To what degree did the French Revolution provide a template for future totalitarianisms?

I don't understand what that's supposed to mean, but I do know I did not claim the thing you are refuting.
You were saying that the US justice system is worse than the Reign of Terror, which is absurd.
Rude. My whole point is that those events are not comparable. Twenty thousand-odd executions over nine months when 30% of the people who see a judge are getting off is not comparable to the Khmer Rouge. The level of violence during the Terror was high but not unique. The absence of due process was and is sadly typical. The fact that capital punishment was the penalty for a variety of crimes was also typical. What was fairly unique was the wealth and power of the people who were targeted.
The only precedent anybody's been able to find is the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre, which took place over two hundred years earlier. If a modern European country began executing political opponents, do you really think "Oh, this is nothing special, they did something similar back in 1800, clearly the people complaining about this are just unhappy that important people are being killed" would be an appropriate response?
Well, I hate to be repetitive, but that actually wasn't a claim that I made. That was someone else. But what you would want--at a minimum--is the population year by year for the century, along with the death rate for the same. Then you might be able to find out if there was a year or years as bad as the Reign of Terror. Also, I would want a lot more detail as to what constitutes a "death due to mistreatment" and what constitutes a death due to good treatment. And so on.
Someone else whom you quoted with the comment "Exactly". If you don't agree with him, why did you say you do? And if you do, on what grounds do you agree? Do you have any actual evidence beyond a vague sense that the ancien regime "must have" killed more people, because reasons?
 

dcharles

Banned
You were saying that the US justice system is worse than the Reign of Terror, which is absurd.

No, that's not what I was saying. It's not a question of worse and better. What I'm saying is that the Reign of Terror is not and was not unique in terms of due process violations. It was also not unique in terms of capital punishment, which was the standard punishment for felonies in the era. The defendants during the Reign of Terror were unique because they came from a protected class, which was typically not subjected to the same level of due process violations and were policed by a more lenient justice system than the one everyone else was policed by. Basically, when the shoe was on the other foot, it was tyranny. When it was just the commoners who were getting squashed, it was SOP.

The only precedent anybody's been able to find is the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre, which took place over two hundred years earlier.

Anyone? Well, me, but that's simply because the claim is so broad that it requires a paycheck to disprove. You're putting nine months of history up against... literally everything that came before. Do you think that's fair argumentation?

If a modern European country began executing political opponents,

Well, which ones? This kind of statement assumes that there's only one kind of defendant and one kind of crime. When I'm asking myself if x crime is reminiscent of y crime, reminiscent is the key word, not crime. One is a legal description, the other is a factual description.


Someone else whom you quoted with the comment "Exactly". If you don't agree with him, why did you say you do?

It seemed like a good point, obviously, is why I said I agree with it. It's not a point I said... because it's not something I have the expertise to defend.

Very straightforward. I defend what I say, other people defend what they say. If I have heretofore put words in your mouth, I apologize. But that's not what I'm trying to do.
 
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No, that's not what I was saying. It's not a question of worse and better. What I'm saying is that the Reign of Terror is not and was not unique in terms of due process violations. It was also not unique in terms of capital punishment, which was the standard punishment for felonies in the era. The defendants during the Reign of Terror were unique because they came from a protected class, which was typically not subjected to the same level of due process violations and were policed by a more lenient justice system than the one everyone else was policed by. Basically, when the shoe was on the other foot, it was tyranny. When it was just the commoners who were getting squashed, it was SOP.
The Reign of Terror wasn't unique in having due process violations and capital punishment, but in its sheer scale. As Uncle Joe once said, quantity has a quality all of its own. A government which executes 45,000 people in less than a year is more objectionable than one that executes a much smaller number, even if you can find examples of wrongful executions in the latter country as well.

Also, it's not like noblemen hadn't been executed before, including on flimsy legal pretexts. By your logic, then, the Reign of Terror wasn't unique in terms of killing aristocrats, any more than it was unique in due process violations and executing people.
Anyone? Well, me, but that's simply because the claim is so broad that it requires a paycheck to disprove. You're putting nine months of history up against... literally everything that came before. Do you think that's fair argumentation?
If you're going to suggest that the Reign of Terror is only controversial because it was aristocrats getting killed by peasants rather than vice versa, you should be able to find similar reigns of terror inflicted by aristocrats on peasants which aren't controversial. Otherwise you have no grounds to say the fact that aristocrats were killed is the reason people don't like the Reign of Terror.
Well, which ones? This kind of statement assumes that there's only one kind of defendant and one kind of crime. When I'm asking myself if x crime is reminiscent of y crime, reminiscent is the key word, not crime. One is a legal description, the other is a factual description.
The point is that precedents have a limited shelf-life. If a country hasn't seen any political massacres for two hundred years, and then the ruling faction starts a political massacre, it's perfectly reasonable for contemporaries to view this as shocking and horrific.

It seemed like a good point, obviously, is why I said I agree with it. It's not a point I said... because it's not something I have the expertise to defend.

