The Myth of Intervention and the ACW

I actually began reading EnglishCanuck's Wrapped in Flames before I realized Smith's Burnished Rows of Steel existed; it was the former that led me to the latter. Both struck me as well written in the literary sense, and I have great sympathy for EC's sentiments that Canada would not simply roll over and joyfully embrace Union conquest.

That said, I agree with the skeptics here who point out there is no "settling" the matter; we don't know what would have happened.

What seems to be common ground for most is, that really, the European powers had very little reason to get sucked into intervention on either side. The Union did not need intervention nor were there any strong European tendencies, in terms of the actual ruling class interests anyway, to favor it actively, so speculation is all on the side of British and/or French intervention in favor of the Confederacy. But there were many excellent reasons OTL why this did not happen and trying to set up a scenario where it does is an exercise in absurdity.

This makes the whole question of wargaming it even more problematic than usual. Why do they fight?

It all boils down to morale in my humble opinion. The Union of OTL had no easy time, and I interpret the fact of Republican mid-term strength in 1862 and Lincoln's re-election in 1864 as demonstrations that for a wide variety of somewhat related reasons, pro-Union sentiment was quite strong in the North. It was of course not universal, but it was strong enough to prevail, and I think it is most reasonable to assume that even in the face of worse adversity, such as an unaccountably belligerent British Empire, the Unionists would persevere. Given that, their numbers and location and large internal resources all point to being able to endure quite a lot of redoubled opposition and still prevail.

Unless of course both Britain and the Confederacy showed similar resolve! But OTL the Confederacy was a very rickety structure indeed; huge swathes of slave states whose governments had joined the Confederacy were held by populations with no sympathy for secession and indifferent to hostile toward slavery. (Not in solidarity with the slaves to be sure; they were interested in their interests as plebeian white people who resented the domination of the rich large slaveholding class). Confederate ideology did not help them, not only were they committed formally on paper to maintaining and expanding slavery, their anti-Unionist reasoning led to a weak Confederal government with miserable finances. To unify the Southern whites into the sort of solidarity that prevailed in sentiment among Lost Causers generations hence would require some really massive PODs in the past generations and would probably require ASB intervention. The Confederacy did not have the kind of morale the Union did, and this despite rather inspiring early successes on the battlefield.

And just why is Britain involving itself at all? It is a stretch to get them involved; OTL Abraham Lincoln was smart enough to realize that taking on Britain at the same time as trying to recover control of the South would be very foolish, and getting the British to get so worked up as to go to war requires far-fetched manipulations of both events and personalities.

Having somehow or other jiggered a British declaration of war, just how solid is support for it in Britain? (The question of support elsewhere, in places like Australia, might be somewhat relevant too, but clearly the main thing is views in the British Isles). OTL sentiment was split along class lines. The opportunistic gloating over the dire straits of the Union was evident enough in organs such as The Economist--pretty much as we'd expect that same magazine to take positions today. It was easy enough to write off Union claims of concern for the lot of Southern slaves as hypocrisy; even the Emancipation Proclamation freed only those slaves Lincoln's forces did not have control over. For the British government and leading economic circles to have contempt for the Union was only to be expected. But in fact, going lower down the class ladder to those who barely could vote and lower still to the masses who could not, the Union and Lincoln were seen as friends of their classes, the Confederate slavocracy their enemies. The upper class position that Northern abolitionism was so much humbug could serve to neutralize their disdain for dealing with avowed, unrepentant slave owners, but down the social ladder, the masses saw it differently--one side might renege but was probably going to emancipate in the end, and in any case stood for comprehensive democracy, while the other was irredeemable and stood for rank reaction.

Britain going to war would probably serve to suppress a certain degree of dissent--it always does, which I view as a major driver of wars. If the war goes sour though and drags on, this effect backfires; people who were fairly conservative before get radicalized.

I suppose it can easily be shown on paper that a united, resolved Confederacy in alliance with a British Empire that is deeply, solidly committed to fighting the Union until they surrender claims to the South (and disgorge any conquests of Canada they may have accomplished in the interim) can break the Union. But I don't think you can show it can do so easily! The cost would be high. If we are realistic about the rottenness of the Confederacy, then it becomes all the harder for the British, who must manage to defend Canada, or else achieve such a crushing victory over the Union that the Yankees yield their conquests back, while doing the slavocrats' work for them in securing the Confederacy in the south. They must do this in the face of the certainty that Lincoln will issue something like the EP eventually, and will seek to mobilize the southern slave population against their criminal masters. The proud British stand for abolition of slavery will be twisted out of all recognition by actively aiding the South. It cannot be a popular war at home and if it becomes costly, the danger of major unrest in Britain itself (not to mention colonies such as Australia, settled in large numbers by radical dissidents and others of questionable political orthodoxy) will limit the ability of Britain to deploy its full power.

