The Persian Peace: A Dark Ages Timeline

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"I wish that between the Suwad and the Persian hills there were walls which would prevent them from getting to us, and prevent us from getting to them. The fertile Suwad is sufficient for us; and I prefer the safety of the Muslims to the spoils of war." – Caliph Umar

Few Persians dare to admit, today, that their world nearly came to an end during the tense weeks following the battle of Hulwan. A severe rift existed between many in the Sassanid court. Yazdegerd, merely a boy, could not have possibly chosen well for himself. It therefore came to the magi to discuss possible peace with the Caliphate. Many leaned towards continuing the war. After all, Mesopotamia belonged to Persia and these upstarts could not take it with the hand of Ahura Mazda guiding Persia on its battles. However, a member of the Magi, the great religious leaders of Persia, persisted that the Persians should surrender Mesopotamia to the Arabs, explaining that the Arabs appeared less powerful than they really were. Using the examples of what had happened in the Levant and Syria, This priest, by the name of Nagerzed, presented his case to the court of the Sassanids, in the presence of the king, Yazdegerd. The God-king himself was just a boy in his teens, and had been under immense pressure, having come to the throne as the Arabs assailed Mesopotamia. Therefore, most of his decisions rested on the shoulders of the Magi. The Magi at this point, besides Nagerzed, firmly placed their opinions on further attacking the Arabs.

One thing worked against these members of the religious aristocracy: Few had a closer emotional relationship to Yazdegerd than Nagerzed. Indeed, he had raised the regent as a boy, taught him most of the Zoroastrian theology, and helped the boy make difficult decisions. Still, the loss of Mesopotamia to a new force in the region which had previously been living in dirty oases disturbed many in the court. Nagerzed at this point had many enemies in the court, and his contradictory opinions chipped away at his reputation in the court. However, as long as he had the support of the king, nothing could be done about the priest. The friend of the king harried him, giving him suggestions and explaining to him how peace could benefit his nation. Still, the king did not receive his advice very well. Thus, under the pretence of taking the king to receive his soldiers, Nagerzed took Yazdegerd, according to legend, to the reliefs of Persepolis and Bishapur, where he explained to the king the importance of keeping such artefacts Persian, and not in the hands of the kingdom of the lie. That sealed the metaphorical deal for Yazdegerd, and on Febuary the 3rd, he declared to his court he was going to make peace with the Saracens.

Naturally most of the court felt great outrage. One of the Magi, according to legend, stood atop the palace for three days and three nights without food or water declaring the king a disciple of Ahriman before the palace guards took him down. While this story is undoubtedly false, it tells us about how much the declaration of a peace shook the Magi. Indeed, most of the ruling aristocracy felt outraged at what they saw as a betrayal of traditional Persian pride. Nevertheless, the decisions of the Divine king could not be questioned by mere mortals, at least in theory. In reality this declaration caused a conspiracy against the king which would have grave consequences later in his reign. For now, however, we must concern ourselves with the details of the peace promised by Yazdegerd.

On the 15th of February The Persian king met with the leaders of the Caliphate. Assisting the king was Nagerzed and accompanying Umar were Ibn Al-Walid, and Qa’qa. The details of the meeting between the opposing forces are shady at best and both sides seem to have had their official story behind it. According to Muslim sources, with Al-Qalani[1] as our best source, the Persian king reportedly kissed the feet of each member of the Caliphate’s negotiating party three times and gave them his sword, representing the whole of Mesopotamia. According to Persian sources the Caliph fell down with envy after sighting the figure of Yazdegerd on a majestic horse riding towards him and surrendered the land of Susiana to Yazdegerd. Both stories seem very sketchy if not outright lies and are probably fabrications by both sides to show how glorious they were. Once fact is certain, however: On that day Yazdegerd III surrendered the lands of Mesopotamia, as defined by the western border of Susiana, and the plain of Mesopotamia, with the cities of Ctesiphon and Bassora [2] given to the caliphate. In addition, a sum of 500 talents would have to be paid to the caliphate every ten years. The terms of the treaty dictated that Zoroastrians and Muslims in the territories of the Caliphate and Sassanid Persia respectively were to be treated with tolerance and that missionary work by either side signing the treaty would violate this agreement.