Very straightforward. I defend what I say, other people defend what they say. If I have heretofore put words in your mouth, I apologize. But that's not what I'm trying to do.
And why did it seem like a good point? Because you had a preconceived notion that the ancien regime must have been worse than the Revolution.
 

dcharles

Banned
A government which executes 45,000 people in less than a year

Let's stop there. It's 45k *deaths,* not 45k executions. Even if there were, it wouldn't be the most bloodthirsty period in human history. Not even close. As recently as the 1600s, you've got Cromwell in Ireland and the Thirty Year's War. Do we need to start getting in to the history of genocide? It's cool if we do, but it's an ancient practice.

[
 
I think the recurring themes in mixed metric-traditional systems of measurement are:

1) Metric is slower to displace specialized units of measurement than generalist units. Kilograms displace pounds rapidly, but kilopascals don't displace "pounds per square inch." Because unless you are a professional scientist or engineer, you never need to calculate pressure, just measure it and know "thirty is too few and forty is too many," or "220 is too few and 300 is too many," for which purpose either system of units is just as good. And professional scientists and engineers, while they may not like doing the unit conversions, can without screwing up too often, so it doesn't bother them.

2) Metric is slower to displace measurement of things that have deep social customs attached to them. The flowchart of British measurement illustrates this quite well. "A pint of beer" is a cultural touchstone in England and is unlikely to be replaced by "X milliliters of beer" any time soon even if it amounts to essentially the same amount of beer. Likewise, people saying they are X feet Y inches tall changes slower than them saying a pipe is Z centimeters in diameter.
The most noticeable theme is that this occurs in anglophone societies. With very few exceptions, the rest of the world has completely embraced metric.
 
I would argue that it is a prestige issue, the rest of world adopts the metric system as a sign of sophistication and modernity, "look how cool and up to date we are now" connected to the modern Western world, not stuck in their own pre-modern ways. Whereas in the US and to an extent the UK, there was no need to switch measurements for the prestige/legitimacy reasons as those societies were already at the forefront of modern advances. France adopted it to hearken back to the Revolution where it was adopted, Germany and Italy were brand new countries with things to prove, Russia didnt adopt the metric system till the Bolshevik revolution when they also adopted the Gregorian calendar, I dont know if A-H ever adopted the metric system before their dissolution.
 
Alright, so putting myself in their shoes:

I would be fighting against a central government that has no claim on me, that has no loyalty from me, yet demands my loyalty for whatever reason, and demands I conform to their culture, their language, their ideas. And I would not exactly be rebelling, since rebellion would imply that I owe these people in Paris my exclusive allegiance.

For what oaths have I as a peasant sworn to this government that claims to represent the realm of France and its people, that in theory has my good in mind but in practice has only demanded things from me as the kings before them did? What makes this wider "nation" and these theoretical "rights" more important than the duties and obligations I have to my community? If this vaunted Republic or Empire is less onerous than the Kingdom, and is able to provide more than the ancien regime did, then there is no reason for me to oppose it, but is that necessarily the case? Is Paris less tyrannical over me and mine now than in the days of the king? Do they allow me and mine truly to do as we will?
Obviously it's been a while, but circling back to this, none of this really addresses the question I asked. My question was, at its core:

"What concrete, specific actions do you find it sympathetic for the 'salt of the earth' common man to rebel against?"

And your answer was 'they demand my loyalty but I have sworn no oaths, and who is to say that they are less tyrannical now than the king was," and so on. It's all very theoretical, very abstract. Which is what troubles me. You still seem, here, to be making the case for a valid and legitimate counterrevolution against a republic and in favor of the monarchy that it's overthrown based on the vibes. Based not on the idea that the republic has actually caused meaningful harm to the peasant who's picking up a pike and marching in a column behind one of the local rural nobility, but on the idea that an offense against traditional power structures is an offense that justifies resistance in and of itself.

They're snooty city slickers who just don't understand us plain old country folk who are set in our good old fashioned ways. So they have to be expelled from government and the king put back because he clearly does.

Was that where you wanted to go with this? I feel like it isn't. Wasn't. Something like that. I think I'm missing something here.
 
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"What concrete, specific actions do you find it sympathetic for the 'salt of the earth' common man to rebel against?"
First of all, you have to tell me: What concrete, specific actions were the various governments of the French Revolution able to implement? There were a lot of ideas floating around, a lot of them clashing against one another. As you yourself said, the various governments didn't do anything concrete before they were overthrown.

And your answer was 'they demand my loyalty but I have sworn no oaths, and who is to say that they are less tyrannical now than the king was," and so on. It's all very theoretical, very abstract. Which is what troubles me. You still seem, here, to be making the case for a valid and legitimate counterrevolution against a republic and in favor of the monarchy that it's overthrown based on the vibes. Based not on the idea that the republic has actually caused meaningful harm to the peasant who's picking up a pike and marching in a column behind one of the local rural nobility, but on the idea that an offense against traditional power structures is an offense that justifies resistance in and of itself.
The problem is that the Revolution itself was basically vibes until Napoleon came along. What did the First French Republic actually do that was concrete and constructive?
 
First of all, you have to tell me: What concrete, specific actions were the various governments of the French Revolution able to implement? There were a lot of ideas floating around, a lot of them clashing against one another. As you yourself said, the various governments didn't do anything concrete before they were overthrown.
The problem is that turning this question around 180 degrees doesn't point us closer to truth.

Because suppose that I grant the premise- rather strongly suggested by the way you pose the question- that the First Republic changed nothing meaningful, did nothing concrete. Then, we must consider that it would behoove us to desire a natural order of things that does not involve constant warfare. And one may argue that "things not changing meaningfully" should not be grounds to go to war if the status quo was presumably tolerable.

