Treasury: John Smith
Lord Chancellor: The Lord Elwyn-Jones

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Prime Minister's Broadcast
6 October 1978
"Good Evening.

One month ago I set out the two choices you had at yesterday's election: a strong Labour government delivering on an ambitious programme of jobs and public services, or experimental right-wing policies under a Thatcher Conservative government. The country spoke decisively yesterday when it re-elected this Labour government with a strong majority to allow us to carry out our manifesto commitments to you.

The next five years won't be easy. We do continue to face challenges as a country, but the election result means that we are more prepared than ever to take those challenges on and overcome them. Our improving economic situation will allow Britain to continue her rise from the struggles the last Conservative government left us with four years ago.

The Cabinet I have assembled is dynamic and motivated to tackle the great challenges that face us today. I am more confident now than ever before that Britain can become the envy of the world as we build a society that works for everybody in our country. The positive changes Labour governments have made over the last four years will continue for another five. We will improve people's lives here at home, and use our influence in Europe and the wider world to improve people's lives abroad, too. We have an opportunity to achieve truly special things over the coming years, and I believe we will do so.

The road to a better future won't be an easy one to travel along, but the decision taken yesterday is an important step forwards. We will continue to move ahead with a strong economy and go further in building an open and outward-looking society."
 

One of the big departures was Tony Benn - sacked as Energy Secretary. Surprising appointments were something Callaghan had proved himself capable of pulling off when he appointed 38-year-old David Owen as Foreign Secretary in 1977.
Interestingly, Benn actually intended to step down from the frontbench voluntarily even if Labour won the next election at this time. So he might go of his own free will. Although I suspect he would still be a massive irritant to the leadership in the years ahead.
 
I'd guess it'll be Whitelaw or Heseltine replacing Thatcher. It will be interesting to see if the Labour government goes down a similar economic route to its sister parties in Australia and New Zealand.
 
I'd guess it'll be Whitelaw or Heseltine replacing Thatcher. It will be interesting to see if the Labour government goes down a similar economic route to its sister parties in Australia and New Zealand.
To the first point, the Dries will convince themselves that they lost because they were not radical enough. The Conservatives could be in for years of internecine struggle (sound familiar;)).
As to the second, we might as well have elected Thatcher ITTL if that happens.
 
You have my attention. Will the reaction to his win in other parts of the world be covered? Wonder how well Callaghan will do with Reagan and Gorbachev if they come to power.
 
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