TLIAW: The Search for a Successor

The Search for a Successor
A Timeline in a Week by Statesman

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Statesman! What is this?

A Timeline in a Week, of course! Well, the hope is to finish it before the end of the year, to be specific.

I mean, it's been a while.

I've been working over in Shared Worlds Election Games for the most part.

What brings you back here, then?

Just a brief conversation with my friend and sometimes collaborator, @Techdread.

Is this a joint project?

Nope. Inspiration struck and I figured I might be able to crank out a short timeline before the year ended.

Well, what have you got this time?

Oh, you know me. I don't want to spoil anything.

Damn it, man! Can you at least -

Is this a dead trope? The whole self-interview thing?

I thought I was supposed to ask the questions.

Only if this is still an appropriate trope, though.

The trope says this is supposed to be an internal dialogue.

I was at the gym, my pre-workout coursing through my blood. It has a lot of caffeine in it. My body and mind were both on full cylinders when Techdread mentioned via PM how a certain figure never really gets his time in the sun. It stuck in my head. Made for a terrible workout with how unfocused I was, but the pieces have slowly started coming together.

This isn't an internal dialogue anymore, is it?

Soliloquy, pal.

Oh, God. Another voice?

I got home and immediately pulled up AH.com and opened up this new thread.

Can we get to the -

I must admit, I haven't written a word of the story yet, but I've got a rough outline of how things are going to work out.

You still haven't told us what the POD is, though.

So bear with me, all. It's been a while since I've written a non-EG story, but I'm really excited for this one.

The POD is that Melville Fuller died in a car accident in 1907, which allowed Theodore Roosevelt to appoint William Howard Taft to the position of Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.

Oh, so you know the POD?

*types furiously*

He's getting carried away with excitement, and you wanted to know. Don't complain.

Can we get started?

Yes!

Hey, he's back!

Let's get this show on the road, then.

It all started with President Roosevelt's search for a successor...
 
Chapter I: The Election of 1908

Theodore Roosevelt enjoyed being President. There was no other job in the world he would've liked more. Yet he also knew why Washington had sought to establish a two-term precedent, and he didn't want to start a dangerous precedent of his own, whereby a dictator with interested maligned with the public good might come to power if popular enough with the people. Thus, he needed to find a successor.

His first choice would have been former Secretary of State Elihu Root. He was the man Roosevelt trusted the most on all matters of foreign policy and believed he would have been masterful at countering the German's continued advanced in the Atlantic and the Japanese in the Pacific. However, Root's poor health left Roosevelt looking for someone else. He might have considered William Howard Taft had the man not enjoyed being Chief Justice as much as he did, but Roosevelt couldn't bear the thought of asking his friend from stepping down from the post to run for President. The man he would eventually come to support to be his successor was an unorthodox choice, but a close friend and confidante of Roosevelt's for years. He trusted the man and believed he would do a fine job as President if his record as Governor was any indicator. After a brief battle on the floor, delegates supporting other progressive choices shifted their support to stop the conservative Senator Foraker and the Republican Party's attention shifted to selecting a Vice Presidential Nominee.

Everyone involved in the process knew that their nominee, inexperienced as he was, would need someone who had been around the bend before regarding campaigning. A candidate from the Midwest would add regional balance to the ticket, and a conservative would provide ideological balance. Initially, there was some thought of keeping Vice President Charles Fairbanks of Indiana on as the Party's nominee, but that plan was set aside. Ultimately, the Republican Party selected former Ohio Governor Myron T. Herrick as the Vice Presidential Nominee, a protege of Mark Hanna and a long-standing party stalwart who's loyalty would not be doubted. With their ticket set, the Republican Party set to work all of its resources to win the White House for another four years.

The Democratic Party responded to the developments of the Republican Party by nominating their own outside-of-the-box candidate. While William Jennings Bryan had been an early favorite for the nomination, there was strong support for Minnesota Governor John A. Johnson. Johnson had a reputation as an honest reformer, with a personal rags-to-riches story and his electoral success in a Republican stronghold making him very popular within some segments of the Democratic Party. With the frontrunner for the Republicans being clear throughout the spring of 1908, there were many in the Party who feared that nominating Bryan again would ruin their chances at retaking the White House. Johnson, they argued, was something new and full of youthful energy that would be useful on the campaign, especially considering the weakness of the Republican Nominee's campaigning experience.