You have painted a picture in which the status quo is presumed to be tolerable to Jacques the peasant and to the baron. Jacques the peasant did not see fit to join an army raised by the baron to march on Paris while the king ruled. There was no such army. Given this fact, then there is no obvious reason why either Jacques or the baron should see fit to join or to raise the army to march on Paris while the Republic rules, unless the Republic has changed something of consequence.

Which brings us back to the same place- your suggestion that a counterrevolutionary march against a republic that has overthrown a monarchy is justified seems to be grounded entirely in the aesthetics of being ruled by a republic rather than by a king.

The bell you kept ringing there was the idea that it looks wrong. That these city slickers are just disrespectful and insulated from good plain old country ways. As opposed, we imagine, to the local French nobility, who are totally plugged in and respectful of the commoners' way of life and absolutely deserve their loyalty!

...

Then again, suppose that I don't grant the premise that the First Republic didn't change anything.

Because I don't.

The problem is that the Revolution itself was basically vibes until Napoleon came along. What did the First French Republic actually do that was concrete and constructive?
start a war, overthrow (sorta, kinda) the king, begin and end the Reign of Terror, secularize the clergy and get overthrown by 1st Consul.
See, the really obvious significant thing the First Republic did, and you can call it constructive or not, was to declare that in the future, French political affairs would be decided by mass participation, not by a hereditary aristocracy.

This represents an enormous, earth-shaking change in the social order and absolutely does explain why the aristocrats would decide to call in their deep web of favors, connections, and personal wealth to fight back. Why the rural nobility might try to muster armies to march on Paris. Why nobles in exile might try to recruit armies to march on Paris. Why nobles still in France might slip information and support to those exiles' activities. And so on, and so on. Of course the aristocrats would fight back. The alternative would be to accept permanent loss of their place at the top of society. And since they had considerable resources, connections, and sympathies among the crowned heads of Europe, their attempt to fight would be a serious, dangerous one.

And in places like the Vendee where the French nobility still had meaningful sympathy among the peasantry, sometimes they were able to raise armies from the French masses.

I think this is best understood as a civil war, or a partial civil war, between the Republic and the nobility to determine whether the nobility would get to rule France or not. This is not to deny that the First Republic, the winner of this particular round of warfare, committed atrocities in the process of fighting. But the broader context of the conflict is "in some places, many peasants sided with the nobles' bid to regain rule over France or at least parts of France; the Republic suppressed the nobles' bid to do so brutally." Not "the First Republic cruelly oppressing the earnest and upright peasantry with their strange innovations."

(If you want a revolution where the revolutionaries absolutely DID start tyrannizing the peasantry, go to Russia. We can talk about that another time)

The trouble is, "the revolutionaries cruelly oppressed the peasantry" is a narrative that's very easy to fall into, when we start by accepting the old English-language narrative about the French Revolution. This narrative is built around the idea that the Revolution was, plain and simple, a bad and wrongful thing that made everything worse. That overthrowing and killing a king and driving the nobility out of the land was a kind of "madness" that would never happen in a properly organized society where the social betters get to stay on top. This narrative, which was strongly favored by the aristocracy-dominated English society of the time, which was at war with France for nearly the entire period from Louis XVI's fall to Louis XVIII's rise. As such, it got an excellent opportunity to get all the way around the English-speaking world while the truth was still putting its boots on.

...

So when all is said and done, I think the French Revolution still needs to be understood, most fundamentally, as a violent rejection of the idea of hereditary aristocratic rule. Like all wars, it was fought by flawed human beings who struggled among themselves, sometimes violently. Human beings who were prone to excess, especially when they were threatened. Human beings who had a generous share of bad ideas to go with their good ideas.

But honestly, I think one cannot really separate the question of "which side of this are you on" from the question of "hereditary rule over human societies, good idea or bad idea?"[/I]
See, the really obvious significant thing the First Republic did, and you can call it constructive or not, was to declare that in the future, French political affairs would be decided by mass participation, not by a hereditary aristocracy.

This represents an enormous, earth-shaking change in the social order and absolutely does explain why the aristocrats would decide to call in their deep web of favors, connections, and personal wealth to fight back. Why the rural nobility might try to muster armies to march on Paris. Why nobles in exile might try to recruit armies to march on Paris. Why nobles still in France might slip information and support to those exiles' activities. And so on, and so on.

Of course the aristocrats would fight back. And since they had considerable resources, connections, and sympathies among the crowned heads of Europe, their attempt to fight would be a serious, dangerous one.

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And I'm circling back to this quite a lot later, but...

You were the one saying that the Revolutionaries had to execute the aristocrats to avert a civil war. I was just taking you at your word.
See, that's the thing.

I didn't say "had to execute the aristocrats."

You were the one who described the Reign of Terror as "executing an entire social class because some of them might commit crimes in the future." I replied that even during the height of the Terror, it was not the stated policy of the republic to do that. Then you replied with the passage I have just quoted... except I never said that the French revolutionaries had to execute ALL the aristocrats to avert a civil war.

You were not just taking me at my word. You were strawmanning me.