The Union has morale, the Confederacy, even allied to Britain, will lack it, and being aligned with the Confederacy will severely poison British interests too.
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This thread began with the premise that, without intervening, mere recognition of the Confederacy and repudiation of Lincoln's claim that the secession was an internal matter of crime and treason but the USA continued to exist in full would be worse for the European powers than OTL non-recognition or perhaps intervening. Immediately someone jumped in to suggest that mere paper recognition of the Confederacy would be a terrible blow to Union morale and of great immediate benefit to the South.

I can agree with Anaxagoras about the general direction of the effect in America, but I think he terribly exaggerates the magnitude. It would be unfortunate for the North and of some help to the South--but nothing like the scale-tipping magnitude he suggests. After all the Union is not being de-recognized, not being threatened with war, and so Lincoln is still able to use the force he could muster OTL. The US Navy may or may not be a match for X number of British warships but that is moot as long as peace, however tense, exists between them. Union ships can still act to blockade the South, and so any purchases Southern agents make in Europe still have to be shipped to Southern ports--attempting to do so is likely to result in either the cargoes going to the bottom in a dead loss, or Union ships actually capturing them--war contraband can of course be used by the Union forces instead, so Southern purchases may wind up giving their foes free gifts. Considering the dire situation the Union faced in 1861 I don't think that Union morale will collapse in whimpers upon getting the news that Her Majesty's Government thinks the Confederacy is a nation.

The mere paper declarations are not going to do all that much. What is serious about them is that either the European great powers reveal their diplomacy to be so much prattle and cant, removed from the realm of reality, or they take steps to demonstrate their belief that the Confederacy is a good faith government. If Parliament's position is that the coastal waters from Virginia on south are no longer US waters, and the Confederacy is a friendly power, then British merchants may trade there freely and therefore any Yankee blockades become acts of piracy, which the RN is honor-bound to intervene against.

Thus, a recognition of the Confederacy is either fanciful, or tantamount to a declaration of war.

If Britain declares war, Canada is forfeit. I don't have to accept TF Smith's view that the British subjects north of the US border were in fact disloyal to Britain and waiting eagerly for the chance to be incorporated into the USA in order to recognize that the Great Lakes region provinces were terribly vulnerable to a much more massive US Midwestern population that was backed up by regional industries and extensive railroad networks. The punch the USA can deliver against Canada in the west is so overwhelming it hardly matters what the local attitudes are--initially anyway. In following both EC and Smith's TLs I urged a policy whereby Lincoln would offer to trade Ontario back to the Crown, with treaty provisions limiting its arms, to buy peace as soon as possible. But I don't think it is a slur on British Canadian patriotism to believe that the Union would indeed prevail there. Farther east in the Maritimes it is a different story since these are accessible by sea, and Quebec is, well, interesting. But it is the western lands that would cost the Empire the most, and contain loyal British subjects under the heel of Yankee dominion.

The conquest of western Canada would indeed tend to solidify support in Britain for defeating the Yankees, but how much this is so depends on details. Again if Lincoln is offering to give it back, that will defuse outrage at least in those classes that were inclined to support the Union anyway, and greatly weaken the impact of bluster of those who were not.

In case of war, despite possible glorious victories at sea and on various fronts, I believe it will be British morale that collapses and seeks a negotiated settlement before the Union does. And if the Union can hold, and prevent wholesale invasion--and only a really massive British army deployment can threaten such a thing--then time is on its side.

Recognition of the Confederacy being then either an exercise in self-mockery and humiliation if it is not followed up, or sure to lead straight to war and thus being effectively an early declaration of it, it was of course avoided by a rational British government OTL.
 
I've got my suspicion that TFSmith is still with us under a new name. I'm not sure, though, so I'll refrain from naming a name. But if TF were here, the US would have defeated Britain, annexed Canada, probably be moving through Alaska to take most of Russia, and if France and Prussia got involved, they'd be toast, too:p
 
I don't suppose you can mean me; I've been here a long time and I don't think I sound like Smith.