While in reality this agreement did not hold up in the long run it was surprisingly advanced for its time and because of it a distinctive Zoroastrian community existed in Ctesiphon until the 1300s, eventually succumbing to several terrible calamities that befell the region during that time. Nevertheless, this community remained a sort of remnant of older Zoroastrianism before the council of Persepolis in AD 699. Regarding cutting of contacts with the Eastern Roman empire, Yazdegerd ran into a roadblock in that respect. He had been married to the daughter of Heraclius and at this point it would be difficult to shove her out of the way. The Romans later accused him of murdering her after a ceremonial rape and then sacrificing her, but again, it seems that hatreds have managed to fabricate rather colourful lies. Yazdegerd eventually, on the suggestion of Nagerzed, exiled her to the city of Samarkand in Transoxiana. From that ‘betrayal’, as the Eastern Romans called it, sprung forth the end of the Eastern Roman empire. Without Persian support and with the full brunt of the Arab caliphate against her, she would be reduced, much to Heraclius’ horror, to a small strip of Anatolia. With the peace treaty between the Arabs and the Persians signed, Umar turned to the Eastern Roman empire. For them, this would be their darkest era. The Eastern Roman empire would enter a fight for its life, grave changes would occur in Persia, North Africa and Spain would fall under the heel of the Arabs, and in India, a strange change, regarding the Indo-Sassanids, began.

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1- An Arab writer in the 8th century.

2- Basra.
 
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Really interested to see what happens to Persian Christian communities in this TL. In fact Christianity in general. (Western Christianity, Persian Christianity, but no Eastern Orthodox Christianity?)
 
Really interested to see what happens to Persian Christian communities in this TL. In fact Christianity in general. (Western Christianity, Persian Christianity, but no Eastern Orthodox Christianity?)

The Eastern Empire will survive. The Arabs won't be able to breach the walls of Constantinople. The Persian Christians are mainly Nestorian now, as the Eastern Orthodox Christians were mostly in Iraq and now at the mercy of the Arabs.
 
The Eastern Empire will survive. The Arabs won't be able to breach the walls of Constantinople. The Persian Christians are mainly Nestorian now, as the Eastern Orthodox Christians were mostly in Iraq and now at the mercy of the Arabs.

They'll survive then. It's mostly the devastation done by the Timurids is what put a major dent to the number of Nestorian Christians. I see a similar fate may happen to the Zoroastrian community in Mesopotamia.
 
They'll survive then. It's mostly the devastation done by the Timurids is what put a major dent to the number of Nestorian Christians. I see a similar fate may happen to the Zoroastrian community in Mesopotamia.

Not the Timurids; the Il-Khanate extinguished Nestorian Christianity. By the time Timur was around it was dead. What he targeted was the Assyrian church, destroying almost all of it.
 
Just something to bear in mind- reducing the ERE to the coastal strip of Anatolia is probably going to ensure its demise, by smashing up the base of its armed forces. It won't be able to survive this, I don't think.
 
Just something to bear in mind- reducing the ERE to the coastal strip of Anatolia is probably going to ensure its demise, by smashing up the base of its armed forces. It won't be able to survive this, I don't think.

Hmm. I had this in mind but had thrown it away at first. I'll probably look into it as I can work this with or without Byzantium.
 
The Byzantines were in dire straits in the February of 638. Antioch had been lost in October and with it the entire Levant and Syria. The battle of Yarmouk had totalled the Byzantine army and both Egypt and Mesopotamia had signed independent treaties with the Caliphate. Egypt had until 640, while Mesopotamia and Armenia, the homeland of Heraclius, had until the summer of that year to prepare for the inevitable. The court of The Eastern Romans was a dizzying array of frantic messages and orders given at different times to keep some semblance of calm. Therefore, when Heraclius received the news that the Persians had signed a peace treaty with the Arabs and that the 12,000 man army originally destined for Persia now moved against the Byzantines in Anatolia, he was infuriated. Heraclius had always kept a calmer mind but this was too much even for the emperor to bear.

Everything that could have possibly gone wrong had gone wrong by this point. Heraclius had originally planned to preoccupy the Arabs by sending the Christian Arabs of Jazirah against the Rashidun caliphate but the addition of Arab fighters from Mesopotamia stopped this from being an option, for they could rout the Jazirahns while still marching against Heraclius. Heraclius decided he was going to stall them by means of forming a buffer area and practicing the scorched earth tactic there, creating a no man’s land. Whether or not this would stop the Arabs was uncertain but Heraclius was running out of resources to protect the empire and now he had turned to his last resort.

In Syria everything was well for Ibn Al-Whalid. The peace concluded with the Persians hastened his plans and freed up many troops for an attack on Anatolia and Byzantine Mesopotamia. He laid his plans in March, and wasted no time. The advance scouts of his had informed him the Byzantines were setting up a defensive line but the details were sketchy. Nevertheless opinions among the leaders of the Caliphate agreed that an offensive into Anatolia in 638, as well as an attack into Mesopotamia and Armenia once the truce there had ended needed to be done In order to cripple the Eastern Roman empire. While the Eastern Romans fascinated many in the Caliphate, and they respected the long military history of the empire, they knew that the Byzantines needed to be destroyed or at least weakened sufficiently so the people of Allah could take their rightful place in the world. Under this pretext a large Arab army of 30,000 prepared itself for the attack on the Anatolian territories of the Eastern Empire. Facing them, a small Roman army of some 35,000, scrounged up from the various provinces of Anatolia as well as from survivors of the Syrian disaster prepared a line of forts to at least keep some semblance of defensibility of the landmass against the Arab hordes. The Arabs set aside 20,000 men under the command of Hashim Ibn Uthba, hero of the earlier battles of Mesopotamia, to attack the Byzantine territories of Mesopotamia and Armenia.