Did the executions carried out during the Terror lack due process, and no doubt kill many people who were not truly part of a dangerous plan by the nobility to restore their fortunes and overthrow the Republic? Absolutely. As @dcharleos explained back in January, it was very common for government to be indiscriminate and to ignore what we would call due process, especially in times of civil strife.

But at no time did the revolutionaries say "we must kill every aristocrat because some of them might commit crimes in the future," nor did I say that they had to. What I did say, and what they said, and what was in point of fact true was that there were plots and efforts among the aristocracy to reconquer France and overthrow the Republic, and that the Republic's own government had very strong incentives to prevent such a thing from happening.

With both the English and American Civil Wars existing as examples of how messy it can get when an elite that expects to lose power decides to put up a fight and leverages all its resources and connections in an attempt to win that fight, it's hard for me to condemn someone for trying to avoid such a thing. Even if I deplore the errors and excesses committed in the attempt.

The Reign of Terror killed an average of 119-153 people per day, so I'm a little bit sceptical as to how diligent these tribunals really were when it came to ascertaining whether the accused was actually guilty of anything.
As Dcharleos pointed out, this was by no means particularly unusual for a large country trying to rapidly put down a rebellious faction within its own borders. The only difference is that executing prominent men of reputation and means, men who are rich and well connected or even outright titled noblemen, attracts much more attention in the historical record. Much more attention than, say, crucifying peasants of a largely ignored ethnic minority on the fringes of the empire.

10,000 French nobles dead in the Reign of Terror is a tragedy; 100,000 Germans dead in the Peasants' War or 1,000,000 Africans dead of overwork on sugar plantations is a statistic.

Then you use as much violence as is necessary to remove them, and no more. In particular, once you've got the reins of power, you can use this to confiscate their property and remove their legal privileges, so ending their power and status without the need for executing loads of people.
This is ideal, but relies on there not being an ongoing civil war while one is doing such a thing.

When the powerful elites accede gracefully to having their special privileges taken away, and do not respond by trying to fight a civil war to get them back, this can be done...

And don't tell me "But what if they try to stop you!" -- a fortiori, if you're strong enough to execute someone, you're strong enough to take their property.
...And despite your attempt to forestall the counterargument, no, actually, this turns out not to be the case here. First, because depriving an entire class of their property is harder than executing a small minority of ringleaders. Second, because large-scale confiscations trigger larger-scale violent resistance, because nobles will fight to the last corpse of the last person willing to die for their special status if they are assured of losing all that social status immediately.

And the seizures would have to be immediate, or immediate on the usual timescales of legal action and estate planning. Because otherwise, they do not act to shut down a plot to bring in entire armies that might arrive in a matter of months.

There's a good reason that kings frequently use confiscation of estates to punish nobles in relatively peaceful times, but tend to pull out the headsman's axe when the nobles' hostility is an immediate problem. This is because kings don't want to be killed by rebels. Taking away property in a careful, judicious manner is not a viable response to immediate insurrection.

Kings understand this, and often kill nobles who conspire against them, when they get away with it.

It is entirely natural that a republic would do the same to nobles rebelling (or counter-rebelling) against its authority.

I hate to break it to you, but every functioning society has had some degree of inequality. Societies which try to implement absolute equality invariably become blood-stained basket cases (cf. every communist state in existence).
None of the frequently cited examples of countries avowing themselves to be communist has ever, in fact, tried to implement absolute equality. Their sins lay in other directions.

There are reasons for this, but they are outside the scope of this thread.

The really important bit is that your reply here is a response to me saying:

...

"The aristocrat, or one who identifies with aristocrats, would say that naturally "mass murder" isn't appropriate in this situation. And that it's definitely "mass murder" when the commoners kill their betters, while not being "mass murder" when the nobility has its own army and will use it to shoot you in the face for trying to tell them they're not in charge.

Which very elegantly removes any possibility of the aristocracy ever being removed from power, and quite literally enthrones, no, enshrines the principle of continued social inequality.

The belief that "all men are created equal," is meaningless if an unequal power structure must never be removed by organized force.

We are left with:

"Well, in theory all men are created equal, but for some reason they're not, and we've tried doing nothing about that and we're all out of ideas, so, uh, guess it sucks but what can you do. I guess that people are going to be abused by overlords in palaces forever it looks like, how very sad..."

It comes across as a bit insincere, really."


...

So far as I'm concerned, this statement stands unrefuted.

Under the standards you seem to have applied here about what are and are not acceptable political means, I struggle to find another conclusion.

Under such standards, man is fated to live under the boot of overlords in palaces forever. He can do nothing to assert his freedom or defy an oppressor who extracts power and wealth from his toil. As long as the overlord is willing to resort to violence such that it would require organized violence to put a stop to his rule, he is effectively invincible. Because it is "mass murder" when the elites are killed, but an invisible, largely irrelevant, victimless non-crime when the elites kill the commoners. The killings of the elites are frightful, and the killings of commoners are acknowledged only when they are aggressively brought to one's attention, then shrugged off as soon as grounds to dismiss them can be found.

Perhaps you do not truly believe in such standards. I should certainly hope that you do not! They are most hypocritical and seem almost calculated to preserve the domination of a small, cruel handful over the rest of us.

But whether or not you truly believe in such standards... they are the standards you had been applying to this particular discussion.
 