The first ballot proved inconclusive. The first dozen ballots proved inconclusive. Then the next dozen ballots proved inconclusive. Throughout each successive ballot, Bryan and Johnson traded first place as other potential candidates were brought forward and dismissed. And then, finally, after the twenty-sixth ballot, Bryan decided to pull out of the running. Historians still debate his exact reasoning, but many attribute it to a fear of the popularity that the Republican Nominee might prove to have. Others suspect he was to be appointed Secretary of State had Johnson won the Presidency. Whatever his reasoning, Johnson won the Democratic nomination handily on the twenty-seventh ballot.

Selecting a Vice Presidential Nominee proved, in some ways, an even trickier process for the Democratic Party in 1908. With Johnson hailing from a state so strongly Republican, no one was quite sure what faction needed to be appeased the most with the Vice Presidential nomination. Some argued vigorously for a defense of the Midwest, suggesting men like John W. Kern of Indiana or Judson Harmon of Ohio. Others argued that Johnson would do just fine in the Midwest and suggested he pick a nominee from the Northeast, like New York Justice James W. Gerard or the young Congressman Francis Burton Harrison. Still others pushed for the Democratic Party to lock down the west, suggesting former Los Angelos Mayor Meredith P. Snyder or Oregon Governor George E. Chamberlain. In the end, however, Johnson pushed for a running mate that would underscore his own reputation as an honest reformer while bringing a bit of age to the ticket; former Rhode Island Governor Lucius F.C. Garvin was nominated shortly after the Convention hall heard of Johnson's preference the man.

The General Election campaign was a brief whirlwind at the end of the summer and the beginning of autumn. Both parties had progressive platforms, leaving the starkest differences on matters of foreign policy. However, no longer was imperialism a big issue for the American public. President Roosevelt's overall success left the Democrats stuck between a rock and a hard place, which forced their campaign to get creative. Governor Johnson decided to embark on a tour throughout the Midwest and Great Plains, detailing his story from nothing in contrast to the Republican Nominee, who he painted as a man who had everything handed to him. Meanwhile, Garvin wined and dined with party bosses amidst his own speeches throughout the Northeast. Surrogates helped where they could, but the Democratic campaign was about selling a distinctive man rather than a distinctive policy.

The Republican Party, meanwhile, was busying itself with selling their candidate and party on the grounds of Roosevelt's proven success. Their nominee's longstanding friendship with the President was played up. To counter Johnson's story, his military experience was emphasized. (Herrick, when specifically asked about the candidate's family history of privilege, responded by saying, "And yet, he's served in the military most of his adult life," which newspapers friendly to the GOP shorted to a pointed, "And yet, he served.")

In the end, however, the Democratic Party just couldn't overcome the success of the Roosevelt Administration and the fact that another Rough Rider was the Republican Nominee.

genusmap.php

Major General Leonard Wood/Governor Myron T. Herrick (Republican) - 298 Electoral Votes (52.37%)
Governor John A. Johnson/Governor Lucius F.C. Garvin (Democratic) - 185 Electoral Votes (45.41%)

Fmr. State Senator Eugene V. Debs/Activist Benjamin Hanford (Socialist) - (1.23%)
Activist Eugene W. Chafin/College President Aaron S. Watkins (Prohibition) - (0.87%)


U.S. Senate - 1908:
Republicans: 60 (-1)
Democrats: 30 (+1)

U.S. House - 1908:

Republicans: 222 (-2)
Democrats: 169 (+2)
 
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How far are you taking this? Seeing as its a TLIAW I assume it won't be going all the way to 2017? Just Wood's term(s) then?
 
Also, for anyone wondering what record as Governor a Major General may have, I was referring to his time as Governor-General of Cuba.
 