At any rate while I miss him, I certainly have to admit he got banned for reasons. I greatly admired how BROS was written, and happen to agree that a US victory was likely for reasons he explained pretty well. I disagreed with him on the Canada issue, doubting that Canadians (Anglo Canadians anyway) would be at all willing to be conquered and that the USA simply annexing western Canada would be to swallow a poison pill of resentment and conflict; better I thought to hold it as negotiable territory for leverage to end the war with Britain ASAP.

As I saw it, he could not learn to simply shrug off criticism and instead insisted on trying to overwhelm all disagreement with mind-numbing orders of battle (a term I frankly learned from his endless repetition of it) and other statistics and anecdotes intended to nail down his assertions beyond any doubt. Doing this, particularly against certain critics present in this thread who did not impress me as any more classy or fair-minded than the worst picture one could paint of Smith, bogged him down, prevented the actual story from going forward, and infected his responses in other threads.

I don't appreciate the bitterness and snark against him especially now that he's gone; it is not only grave dancing but apparently his old critics and nemeses now want to argue by virtue of nose-counting Confederate/British victory TLs versus (surviving!) Union victory as an argument for the logical consistency of any Civil War TL.

I'd say that one reason for a greater number of Confederate Wanks is that Union victory is the obvious way to bet, therefore making it come out against the odds is the more interesting challenge.

I simply do not believe the British would be foolish enough in the 1860s to get into a grudge match with their major North American field of investment and trading partner, not to mention the people who could despoil the Empire of Canada (but could be trusted not to because getting into a war with the British Empire is hardly in the best interest of the USA either--and for practical purposes the Yankee economy has as much access to Canada as makes it profitable anyway.)

I admit I am interested, keenly so, in the question of what a hard competition between the USA and British Empire might look like when started at various arbitrary dates, and I believe the 1860s are a cusp--Yankee arrogance versus Britain prior to 1860 is a way to commit suicide; after 1880 or so is more ruinous to Britain than the USA (though if the conflict started early in the 1880s the Americans would have half a decade or so of major building up to do) -- what then about the Civil War era where Britain has the unique opportunity of a split nation with a faction they can support against the main core of the Union?

I've given my opinion though--it is a matter of morale, not of assembling paper catalogs of generals and regiments like so many Risk armies. The Union has stronger reason to fight than the British do, and the British would be lining up with a particularly sick and sickening ally.

And yes, I do think that by this time, the USA has enough depth and developed resources to, with sufficient motivation and stringent enough measures, scrape up what is needed to stop a combined Confederate/Union effort to defeat it, and given time, to grow enough capacity to eventually force Britain off North American soil. More likely though the British will come to terms much earlier, particularly if Lincoln were to offer to return western Canada.

I think also that if Britain did agree to terms early on that unlike the legacy of ongoing conflict and bitterness Smith was foreshadowing, pretty soon the hostility on both sides would be forgotten or anyway pretty much forgiven. US and British interests ran too closely parallel to maintain a grudge match similar to say France's animosity toward Germany after the loss of Alsace-Lorraine.

The challenge, to produce a proper US/UK duel to the death, would be to produce a cause for conflict severe enough to overcome all the tendencies toward cooperative engagement--and I suspect it would be pretty much ASB by the latter half of the century.
 
I've got my suspicion that TFSmith is still with us under a new name. I'm not sure, though, so I'll refrain from naming a name. But if TF were here, the US would have defeated Britain, annexed Canada, probably be moving through Alaska to take most of Russia, and if France and Prussia got involved, they'd be toast, too:p

Given his very idiosyncratic posting style, I'd think not. And he at least had the perspective to just argue that America (and other American powers like Mexico/Brazil/Argentina) were invincible...on American soil. Wars abroad weren't his focus so much, although I think he talked about WW2 every now and then.
 

Saphroneth

Banned
But I don't think you can show it can do so easily!
Actually, I think you can. The key points are blockade of firearms, gunpowder and iron - without access to the resources of Europe, the US is restricted in weapons so severely that in effect the army is locked in the state it is as of the British blockade, and then becomes a wasting asset in a quite dramatic sense (where every single firearm broken in training or cast away in the field is irreplaceable, and most of the Union is armed with percussion smoothbores until the blockade is broken.) In the meantime, with their own blockade broken the Confederacy can expand in fighting power faster than OTL - and the British can very quickly pour reinforcements into Canada, certainly ahead of the spring thaw.