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The bell you kept ringing there was the idea that it looks wrong. That these city slickers are just disrespectful and insulated from good plain old country ways. As opposed, we imagine, to the local French nobility, who are totally plugged in and respectful of the commoners' way of life and absolutely deserve their loyalty!
If my arguments about the French Revolution are aesthetic alone, then I'm wrong. And you know what? Maybe you're right: the nobles and the bourgeoisie alike have always looked at those outside the city with contempt.

However, I will say this: the reactionary aristocrats and the revolutionaries both used the people as pawns, but it is the latter who focused on and preached about the "will of the people" while doing so.

I have no problem with the rights of man, with the concept of liberty as established by French-style liberalism, from which was born the whole of modern politics for better or worse.

Under such standards, man is fated to live under the boot of overlords in palaces forever. He can do nothing to assert his freedom or defy an oppressor who extracts power and wealth from his toil. As long as the overlord is willing to resort to violence such that it would require organized violence to put a stop to his rule, he is effectively invincible. Because it is "mass murder" when the elites are killed, but an invisible, largely irrelevant, victimless non-crime when the elites kill the commoners. The killings of the elites are frightful, and the killings of commoners are acknowledged only when they are aggressively brought to one's attention, then shrugged off as soon as grounds to dismiss them can be found.
Sometimes, looking at the world in which we live, with its elites in palaces placing us under their boots even today... well, at least the aesthetic's different? :p

But seriously, I want to believe the French Revolution did something to alleviate that. I want to believe that "all men are created equal" is not just a slogan and an aesthetic. It's hard to actually believe it these days, though I guess the fact that I can even talk about it on a public forum is a good fruit of that revolution.
 
If my arguments about the French Revolution are aesthetic alone, then I'm wrong. And you know what? Maybe you're right: the nobles and the bourgeoisie alike have always looked at those outside the city with contempt.

However, I will say this: the reactionary aristocrats and the revolutionaries both used the people as pawns, but it is the latter who focused on and preached about the "will of the people" while doing so.
[shrugs]

I'm not sure it's even accurate to say "the revolutionaries used the people as pawns" in the context of the French Revolution. Were most of the leaders drawn from the relatively wealthy and educated classes? Yes. This is a constant of social unrest throughout history, and for that matter of all large projects undertaken in human history. People who are at least moderately prosperous and relatively educated in any given period of time tend to wind up running large things. Those who have minimal resources and education, with few connections outside their immediate locality, tend not to wind up running large things.

I think dwelling on it as a phenomenon of politics, or singling out revolutionary or left-wing politics, on those grounds is a mistake.

Sometimes, looking at the world in which we live, with its elites in palaces placing us under their boots even today... well, at least the aesthetic's different? :p
It is much harder to argue with a straight face that the elites live in palaces by divine right and that it's morally wrong to question that.

Though laissez-faire fundamentalists still give it a good hard try sometimes. :p
 
I'm not sure it's even accurate to say "the revolutionaries used the people as pawns" in the context of the French Revolution. Were most of the leaders drawn from the relatively wealthy and educated classes? Yes. This is a constant of social unrest throughout history, and for that matter of all large projects undertaken in human history. People who are at least moderately prosperous and relatively educated in any given period of time tend to wind up running large things. Those who have minimal resources and education, with few connections outside their immediate locality, tend not to wind up running large things.
Is it not? It's all a struggle between sets of relatively more prosperous people anyway, and both sides pretend to care about "their people" as part of that struggle. So what makes the cloak of human rights any different from the rest, from all these other justifications for acts of brutality?

You've explained before that there was supposedly more of a recourse to reason and justice under the French Revolutionary systems than there was under the ancien regime. That supposedly the local elected official, having in theory less power to abuse than the local feudal lord, will thus be less rapacious. Is this how things work out in practice? I'm honestly unsure.

I think dwelling on it as a phenomenon of politics, or singling out revolutionary or left-wing politics, on those grounds is a mistake.
What do you mean? If it is a function of politics, what makes it a mistake? The pretty words about equality and freedom are nice, but sometimes they make me wonder. But I guess at least I have the right to express these doubts in the liberal system in which we live...

It is much harder to argue with a straight face that the elites live in palaces by divine right and that it's morally wrong to question that.
I mean, they might as well be so, considering how viciously critics of one or another member of the elite are hounded to the point of death or exile or utter humiliation by their partisans, raked through the mud as abhorrent and evil for one reason or another, likely for questioning the prevailing orthodoxy a bit too much. But I guess the existence of opposition is a step in the right direction, and the right to not be tried in an official court of law for thoughtcrime is better than nothing.

Don't get me wrong, I like my freedoms. It's precisely because I like my freedoms that I look at the authoritarian measures taken by the old order and by some sections of revolutionary societies that I am made to step back and think where it could have gone wrong, where it could have gone right, and where it still goes wrong.
 