Chapter II: Off to a Rough Start (1909-1910)

President: Leonard Wood (R-NH)
Vice President: Myron T. Herrick (R-OH)
Secretary of State: Robert Bacon (R-MA)
Secretary of the Treasury: George B. Cortelyou (R-NY)
Secretary of War: Luke E. Wright (R-TN)
Attorney General: Charles Nagel (R-MO)
Postmaster General: Charles J. Bonaparte (R-MD)
Secretary of the Navy: George von Lengerke Meyer (R-MA)
Secretary of the Interior: James Rudolph Garfield (R-OH)
Secretary of Agriculture: James Wilson (R-IA)
Secretary of Commerce & Labor: John W. Weeks (R-MA)

Leonard Wood never expected he would be President. At least, not in 1908. However, when his long-time friend, Theodore Roosevelt, asked him to run and informed him there was no one else as qualified willing to run, he couldn't refuse. However, Wood's political experience was limited. He wanted to be an administrator more than a politician. Upon assuming office as the twenty-seventh President of the United States, this fact was evident in his deference to the political operators around him on several important issues.

With Roosevelt having gone off to Africa and Wood needing political advice, President Wood was inundated with unsolicited and solicited advice. He quickly fell in with the same group of men that had assembled around President Roosevelt on matters of foreign policy, maintaining his predecessors picks for the State and War Departments and meeting regularly with men like Senators Lodge and Beveridge. On domestic matters, he was a reformer and taken by the Efficiency Movement - a sure way to keep budgets under control, in Wood's opinion.

There was, however, one area that he did not have much experience: the U.S. Justice System. It was here that the conservatives in the Republican Party pushed to put one of their own in charge. While he had handled law enforcement before, it was mostly staving off and punishing petty crime. Theft, homicide, and rape were more familiar to him than labor disputes and anti-trust suits. Thus, with the lobbying of the Vice President and other conservatives in the Party, President Wood named corporate attorney Charles Nagel of Missouri to head the Justice Department.

It was a decision that drew intense anger from progressives everywhere and caused many to call into question Wood's progressive credentials. Unfortunately for the President, this stymied his efforts to work with Congress early on in his Presidency. While there were minor bits of reform legislation passed here and there, which helped to slowly rebuild the trust between progressives and the President, nothing significant was accomplished domestically before the Mid-Tern Elections.

Foreign policy would be where most of the action was in President Wood's first two years in office. Having spent time in the Philippines after being Governor-General of Cuba, President Wood lobbied hard for increased funding to be appropriated for internal improvements in the Philippines, including better facilities for American troops, and took an avid interest in attempting to create a stable economy with a well-respected currency pegged to the U.S. Dollar. President Wood also sought to increase the size of the U.S. Navy, partially to increase the strength that could be consistently kept in the Pacific. It was to be slow, grueling work, but the President would persist in these endeavors throughout his time in office.

Drawing on the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, President Wood and Secretary Bacon petitioned the countries of Europe that were owed money by Nicaragua to let the United States purchase the outstanding loans off their hands. Neither Wood nor his allies on foreign policy wanted a canal to go through Nicaragua that could rival the Panama Canal. The Annapolis Agreement was drawn up in late 1909 and lobbied for heavily by Republican Senators sympathetic to Roosevelt's and Wood's foreign policies, eventually getting ratification. While Nicaragua attempted to halt the exchange from going through, a brief show of force by the United States Navy in the Caribbean convinced President Zelaya to concede.

Secretary Bacon also spearheaded an effort, in concert with Secretary von Lengerke Meyer, to call an international convention on naval armaments, considering the Transatlantic arms race that had been accelerating in recent years. While Great Britain and Germany proved open to hearing what the United States had in mind at first, partly owing to the expedition of the Great White Fleet and the recognition of America's growing naval power, initial negotiations quickly broke down. Just before the Mid-Term Elections, the last accomplishment of note made by the Wood Administration was an agreement that made the movement of capital between the United Kingdom and the United States easier.