What you end up with then is the Union's army considerably weaker than OTL, unpaid (due to the bank run that took place OTL on the threat of war and the blockade preventing gold shipments), facing a Confederacy stronger than OTL and facing to the north an enemy armed plentifully with the most modern artillery in the world.

This is not a situation where I would hold out much hope for a victory, frankly - I'd be impressed if the Union simply kept their borders secure for the first six months, but after that point they've essentially used up their entire stockpile of gunpowder and are completely screwed.
 
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Recognition without intervention would have been a political disaster for the Lincoln administration and would have massively improved the prospects of the Copperhead Democrats. As in: "Look how incompetent Lincoln and his Republicans are! If they're so close to beating the rebels, why has London sent a minister to Richmond?!?!" Moreover, the increased credibility the Confederate government would derive from diplomatic recognition would have greatly assisted its efforts to raise money on the bond markets in London and Paris, which would in turn have considerably improved its prospects for winning its independence.
this is one I'd like more discussion about... we've done Trent War scenarios on here to the nth degree, all of them loaded with bitter arguments that have led to kicks and bans. But I don't recall any real discussion of the 'recognition without intervention' scenario...
 

Saphroneth

Banned
this is one I'd like more discussion about... we've done Trent War scenarios on here to the nth degree, all of them loaded with bitter arguments that have led to kicks and bans. But I don't recall any real discussion of the 'recognition without intervention' scenario...
Probably because it's a bit of a damp squib in military terms (no real new things happen battle-wise) and looks very unimpressive from the Confederate point of view - basically if the Confederacy becomes independent in this scenario it does so by way of a US election defeat for Lincoln by McClellan.

It's also contra to British policy of OTL - Britain doesn't recognize newly revolted nations until they've established their independence on their own.


Though it would be interesting if the Scorpion and Wivern were allowed to be sold to the Confederacy, the Confederates had some very interesting plans for those ships and they'd probably have worked. Getting them finished in time for the critical election is tricky given how long they took OTL, but it might be possible - and they were fast, heavily armoured (to British standard) and could frankly run rings around any monitor.
The plan was to threaten Northern cities with bombardment, and I think most of the cities in question were not adequately protected to prevent the ironclads steaming through and delivering on that threat - so that could cause a surge of peace support.
 

Saphroneth

Banned
So I found the original 1862 intervention document which this thread is talking about, and - frankly I can't say I'm impressed.
An analysis of the possibility of British intervention which describes the Royal Navy like this:


As far as the Royal Navy was concerned, it was still the largest in the world and had taken the lead in building armored, ocean going warships after being stimulated by the French. The RN, however, would have had only four such ships in service by mid-1862. Wooden sailing ships still made up 25% of the RN. Only a third of the RN’s warships were in full service and at peacetime levels of manning and on-hand ammunition. The crews of these ships would have had to be reinforced and additional ammunition and stores brought aboard. The rest of the RN was in various states of readiness, many ships being in ordinary, which would have required them to be taken into dock for inspection, overhaul and even repair, a crew recruited for them and then armed and provided with ammunition and stores. Additional time would be needed for shaking down the ship and training the officers and crew.



These ships would need coal, water, food and ammunition. No significant force could be maintained off the North Atlantic coast by being sustained from the British Isles. The British would need bases nearer to the theater of operations. Unfortunately, the two major bases in North America, Halifax at Nova Scotia and Kingston, in Jamaica, had been allowed to run down over the years of peace in the Western Hemisphere. These ports would have to be reinforced, refurbished, upgraded and restocked if they were to support any sort of effective intervention on the Atlantic Coast. Beyond water and food, the RN could expect to find little in the way of sustainment from what Southern ports would still be in the CSA’s hands.