The idea of removing or sidelining the hereditary aristocracy so that the central government would have more control was not unique or new to them; Louis XIV had to no small extent been doing the same thing. He just did it less ambitiously and with less violence against that aristocracy, not least because he could not even begin to govern without them entirely.
And the centralisation of Louis XIV was by no means non-violent, there were a lot of rebellion, violent revolts, which we just swept under the rug afterwards. It was an increase tax burden, and taking away decision power from local elites, who did not appreciate it

Let's dig deeper. What concrete, specific actions do you find it sympathetic for the 'salt of the earth' common man to rebel against, when it comes to revolutionaries overthrowing the monarchy and instating a republic with its own policies? What, in particular, are they doing wrong, other than "being the wrong kind of people?"
Forcing the priests to swear an oath to the republic and conscription is what started the Vendée
I would be fighting against a central government that has no claim on me, that has no loyalty from me, yet demands my loyalty for whatever reason, and demands I conform to their culture, their language, their ideas. And I would not exactly be rebelling, since rebellion would imply that I owe these people in Paris my exclusive allegiance.
I'll add two bits to this. Even if you elect deputies, to go represent yourself, you end up finding out that the guy you elected has been ousted and possibly killed by a mob of parisian proletarians.
And they're parisians. It's important, Paris is something else, Paris is centralising, Paris takes away your rights, tries to rule over you, and sneers at you for being a provincial.
Even today, there are lots of tensions between Parisians and provincials. I don't imagine it was any better when parisians were killing your representatives
 
Again, I find myself pecking away at this conversation at low rate, but...

Is it not? It's all a struggle between sets of relatively more prosperous people anyway, and both sides pretend to care about "their people" as part of that struggle. So what makes the cloak of human rights any different from the rest, from all these other justifications for acts of brutality?
I think you're begging the question- in the strict sense of assuming the conclusion you nominally wish to prove- in the second sentence here.

"Both sides pretend to care," with the strong subtext of "but do not actually care" requires a lot of support; it is not a throwaway line to put into the beginning of an argument. Notably, it is not an accurate representation of what I said, either.

You've explained before that there was supposedly more of a recourse to reason and justice under the French Revolutionary systems than there was under the ancien regime. That supposedly the local elected official, having in theory less power to abuse than the local feudal lord, will thus be less rapacious. Is this how things work out in practice? I'm honestly unsure.
Well, if you compare modern republican France to France under the ancien regime, yes. If you compare any of a great many modern republics to the ancien regime, yes. The median citizen has far more rights and protections than they would have had in 1750 under a monarchy and hereditary aristocracy. Maybe not as many as we'd like, but it's "RETVRN TO TRADITION" nonsense to pretend that nothing has changed.

If you compare the First Republic only to the status quo of 1780 only, then it's hard to determine how things worked out in practice because the First Republic spent its entire existence in a condition of severe political upheaval and under siege by outside foreign powers. Did "reason and justice" prevail in ten years of conflict where they had not prevailed in a thousand years of mixed war and peace before? The question answers itself, but it invites the followup question: are our expectations being realistic here?

The trouble is that this kind of upheaval and siege was arguably a necessary part of removing the aristocracy from power in the first place. One can argue that there is simply no way to, within the aristocratic system, nonviolently remove that system. That there is no way to get from "here" to "there" without considerable upheaval, or at least until someone, somewhere has gone through that upheaval and the possibility of its recurrence can be used as a credible threat.

What do you mean? If it is a function of politics, what makes it a mistake? The pretty words about equality and freedom are nice, but sometimes they make me wonder. But I guess at least I have the right to express these doubts in the liberal system in which we live...
You misunderstood me here, I suppose.

It is a property of political systems that individuals with more resources and education tend to have a competitive advantage in personally securing power within those systems. This is not a factor unique to any one system, including bourgeois liberal republics such as the French First Republic.

The only way to avoid the problem, so far as I can see, is to choose officials by sortition, and almost no one seriously proposes that, so it seems pointless to complain about the 'problem' only sortition can solve. It makes sense to try to curtail the advantages that the educated enjoy in getting into power, but not to deride Regime B as "a regime of lawyers and doctors and scholars" when Regime A is not being derided as "a regime of guys who are in charge literally because their great-great-grandfather was the king's favorite checkers partner, or because their great^30th-grandfather was Real Good at hitting people over the head with an axe."

It is biased historical scholarship to go around analyzing the selection processes of an elected republic with a deeply cynical eye, while not applying an equally cynical eye to the system it's trying to overthrow.

I mean, they might as well be so, considering how viciously critics of one or another member of the elite are hounded to the point of death or exile or utter humiliation by their partisans, raked through the mud as abhorrent and evil for one reason or another, likely for questioning the prevailing orthodoxy a bit too much.
This is the kind of vague remark that is easy to make, especially when it does not address specific individuals. One gets to go "wink wink, nudge nudge, they sure did OUR guy wrong, huh huh" without having to specify who 'our guy' is and make the claim that he was wronged defensible. Or, for that matter, to confirm that someone was hounded "for criticizing the elite," (*) or whether they were subject to death, exile, or utter humiliation (one of these things is not like the other).

So I'm a bit disappointed by this, in all truth.
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There is a fairly common quote that's... not something I'm putting on you, not words I'm putting in your mouth. But a quote that is often expressed by people playing in the space very close to this remark of yours. It's "if you wish to know who rules you, simply look for those you are not allowed to criticize" or something like that. It's attributed to Voltaire... ...Except it's not Voltaire's quote, it originated with a contemporary neo-Nazi, and it's precisely the kind of conspiratorial garbage that makes anti-Semitism seem defensible and indeed 'logical.'

