Dev Diary VII: Götterdämmerung - Part I - (Part IV)
Once the KN is formed, it needs to become an actual organization. People abroad and in Germany must both support its foundation and existence, and nations must be invited as official members. Speer will need to reach out to the Russians, the Triumvirate (or former Triumvirate, more likely), the United States, Japan, the various secondary powers around the world, and of course, everyone else. Acceptance is dependent on the nation being asked, their decision based on their relations with Germany and how they look upon Speer’s reforms. Nations who refuse have a decision to join at any time they choose, and Germany has one to invite them again.
With the KN established and seen as a legitimate body, it finally needs to be decided how exactly it will be run. There are three choices. The KN can be a meeting place for all nations, equally representing all nations of the world, making it a more noble body perhaps but also most likely taking out any teeth the powers that be would be willing to give it. It can be a circle of various powers, forming a Security Council and giving the most powerful handful of nations a greater voice and a floor for them to discuss issues, or it can go on the other side of the spectrum and serve as a floor for the big three players in the Cold War, giving it perhaps the most power it can have but also possibly making it far more polarized than it could be, and disheartening everyone in the organization besides Japan, Germany and the United States.
Regardless of how the KN is built, it must then begin forming its child organizations and working towards what it sees as a better world. The tree here is very temporary, as it will soon make use of the new dynamic focus branches that Cornflakes will give us. Until then however, you can see placeholders that will eventually be expanded.
A Court of Human Rights can be founded to begin uplifting the peoples of the world, show the world that Germany is working towards change and to challenge the Japanese regime. An army of International Peacekeepers can be formed to answer any crisis in the world with a neutral body. An Economic Council can work towards improving and regulating the world economy, and a Treaty on Nuclear Arms can be made to try to calm the tensions around the world and prevent more nations from acquiring WMDs.
And then there’s actual intervention. Issues like the constant border conflicts across Europe, the desolation of Africa, and Russian Warlordism can each be tackled by the KN and solutions decided and mutually worked towards. Chief of all for Germany however, is finding a solution to the Burgundian Issue. The tumor on the side of the Reich needs to be excised, one way or the other. Speer can ask for a KN mission to break Himmler’s madhouse, but if refused, can instead go in alone, and try and solve it himself, possibly betraying the organization he strived so hard to create.
Without the KN, Speer can’t be the pacifist he may want to be. Instead, he’ll have to use his diplomatic abilities to try and keep Germany alive throughout the Cold War and into the future.
First off is Russia and the Balkans. Speer has the option to attempt to woo either the various fascist warlords in Russia or attempt a more general approach, expanding diplomatic ties with nations in the region regardless of ideology. This can eventually be used to either support a limited reunification into a friendly Russian state that will totally always remain friendly no ifs, ands or buts (it may backfire just a little) or support several of the stronger Russian minors to form a series of smaller, but still friendly and less dangerous nations.
In the Balkans, the chief issue is Romania.
While Romania is now under a different government than the outright hostile one the Reich faced in the 50s, the nation still doggedly refuses to give up its gains and represents a thick wall between Germany and the southeast.
Decisions must be made to either sanction the nation and attempt to go down the road of breaking it up once more or to reestablish ties at the cost of further isolating the rest of the Balkans, but possibly bringing the region’s most powerful nation, besides Italy and Turkey, into the fold.
Regardless of which is chosen, getting past Romania opens options to treat with Italy and Turkey. Both will require concessions on the part of Speer, and treating with one will prevent Germany from befriending the other, but either way, taking one of these two rival nations from despising to Germany to joining her alliance is a gargantuan task and an impressive accomplishment.
Speer can also work to make inroads into the east. In the Middle East, he may choose to either work with Italy in an attempt to divide up the region into spheres of influence, or Speer may risk everything and attempt to subvert Italy’s control of the region. While the latter may present more gains for Germany there, it also prevents Germany from working with Italy in the future.
Securing the Middle East will bring Germany down to Africa, where Speer can either try and woo the local warlords of the African Reichskommissariats or attempt to force them to follow along on his reforms, culminating in Speer choosing to either try and woo the Boers or the South African government.
Bridges can also be made to Iran, plying them with aid and assistance and using them to approach Afghanistan and the Central Asians and, more importantly, India. Speer has the best chance of any of the German leaders to woo India to his side, but like with Italy and Turkey, it will come at much cost, and there is no promise the Indians will honor any deal made.
Finally, Speer can also work to improve and uplift the Pakt from a loose net of Germany’s vassals into an actual, viable organization. This can be done through a unified officers program and, eventually, a united Pakt Military to work for the common good of the entirety of the alliance, a mutual research program to ensure the entirety of the Pakt remains relevant technologically, and a unified industrial plan, with equally united standards.
Work can also be made to close off the weakest points in the Pakt. Kaukasia can either be excised from the Pakt once and for all or Speer can work with friendly elements in Josias’s government in an attempt to break his stranglehold on the nation.
The English can be approached, and Speer can either treat with the Collaborators or betray them and work directly with the English resistance, offering to welcome the Queen back and withdraw the garrison in return for the English remaining either in the Pakt or neutral, though it’s doubtful that they’d be entirely willing to accept this, it just may avoid an all out war in England.