is frankly very wrong.
The point about wooden sailing ships is largely irrelevant without context, which is that the sailing ships were all in the reserve and the last few of those were being taken out of service. The Royal Navy has been in a steam building naval race for the past decade, a race it comfortably won and which left it with around sixty steam liners (as compared to the US zero).
The claim of 1/3 of the Royal Navy consisting of sail ships requires a great deal of further explanation - by what measure is 1/3 judged, numbers/tonnage? What ships are in the sail third?
No mention is made of the primary base at Bermuda, a base which could by the end of January dispose of four steam liners (irrespective of the one lost on a sandbar at the end of 1861) and one ironclad plus enough smaller ships to outmatch the entire USN. This is irrespective of reinforcements such as those gathering at the Tagus, which included the Warrior - most powerful operational ironclad in the world bar none. No mention is made either of Milne, station commander, who had been preparing for a possible blockade for some months and had had the main ports of the US and CS scouted.
The coal mine at Halifax is not mentioned (meaning in short that there was coal, food and water available on station - the only shortfall being ammunition supplies) nor is the detail that the time taken for supplies to cross the Atlantic was on the order of two weeks.
Any specifics to the peacetime ammuntion levels are not made clear - on many occasions ships on overseas stations in the OTL were required to participate in naval engagements without having a chance to head back home to re-arm, so this suggests unless evidence can be provided otherwise that the RN did not send out ships with too little crew, shell or gunpowder to actually do anything on foreign station (any more than the US Navy makes a habit of showing the flag with carrier battle groups without providing them with pilots, bombs, missiles or aviation fuel).
The idea of Halifax and Kingston being run down over the years of peace is likewise not substantiated in any real way - certainly Bermuda was undergoing a decade long upgrade program which was finished in the middle of the American Civil War (1863) so the station was not treated as a non-military zone - and the ports were required to support Milne's squadron in peacetime so food, coal and water should be well available.
This point is further undermined by the detail that the station went on immediate war alert during the Trent affair, and that conditional orders had been issued.
The specific point about ordinary and the time taken is hampered by the detail of how fast the Royal Navy could activate fleet units from the reserve (n.b. the reserve is where most steamers were, ordinary was for sail ships):
HMS Orlando, which had not been commissioned since her launch in 1858, was ordered to be brought out of the first class steam reserve at Devonport on 3 December 1861. On 6 December 1861, they took her into no. 1 dock to have her hull cleaned. She had a captain appointed at noon on 17 December 1861, embarked her seamen at 4 o'clock the same day, took on the marines on the 18th, received eight months worth of provisions on the 19th, and completed for sea service on 21 December 1861. She left Plymouth on 26 December 1861, and battled her way through horrendous North Atlantic winter weather to reach Halifax on 15 January 1862.
Thus we can see that the flash-to-bang time for the first class steam reserve is roughly a month and a half counting travel time; a problem for the article which takes as read that the flash-to-bang time for the Royal Navy's currently in commission ships is more like a year.


A large portion of the deployable force would have to initially be dedicated to convoys and trade protection against USN ships and privateers scattered throughout the world hunting Confederate raiders, now turned raiders themselves. It would have taken a significant amount of time, at least a year, until around January 1863, before the Royal Navy could gather sufficient forces to attempt a blockade of US North Atlantic ports and try to relieve the ports of the Confederacy based out of their North American bases.

This is frankly comical, partly for reasons that have been discussed before but also partly because it vastly overexaggerates the scale of the US Navy. The number of ships out cruising as of the Trent affair was very small - a half dozen or so - with most of the rest of the USN dedicated to blockade work; if these ships scatter to raid commerce, the blockade of the Confederacy is no longer there at all and the RN blockade of the US is easy.


Of the USN's heavy or medium ships:

The sail ships are no good for commerce raiding, as they're easily escaped by the steam ships making up much of British commerce. Ditto for steamers with an operational speed below about six to eight knots, or anything smaller than a sloop because the RN has a fair number of sloops and frigates all over the world.

Here's the operational USN steamers and their positions as of Trent.

Frigates
Steam
Mississippi: Gulf (Blockade)
Susquehanna: Port Royal squadron (Blockade)
Powhatan: hunting down Confederate commerce raiders?
Wabash: Port Royal (Blockade)
Roanoke: Hampton Roads (Blockade)
Colorado: Gulf (Blockade)
Minnesota: Hampton Roads (Blockade)
Niagara: Gulf (Blockade)

As we can see, of these ships only the Powhatan is not definitely actively engaged in blockade work. Dispatching any of these ships weakens the blockade considerably.
In any case, of them the majority are Franklin-class (AKA Merrimack class). Heavy ships but with the crippling problem of underpowered engines, not nearly able to make their design speed as a general rule and probably better engaged defending against enemy heavy ships. Certainly they're the only thing the USN has that can trade broadsides with a RN frigate on close to even terms.