U.S. Senate - 1910:
Republicans: 56
(-4)
Democrats: 34 (+2)

U.S. House - 1910:
Democrats: 205
(+36)
Republicans: 188 (-34)
Socialist: 1 (+1)
 
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The GOP seems to be doing a lot better than OTL in both houses of Congress. I'd hazard a guess and say that based of what you've written here a split is unlikely, at least on the scale of OTL, meaning that Wood enters 1912 as the favourite, at least from the vantage point of the midterms two years before.
 
The GOP seems to be doing a lot better than OTL in both houses of Congress. I'd hazard a guess and say that based of what you've written here a split is unlikely, at least on the scale of OTL, meaning that Wood enters 1912 as the favourite, at least from the vantage point of the midterms two years before.

He's probably not seen as quite the betrayal of progressive ideas that Taft ended up being seen as, and with Roosevelt at least as involved in choosing Wood as he was with Taft and no public falling out (yet?), Teddy certainly won't be the one entering the race even if there is a split.
 
The big thing is that tariffs haven’t been a big deal for President Wood. He’s a military man, so it’s not as essential to his diplomacy as it was to Taft’s IOTL, which has (thus far(?)) avoided the split that it caused IOTL.

The progressives are still smarting about the Attorney General, but with a rather progressive cabinet so far (and a lot of men retained from the Roosevelt Administration), it would be fair to say he is viewed more favorably by progresssives ITTL than Taft was IOTL.
 
Chapter III: Finding His Footing (1911-1912)

President: Leonard Wood (R-NH)
Vice President: Myron T. Herrick (R-OH)
Secretary of State: Robert Bacon (R-MA)
Secretary of the Treasury: George B. Cortelyou (R-NY) (res. 1911); John W. Weeks (R-MA)
Secretary of War: Henry L. Stimson (R-NY)
Attorney General: Charles Nagel (R-MO)
Postmaster General: Charles J. Bonaparte (R-MD)
Secretary of the Navy: George von Lengerke Meyer (R-MA)
Secretary of the Interior: James Rudolph Garfield (R-OH) (res. 1911); Gifford Pinchot (R-PA)
Secretary of Agriculture: James Wilson (R-IA)
Secretary of Commerce & Labor: John W. Weeks (R-MA) (abolished 1911)
Secretary of Commerce: (est. 1911) John W. Weeks (R-MA) (res. 1911); Nathan W. Hale (R-CA)
Secretary of Labor: (est. 1911) James Rudolph Garfield (R-OH)

Early in 1911, the Department of Commerce and Labor was divided into a Department of Commerce and a Department of Labor. This was a decision eagerly supported by progressives, which President Wood capitalized on to garner back some of their trust. However, there were many still upset by the Attorney General's unwillingness to busts the big trusts in the country and President Wood's unwillingness to fire Nagel for fear of the outrage from conservative Republicans that would surely follow. Thus, while the executive branch of government slowly carried out progressive reform throughout most of its ranks, the President was still left to focus on foreign policy issues more than anything.

As the Mexican Revolution wrought ever more turmoil south of the border, President Wood was quick to mobilize troops to protect the border and ensure none of the violence or chaos spilt over into the United States. While there were a few attempted raids by revolutionaries, they were easily rebuffed by the U.S. Army and the message quickly got through that they would not be treated well if they came north. While he never used his predecessors famed expression, newspapers of the era were quick to note the President speaking softly and carrying a big stick.

Early in 1911, a rebellion broke out in Morocco that led to the Second Moroccan Crisis. The French dispatched a flying column at the end of April, claiming to be protecting European citizens and interests. On July 1st, a German gunboat arrived in the Moroccan port of Agadir, followed shortly by other German ships, to protect German trading interest in the country. This action was met swiftly by the British, French, and Americans. The British and Americans, though not acting together, each sent a small naval force to the region. They were both worried that Germany was attempting to establish a naval base on the Atlantic in Morocco. The French, too, began patrolling the Moroccan coast.