After a month of preparation the Arab army under Al-Whalid and Caliph Umar set forth for Anatolia. On the 14th of April they reached the city of Tarsus on the Cilician plain. An important city for the Arabs to capture, 13,000 of Al-Whalid’s men besieged the city. Having been devastated by the previous wars and Arab expeditions the city surrendered after they realized that Heraclius would not relieve them, on the 2nd of May. On the 4th of May the army of Al-Whalid moved to attack Heraclius’ forces. Heraclius had hoped that if he could finally stop Al-Whalid at the Cilician Gates he could stop the Arabs from taking all of Anatolia. The most important battle since Yarmouk, the Cilician Gates would decide who would control Anatolia. For Heraclius, if that last frontier fell, it would be the end of the empire.

Wanting to avoid another pitched battle like Yarmouk but wanting to the chance to deploy the cavalry, Heraclius began a series of skirmishes designed to stop the Arabs from gaining a foothold in the gates, with the ultimate goal being to push them of out of the immediate plain outside the gates so Heraclius could deploy his cavalry to harry the Arabs. Khaled saw through his ploy, however, and prepared the Arab army for his own luring tactic. He allowed the Byzantines to push themselves onto the plain, and then attacked the emerging force with his own. By doing this the brilliant general turned Heraclius’ own trick on himself. It went according to plan and as the Byzantine army emerged from the gates the Arabs fell upon them. Though the Byzantines were of greater number than the Arabs both the fact that only around half the army was outside the gates and the general Arab fanaticism assisted them in taking on the Byzantines with great vigour. Regardless of the reason for Arab supremacy by the third week of May the Byzantine forces were scattered. Heraclius took the remaining 20,000 men with him back to Constantinople. His famous words when leaving the Cilician Gates were later recorded by many Greek writers.

“I no sooner leave my fair province of Syria do the infidels lay siege to fair Anatolia. If this continues I will soon run out of provinces to leave!”

With the last significant presence of Byzantine troops dissipated in Eastern Anatolia Ibn Al-Whalid had the entire realm of Anatolia at his mercy. Wasting no time, he crossed the Cilician Gates on the 17th of May. Gathering his men, the remaining 27,000 of his forces marched on the city of Marash. On the 3rd of June they reached the city and laid siege. The siege did not last long as the inhabitants surrendered under the terms of Jizya. After the siege of that small town finished most of central Anatolia lay open to Khaled. On the 23rd of June he reached Caesarea and camped outside of the city, promising the inhabitants Jizya if they surrendered peaceably. However, the city persisted and refused his offered surrender, so the Arabs starved the city with a holding garrison of 4,000 men. The remaining 23,000 of Khaled’s men attacked the city of Tyana, which surrendered as soon as they saw the Arab army. By now most of the cities of Anatolia were surrendering of their own accord once word came out that Heraclius had failed them. After Tyana, which surrendered on the 1st of July, Khaled turned his focus to the cities of black sea. After a twenty day march he reached Pessinus which promptly surrendered to the Muslim general.

Meanwhile, the treaty regarding not attacking Mesopotamia expired in July. Hashim then moved his force of 20,000 to attack the seemingly defenseless provinces of Armenia and Mesopotamia. He ran into fierce opposition, however, when he arrived at the plain of Edessa. Over 10,000 Christian Arabs, many of them Ghassanids who had lost their kingdom in 636 to the expanding Caliphate, awaited Hashim’s force. These forces made the critical mistake of challenging a force twice their size to a pitched battle and sealed their fate. Using his mobile guard of cavalry Hashim mounted several flanking attacks on the Ghassanid army, while also bringing his infantry to bear. The much smaller Ghassanid cavalry was driven from the field of battle and the remaining army began to fight desperately to survive. At this pivotal moment Hashim brought the cavalry back from pushing the Ghassanid cavalry off the plain of Edessa, and the cavalry closed the circle around the Ghassanid army, already partially enveloped by the Arab infantry. With this the last gasp of the Ghassanids were silenced and Mesopotamia lay open to Hashim’s offensive.