And of course, the stand can be made against Burgundy, once and for all breaking Himmler and his foul order with the full support of the Pakt.
Finally, there is the America tree. Speer is the only one of the four German leaders with a shot at treating with the American government. Like with the KN, this is very reliant on Germany’s political and economic status, but if enough work is made then Speer and the Americans can eventually declare Detente, and both focus instead on combating the Japanese.
We have now gone over Speer, but he is still not the only contender for the Reich, in fact he’s one of the least likely to take power. Let’s look at the next on the political spectrum and most likely to grab power during the Civil War and before. Martin Bormann, Hitler’s personal secretary and poster boy of the Nazi conservatives in the Reichstag.
Bormann’s Reich:
With Bormann in power, the Reich… well it will remain the Reich we all know and loath. His claims that the Reich needs no serious change are shown in his actions, as he seeks to merely try and repeat what the Reich was already doing but with a different spin. The only thing allowing him to do this is the fact he managed to kill most of those who disagreed with him during the war, and with most of Göring’s former supporters flocking to his banner after their defeat, he can afford to wipe out the remainder of those against his regime.
Bormann represents the continued stagnation and an attempt at a bitter revival of the Reich. He does not represent the change and movement the Reich desperately needs to survive in any capacity. This won’t stop him from riding the German bull and pretending like he’s a cowboy, and it won’t stop Germany from goose stepping happily along after him. Bormann is more for the AI to pick, but a player can also choose him and have fun making things explode internally. Many, many of his focuses contain descriptions like “This probably isn’t a great idea.”
On the other hand, his tree is quite a bit larger, to add a few alternatives to what seem to be clearly bad decisions.
First off for Bormann is setting up his new regime. The final remnants of his enemies need to be removed from the Reichstag once and for all, and the Great Negotiator must manage the organization and convince its politicians to his side to finally settle the government.
The banks must be dealt with, much like Speer, and either negotiated to begin working with the government instead of against it or finally dismantled.
The students also need to be handled, and Bormann can either try and convince them that his way is the best way, through methods which some scholars would call lying, or simply unleash the police once and for all and negotiate with them at the other end of a bayonet.
Regardless of the paths taken here, Bormann has the easiest time dragging the Reich back under his control to represent the large acceptance of him as the Reich’s successor, and it won’t be long until Bormann begins his… reforms?
First up is Bormann’s much, much larger military tree. The military being over bloated and in desperate need of cutting down is simply a myth. It simply needs a bit of direction, not complete revolution!
Once the KN is formed, it needs to become an actual organization. People abroad and in Germany must both support its foundation and existence, and nations must be invited as official members. Speer will need to reach out to the Russians, the Triumvirate (or former Triumvirate, more likely), the United States, Japan, the various secondary powers around the world, and of course, everyone else. Acceptance is dependent on the nation being asked, their decision based on their relations with Germany and how they look upon Speer’s reforms. Nations who refuse have a decision to join at any time they choose, and Germany has one to invite them again.
With the KN established and seen as a legitimate body, it finally needs to be decided how exactly it will be run. There are three choices. The KN can be a meeting place for all nations, equally representing all nations of the world, making it a more noble body perhaps but also most likely taking out any teeth the powers that be would be willing to give it. It can be a circle of various powers, forming a Security Council and giving the most powerful handful of nations a greater voice and a floor for them to discuss issues, or it can go on the other side of the spectrum and serve as a floor for the big three players in the Cold War, giving it perhaps the most power it can have but also possibly making it far more polarized than it could be, and disheartening everyone in the organization besides Japan, Germany and the United States.
Regardless of how the KN is built, it must then begin forming its child organizations and working towards what it sees as a better world. The tree here is very temporary, as it will soon make use of the new dynamic focus branches that Cornflakes will give us. Until then however, you can see placeholders that will eventually be expanded.
A Court of Human Rights can be founded to begin uplifting the peoples of the world, show the world that Germany is working towards change and to challenge the Japanese regime. An army of International Peacekeepers can be formed to answer any crisis in the world with a neutral body. An Economic Council can work towards improving and regulating the world economy, and a Treaty on Nuclear Arms can be made to try to calm the tensions around the world and prevent more nations from acquiring WMDs.
And then there’s actual intervention. Issues like the constant border conflicts across Europe, the desolation of Africa, and Russian Warlordism can each be tackled by the KN and solutions decided and mutually worked towards. Chief of all for Germany however, is finding a solution to the Burgundian Issue. The tumor on the side of the Reich needs to be excised, one way or the other. Speer can ask for a KN mission to break Himmler’s madhouse, but if refused, can instead go in alone, and try and solve it himself, possibly betraying the organization he strived so hard to create.
Without the KN, Speer can’t be the pacifist he may want to be. Instead, he’ll have to use his diplomatic abilities to try and keep Germany alive throughout the Cold War and into the future.