In response, the Kaiser petitioned for negotiations to take place to settle the dispute. The British urged the French to agree, hoping to avoid war, and the Germans were eager to involve the Americans in the process. Considering President Wood's previous efforts to involve the Germans in an international arms limitation agreement, the Kaiser wrongly believed that the United States would support the Germans in the negotiation process and that this would help to split the British and French. However, President Wood, like President Roosevelt in the First Moroccan Crisis, did not want to allow the Germans to gain a naval base in Morocco where they might be able to project power deep into the Atlantic. Senators Lodge, Beveridge, Root, and Secretaries Bacon, Stimson, and von Lengerke Meyer were with the President on this matter.

The negotiations took place, on President Wood’s suggestion, in his home town of Winchester, New Hampshire. It was here that the Germans found the Americans unwilling to support their plan of an international security force in Morocco to be divided into regions that would be secured by separate countries. Nor would the Americans support the second plan of the Germans of establishing a multinational security force for the whole of Morocco. However, the French, too, were mistaken about American intentions when, after observing the United States rebuff German designs twice, they believed that the Americans would support their plan of establishing a protectorate over Morocco in exchange for colonial concessions to the German Empire elsewhere in Africa.

Unexpected to both the French and the Germans, the British and the Americans had formed a loose coalition in the negotiations, with the intent of getting each nation to stand down, recognition of Moroccan sovereignty (pushed for most strongly by the Americans), and the agreement of each nation to provide international funding to help Morocco provide security for the interests and citizens of other nations (pushed for most strongly by the British). While there were some that were worried in the British and American delegations that both sides would simply refuse the plan and escalate the crisis further, the British were lobbying hard for the French to come around to the idea. Furthermore, a financial crisis in Berlin forced the Kaiser to come around to the idea, which prompted the French to immediately agree to it. Some of the specifics took a few more days to hammer out, but soon enough the Second Moroccan Crisis had been diffused, staving off war in Europe.

The Treaty of Winchester was hailed in America as President Wood’s own equivalent to President Roosevelt’s Treaty of Portsmouth, and there were those that called for the Nobel Peace Prize to be awarded to President Wood. While this did not occur, it was considered a major success for the Wood Administration.

Leonard Wood had hoped to avoid racial issues as President. He knew that it would be a major political risk that he would have rather not deal with in the White House. There were other issues more important to him. To that end, whenever complaints were made about an African-American in a civil service position, President Wood pushed for them to be quietly dismissed if some plausible grounds for dismissal not directly related to the color of their skin could be found. He was more than willing to do this on his own, but he did not want to make it a big issue for fear of the outrage it might spark amongst progressive and strongly anti-segregation Republicans. He also had not had dinner with any African-Americans in his time in office - until August 1911.

President Wood invited his predecessor to dinner, along with a few other close friends. The intention was for each man to bring his wife, but Mrs. Roosevelt suddenly became ill. It was with that fateful illness that former President Roosevelt took it upon himself to bring Booker T. Washington to the White House with him for dinner. President Wood was taken by surprise, and met the next morning with scathing editorials from southern and Democratic-leaning papers.

The President was forced into defending Washington’s visit, and President Roosevelt persuaded him to defend the jobs of African-Americans who were doing good work in civil service positions. While many civil rights leaders were unimpressed by Wood’s half-hearted defense of Washington and overture to them, it helped the President win back the confidence of other progressive Republicans less intimately involved in the civil rights movement.

In the final months of 1911 and the opening months of 1912, then, the President signed into law a flurry of progressive legislation - restricting child and women labor hours, granting greater powers for the executive branch to intervene in and arbitrate disputes between labor and business in key industries, passing health standards on a number of food products, expanding the national parks, etc. While Leonard Wood had stumbled in his first few years in the White House, by the Spring of 1912 he had found his footing - and just in the knick of time for the next election.
 
Re-election's gonna be tough. McKinley, Roosevelt, Wood - that's a fair few Republican presidents. But assuming that in 1912 Roosevelt peeled more from Taft than Wilson, there seems to be a good possibility that, without Roosevelt running in 1912, Wood stands a decent chance.
 
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