The tendency to exaggerate wounds and the extent to which one is "not allowed" to express certain opinions because one does not wish to legitimize the shock others feel at their implications is... well, it leads to some bad places. Hence, again, my disappointment.

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(I would like to reply to Tanc49 as well, but I simply do not have the time right now; I'll come back to this reasonably soon, I hope)
 
Again, I find myself pecking away at this conversation at low rate, but...
If you really want to be the last word on the matter, then fine. You're right that neither communism nor fascism in fact be traced directly to the French Revolution, and everything said revolution championed was good and the foundation of goodness and morality today.

But seriously, look, I don't disagree with you that French liberalism did good, nor even with your assertion that violence was needed to change things, I was always just arguing that there was a connection between the 18th and 20th centuries, and questioning whether it was unvarnished good to go into the modern world burning across Europe. But I guess all the executions and purges and wars of the 19th century were necessary to bring about a new age of freedom and equality for all. And maybe it was, maybe it was...

The trouble is that this kind of upheaval and siege was arguably a necessary part of removing the aristocracy from power in the first place. One can argue that there is simply no way to, within the aristocratic system, nonviolently remove that system. That there is no way to get from "here" to "there" without considerable upheaval, or at least until someone, somewhere has gone through that upheaval and the possibility of its recurrence can be used as a credible threat.
You're right, though I do wonder if the violence and political turmoil could have been spaced out across the centuries as in Britain, or if France's system just couldn't handle that, and had to break as it did, and as in Russia.

It is biased historical scholarship to go around analyzing the selection processes of an elected republic with a deeply cynical eye, while not applying an equally cynical eye to the system it's trying to overthrow.
I think you've also misunderstood me arguing on this thread.

If I have ever asserted that monarchy is better than republicanism, that was not my intention. I have always been cynical about monarchy and dictatorship, more so than republicanism and democracy. Tyranny is always, always, worse than the vices of republicanism. If I have been more generous to the ancien regime, it is because I have been playing as devil's advocate against the modern republic, a system which started out bad and only improved after many decades of turmoil and strongman after strongman. There's a reason it has long been called the democratic experiment.

So I'm a bit disappointed by this, in all truth.
If you're so disappointed, why is that? What answers did you expect from me? Because I've laid out my reasons for arguing on this thread, and I'm just exhausted by you trying to wear me down, which it feels like you're trying to do to me. Politics in general, the focus on morality in politics, wore me down the last time I left this forum, and I don't want it to wear me down again.

So if you want me to capitulate, so be it, You win this debate, if indeed debate this was.
 
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Well, it took me nearly a week to come back to this...

And the centralisation of Louis XIV was by no means non-violent, there were a lot of rebellion, violent revolts, which we just swept under the rug afterwards. It was an increase tax burden, and taking away decision power from local elites, who did not appreciate it
Quite so.

The difference is that for some odd reason, when a king violently suppresses the aristocracy's independence, everyone sort of accepts it as the cost of turning medieval and implicitly primitive social systems into a modern state. But when a republic does the same thing, there's a certain kind of person who is predisposed to see it as an atrocity.

Forcing the priests to swear an oath to the republic and conscription is what started the Vendée
Conscription was not entirely new or unique to the First Republic; I don't consider it grounds for an uprising against the Republic unless it was also grounds for uprising against the kings. Though I find it at least somewhat sympathetic, and I have no doubt that it seemed novel in the Vendee because they hadn't specifically been subject to significant conscription immediately before the Revolution.

At the same time, if your revolt against the central government is grounded in refusal to fight for it, at a time when it is facing multiple foreign invasions and a large class of internal enemies with considerable resource, that is not going to go well if the central government isn't too weak to suppress the revolt. Because that's not the kind of thing a central government can grant as a concession while still retaining the state's capacity for self-defense.

Other nations' kings had, of course, smashed up the Catholic church within their borders as thoroughly or more thoroughly than the First Republic, but importantly, not in France.

The trick is that this kind of focus on specific grievances allows us to engage with the question of the scale and significance of these perceived abuses, and whether a restoration of the ancien regime would have remedied serious problems or simply rearranged the atrocities. Which I'm very comfortable with, compared to a vague and "vibes"-based objection to 'urbanism' or whatever.

I'll add two bits to this. Even if you elect deputies, to go represent yourself, you end up finding out that the guy you elected has been ousted and possibly killed by a mob of parisian proletarians.
And they're parisians. It's important, Paris is something else, Paris is centralising, Paris takes away your rights, tries to rule over you, and sneers at you for being a provincial.
Even today, there are lots of tensions between Parisians and provincials. I don't imagine it was any better when parisians were killing your representatives
This, too, is fair. I'm not sure what the breakdown between Parisian and provincial representatives was in the First Republic, or what the breakdown of those killed or ousted in various rounds of instability was. I'd be interested to hear.

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If you really want to be the last word on the matter, then fine. You're right that neither communism nor fascism in fact be traced directly to the French Revolution, and everything said revolution championed was good and the foundation of goodness and morality today.
I sense a hint of sarcasm here, and I don't quite see the point of it.

But seriously, look, I don't disagree with you that French liberalism did good, nor even with your assertion that violence was needed to change things, I was always just arguing that there was a connection between the 18th and 20th centuries, and questioning whether it was unvarnished good to go into the modern world burning across Europe. But I guess all the executions and purges and wars of the 19th century were necessary to bring about a new age of freedom and equality for all. And maybe it was, maybe it was...
There were no doubt paths that would have allowed much of this internal violence to be avoided.