First off is Russia and the Balkans. Speer has the option to attempt to woo either the various fascist warlords in Russia or attempt a more general approach, expanding diplomatic ties with nations in the region regardless of ideology. This can eventually be used to either support a limited reunification into a friendly Russian state that will totally always remain friendly no ifs, ands or buts (it may backfire just a little) or support several of the stronger Russian minors to form a series of smaller, but still friendly and less dangerous nations.
In the Balkans, the chief issue is Romania.
While Romania is now under a different government than the outright hostile one the Reich faced in the 50s, the nation still doggedly refuses to give up its gains and represents a thick wall between Germany and the southeast.
Decisions must be made to either sanction the nation and attempt to go down the road of breaking it up once more or to reestablish ties at the cost of further isolating the rest of the Balkans, but possibly bringing the region’s most powerful nation, besides Italy and Turkey, into the fold.
Regardless of which is chosen, getting past Romania opens options to treat with Italy and Turkey. Both will require concessions on the part of Speer, and treating with one will prevent Germany from befriending the other, but either way, taking one of these two rival nations from despising to Germany to joining her alliance is a gargantuan task and an impressive accomplishment.
Speer can also work to make inroads into the east. In the Middle East, he may choose to either work with Italy in an attempt to divide up the region into spheres of influence, or Speer may risk everything and attempt to subvert Italy’s control of the region. While the latter may present more gains for Germany there, it also prevents Germany from working with Italy in the future.
Securing the Middle East will bring Germany down to Africa, where Speer can either try and woo the local warlords of the African Reichskommissariats or attempt to force them to follow along on his reforms, culminating in Speer choosing to either try and woo the Boers or the South African government.
Bridges can also be made to Iran, plying them with aid and assistance and using them to approach Afghanistan and the Central Asians and, more importantly, India. Speer has the best chance of any of the German leaders to woo India to his side, but like with Italy and Turkey, it will come at much cost, and there is no promise the Indians will honor any deal made.
Finally, Speer can also work to improve and uplift the Pakt from a loose net of Germany’s vassals into an actual, viable organization. This can be done through a unified officers program and, eventually, a united Pakt Military to work for the common good of the entirety of the alliance, a mutual research program to ensure the entirety of the Pakt remains relevant technologically, and a unified industrial plan, with equally united standards.
Work can also be made to close off the weakest points in the Pakt. Kaukasia can either be excised from the Pakt once and for all or Speer can work with friendly elements in Josias’s government in an attempt to break his stranglehold on the nation.
The English can be approached, and Speer can either treat with the Collaborators or betray them and work directly with the English resistance, offering to welcome the Queen back and withdraw the garrison in return for the English remaining either in the Pakt or neutral, though it’s doubtful that they’d be entirely willing to accept this, it just may avoid an all out war in England.
And of course, the stand can be made against Burgundy, once and for all breaking Himmler and his foul order with the full support of the Pakt.
Finally, there is the America tree. Speer is the only one of the four German leaders with a shot at treating with the American government. Like with the KN, this is very reliant on Germany’s political and economic status, but if enough work is made then Speer and the Americans can eventually declare Detente, and both focus instead on combating the Japanese.
We have now gone over Speer, but he is still not the only contender for the Reich, in fact he’s one of the least likely to take power. Let’s look at the next on the political spectrum and most likely to grab power during the Civil War and before. Martin Bormann, Hitler’s personal secretary and poster boy of the Nazi conservatives in the Reichstag.
Bormann’s Reich:
With Bormann in power, the Reich… well it will remain the Reich we all know and loath. His claims that the Reich needs no serious change are shown in his actions, as he seeks to merely try and repeat what the Reich was already doing but with a different spin. The only thing allowing him to do this is the fact he managed to kill most of those who disagreed with him during the war, and with most of Göring’s former supporters flocking to his banner after their defeat, he can afford to wipe out the remainder of those against his regime.
Bormann represents the continued stagnation and an attempt at a bitter revival of the Reich. He does not represent the change and movement the Reich desperately needs to survive in any capacity. This won’t stop him from riding the German bull and pretending like he’s a cowboy, and it won’t stop Germany from goose stepping happily along after him. Bormann is more for the AI to pick, but a player can also choose him and have fun making things explode internally. Many, many of his focuses contain descriptions like “This probably isn’t a great idea.”
On the other hand, his tree is quite a bit larger, to add a few alternatives to what seem to be clearly bad decisions.
First off for Bormann is setting up his new regime. The final remnants of his enemies need to be removed from the Reichstag once and for all, and the Great Negotiator must manage the organization and convince its politicians to his side to finally settle the government.
The banks must be dealt with, much like Speer, and either negotiated to begin working with the government instead of against it or finally dismantled.
The students also need to be handled, and Bormann can either try and convince them that his way is the best way, through methods which some scholars would call lying, or simply unleash the police once and for all and negotiate with them at the other end of a bayonet.
Regardless of the paths taken here, Bormann has the easiest time dragging the Reich back under his control to represent the large acceptance of him as the Reich’s successor, and it won’t be long until Bormann begins his… reforms?
First up is Bormann’s much, much larger military tree. The military being over bloated and in desperate need of cutting down is simply a myth. It simply needs a bit of direction, not complete revolution!