Edessa fell first with its last chance extinguished when they observed the Ghassanid army fall on the battlefield outside their city. In august, with the control over Upper Syria secured, Hashim attacked the Byzantine province of Mesopotamia, targeting both the cities of Constantine and Amida. Constantine fell within the month but Amida persisted much longer. In fact, the persistence of the leader of the Amidan garrison is legendary. It is said that when Hashim attempted to use siege towers to defeat them he undermined them, and when the leader of Arab force tried starving them the garrison leader organized his people to take care of their farm animals within the city and mined routes leading from the springs near the city.

Through this determination he stopped Hashim from proceeding until the 6th of October, when the city’s gates were finally broken open. Many in the city, to this day, still have a mourning day on the 6th of October in respect of the determination of the steadfast, yet nameless, garrison leader. Indeed, the man had stalled the conquest of Armenia long enough for Hashim to become reckless in his attacks. Though he did not find any resistance similar to that of the Amidans, he was not as careful with his soldiers as he had been before. This caused the Caliph to dismiss him later, at the end of the year.

In Anatolia Khaled quickly completed the conquest of Galatia when he captured the city of Ancyra on the 27th of July. Next, he turned to the coastal provinces of the black sea where the cities of Sinope, Gangra, Trebizond, Neocaesarea, and Claudiopolis lay. Khaled besieged these cities with relative ease, starting with the inland provincial capital of Gangra, which fell as soon as he got there on the 12th of August. Then he took a coastal route, taking the old Pontiac capital, Sinope, in early September. Much to the chagrin of nationalists later, the city among many others in the former Byzantine Empire surrendered quickly. Neocaesarea fell next, surrendering within a few days. Then Khaled laid siege to the city of Trebizond, one of the easternmost cities of the Byzantine Empire. It too fell quickly, surrendering on the 16th of October.

Then, with great speed, he turned his army around, defeating any remnant forces remaining, and captured the city of Claudiopolis of the province of Honorias. By now however winter approached speedily, and Khaled, as well as Hashim, were recalled to Syria for the winter. They had both done much in an appreciably short time, managing to destroy most of the Asiatic Hellenic heritage within a few years. With them they brought more wealth than thought humanely possible. According to folklore Caliph Umar fell out of his chair when he saw the various treasures brought by Khaled and Hashim. He is said to have looked over the loot and back at his rather humble abode with some disappointment and surprise before he praised both of the generals for their work. However, The Caliph dismissed the unfortunate Hashim soon after he arrived in Syria, for his reckless tactics in the Armenian campaign. Hashim felt angry over his dismissal but did not do any actions against the caliph after lengthy discussion with Khaled, despite the fact that the general’s popularity would have allowed him to revolt.

Meanwhile, In Constantinople, the rapidity and fury of the Muslim conquests terrified nearly everyone in the court. By this point Heraclius had resigned himself to the palace, struggling with reports streaming in of great Arab victories. Many talked of peace with the Arabs but Heraclius believed that Umar wanted nothing of it. He had sneaking suspicions that the Arabs would mount another offensive on Anatolia in the following year as well as Egypt the year after that. Unfortunately, nothing could be done for Egypt which lay cut off from any Byzantine supply lines that could feasibly be used to help it. The truth was that Egypt was doomed when the treaty expired. So, with Egypt off the agenda of things to protect Heraclius sought to defeat the Arabs in Anatolia, to perhaps bring them to the negotiating table. However, an event happened which shook the Byzantine court even worse than the Arabs, because it happened on top of everything which had already befallen them: On the 4th of March, 639, Avar armies crossed the Danube and attacked both Moesia and Dalmatia.
 
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I wonder, this could be the right moment for a sneak Persian attack from the rear? On Arabs, of course...

After the Mesopotamian battles the Persians are both demoralized and crippled militarily. They've lost a good amount of population, as well. And if the Persians made peace only when the Arabs controlled the Levant and Syria, why would they attack when they have most of Anatolia under their control?
 
I recalled Heraclius or some other Eastern Roman Emperor consider moving the imperial capital to Carthage should Constantinople have fallen. Just an idea to consider.

Things are looking bad for the Eastern Empire.
 
I recalled Heraclius or some other Eastern Roman Emperor consider moving the imperial capital to Carthage should Constantinople have fallen. Just an idea to consider.

Things are looking bad for the Eastern Empire.

Oh, terribly bad. Heraclius did indeed consider moving the capital, and perhaps, if things turn very bad he will have to leave Constantinople.
 
That is if he's not overthrown by someone else who would see Heraclius as too weak to handle the Caliphate threat.

He my very well retreat to Carthage with a few followers after the rest of the Byzantine court and army refuse to go with him.
 
He my very well retreat to Carthage with a few followers after the rest of the Byzantine court and army refuse to go with him.

Where I imagine are going to be fighting amongst themselves on who's going to be the 'proper' Emperor and serve as sitting ducks for the Caliphate.:D
 
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