But most of them would have involved old power structures being willing to get out of the way, rather than insisting on their prerogatives.

It's noteworthy that of all the major European states, we can see a direct correlation between how effective the traditional pre-1800 elites were at locking the commoners out of power, and how violently the state convulsed or even fell apart when the wheels finally came off.

At one extreme we have Britain and the Netherlands, where the landed aristocracy sort of quietly married into the merchant princes and sure there was a civil war or two but somehow it all comes across in our historical memory as so genteel. We think of the English transformation from Tudor monarchy so centered on the person of the king that major state policy decisions were driven by Henry VIII's personal desire for a divorce, into the modern-day de facto republic with a largely vestigial monarchy, as being a thing far more of the Glorious Revolution than of Marston Moor. Now, there may be a question of historiography in there. But it must at least be said that the political process by which early modern England turned into what Britain is today resulted in considerably less killing in England than the same parallel processes in so many other European countries.

(The Scots might laugh bitterly, and the Irish more bitterly still)

At the other extreme we have Russia, generally agreed throughout the period of the 1800s and early 1900s to be by far the most conservative state in Europe under nearly every possible metric. This was the place where the monarch insisted on absolutist privileges until pried right off the throne, where the clergy retained the greatest influence, where the secret police most vigorously hunted down anyone who attempted to practice mass politics at all. And this was the place where the state stagnated or outright devolved, finally falling apart under the strains of World War One faster than any other major power's government, collapsing into conditions where the central authority of the state disintegrated entirely. And then there was nothing left but the 'Reds' mopping up all the ex-Czarist warlords of the 'Whites,' and things became much, much bloodier than they ever were under any of the French republics.

I think the lesson is that insofar as one has aristocratic privileges and law codes under which there is one kind of man the law binds and does not protect, and another kind that the law protects and does not bind... Well, insofar as one has that, one is going to end up in increasingly violent conflict with modernity. The tighter you hold down the lid, the greater the steam-explosion will be when the boiling vessel cracks open.

So if you want me to capitulate, so be it, You win this debate, if indeed debate this was.
I don't know. I'm not seeking a capitulation, or at least I don't think so.

But the trouble with being a devil's advocate is that there are only three real ends to it. One is if the advocate tires of his advocacy of the devil, the second is if everyone who disagrees with the devil quits the field themselves, and the third is if both happen at once.

To put on the mantle of the devil's advocate is to implicitly accept that sooner or later, it's going to have to come back off... unless one can depend upon it that the devil won't be questioned too closely, or that people won't care about doing so, and thus that the devil is likely to win the case.
 
I sense a hint of sarcasm here, and I don't quite see the point of it.
I was tired of coming back to this thread. I already argued my point, you argued yours, we still disagree to some extent the extent of the French Revolution's influence on the world today, but since you insist that the French Revolution had barely any direct influence on the shifting sociopolitical landscape that led to totalitarianism, I will no longer dispute that.

Maybe the Industrial Revolution and the technologies it developed had more influence on the rise of such mass movements than the French ever did. Certainly, the technologies in the generations that came after the French Revolution made it easier to establish a single dominating narrative and to control dissent.

There were no doubt paths that would have allowed much of this internal violence to be avoided.

But most of them would have involved old power structures being willing to get out of the way, rather than insisting on their prerogatives.

It's noteworthy that of all the major European states, we can see a direct correlation between how effective the traditional pre-1800 elites were at locking the commoners out of power, and how violently the state convulsed or even fell apart when the wheels finally came off.
This is true, so I do wonder how possible it is to get the traditional elites out of the way of meritocracy and progress in various regions.

I think the lesson is that insofar as one has aristocratic privileges and law codes under which there is one kind of man the law binds and does not protect, and another kind that the law protects and does not bind... Well, insofar as one has that, one is going to end up in increasingly violent conflict with modernity. The tighter you hold down the lid, the greater the steam-explosion will be when the boiling vessel cracks open.
Hm. Modernity, huh. That does make me wonder, I'll be honest. Modernity established its own double standards, and post-modernism has slowly come to erode the ideals of freedom and equality that were to be established by those revolutions in the late 18th century. Of course, all that is beyond the scope of this thread.

I don't know. I'm not seeking a capitulation, or at least I don't think so.

But the trouble with being a devil's advocate is that there are only three real ends to it. One is if the advocate tires of his advocacy of the devil, the second is if everyone who disagrees with the devil quits the field themselves, and the third is if both happen at once.

To put on the mantle of the devil's advocate is to implicitly accept that sooner or later, it's going to have to come back off... unless one can depend upon it that the devil won't be questioned too closely, or that people won't care about doing so, and thus that the devil is likely to win the case.
Fair enough.

In the end, I didn't mean to argue that the French Revolution was inherently bad like some people have been, and I don't think I've done that. Of course the tyranny of the ancien regime was not sustainable, and things had to give, freedoms to be given to those who had long been deprived it. My argument was simply that some of the radical ideas that stirred in the wake of the monarchy's fall might have inadvertently inspired the more violent ideologies that rose across the 19th and early 20th centuries. And if that isn't fair to say, then so be it.
 
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