Sloops
Steam
Saranac: Pacific
Wyoming: Pacific
Tuscaroa: Southampton (captured)
Dacotah: Not in commission as of PoD (New York)
Seminole: Port Royal
Narragansett: Pacific
Saginaw: Hong Kong (captured)
Pocahontas: Port Royal
Brooklyn: Gulf
Hartford: Not out of Chesapeake
Richmond: repairs, NY Naval Yard
Lancaster: Pacific
Pensacola: sailing south for the Gulf
Kearsarge: about to commission in Maine
Mohican: Port Royal
Iroquois: patrolling the Caribbean

Of these, the Pensacola, Iroquois and potentially the entire Pacific Squadron might be able to get out and raid. The rest are blockading, and if they abandon the blockade then that cripples it (though the Gulf units are about to be hit by Dunlop's squadron out of Vera Cruz - conditional war orders - so the real question for them is if they survive the first three days.)

Interestingly, most of the USN units that can be said to be cruising (the Tuscaroa and Saginaw) are actually using Royal Navy ports, which brings up an important logistic point - if the USN goes commerce raiding, where are they going to recoal? The Confederacy exploited neutrality laws to recoal in neutral ports, most of them British; this option would not be available to US raiders.



The Royal Navy was suffering from technical problems by 1862. The British had just introduced Armstrong breech loading cannon to replace most of their muzzle loaders. These rifled cannon would prove not only less serviceable in combat, due to their complex breech mechanism, but also had less armor penetration capability than the smooth-bore muzzle-loaders they had replaced, since the powder charge had been reduced to minimize breech failures. This left the 68 pounder (8”) muzzle-loading smooth-bore gun as the best armor-piercing cannon the RN had available, a gun essentially equal to the Dahlgren IX inch, which proved useless against armored ships like the CSS Virginia. While the British armored cruisers and wooden warships were faster than the armored ships of the USN at sea, the war on the Atlantic Coast would not be fought out on the open sea, but in coastal waters, near and around harbors. The larger combat turning radius and the deep drafts of the RN warships would have had more impact than their open ocean speed. Even the primary harbor channels in New York City were only slightly deeper than the draft of ships like HMS Warrior. The RN would have been restricted from using its largest and most powerful ships, such as the steam-powered wooden ships of the line, in severely constrained waters, suffering the same tactical restrictions as CSS Virginia at Hampton Roads (which ran aground on a sand bar as the tide receded) or worse (Charleston required light draft ships to get over the sand bar at the mouth of the harbor). Moreover, these ships carried their batteries high out of the water so they could continue to operate in heavy seas. They would have found it difficult to engage USN monitors at close range where their guns could not depress far enough and where the monitors’ big smooth-bores would have been most effective. At pointblank range, the XI” Dahlgren shot/shell gun with the thirty pound full charge would shatter four inch wrought iron plates backed with 24” of oak. The 68pdr, like the IX” Dahlgren, would penetrate two inches of wrought iron and 18” of oak frames at the same range, which the 7” Armstrong rifles could barely do better. The big XV” Dahlgren (Navy) and the 15” Rodman (Army) shot/shell guns could penetrate six inches of wrought iron armor backed by 24” of oak. The US Navy and Army were reluctant to use solid shot (bolts) from their 6.4” and 8” Parrot rifles because of their unpredictable reliability, but the solid wrought iron bolts from the 8” equaled the performance of the XV” Dahlgren. The XI” Dahlgren shells proved devastating against wooden ships. The RN did have smaller armored vessels with shallow draft intended to attack fortifications, but they would have had little or no superiority over the USN’s monitors carrying XI” and XV” Dahlgren guns or the US Army’s coastal artillery of 10” and 15” Rodman guns and rifled 32pdr and 42pdr guns. This applied even more to the steam powered wooden ships of the line and large frigates that would have provided most of the warships for the blockading forces. Imagine USS Monitor or Passaic or the “New Ironsides” facing British wooden steam corvettes and sloops in shallow waters, a situation comparable to that faced by USS Congress and USS Cumberland when attacked by the CSS Virginia.


This paragraph is full of half truths and outright mistakes.
The Armstrong rifles were actually quite useful against wooden vessels (which at this point make up the entire US Navy); the problem was that their AP capacity was relatively poor, as noted.
The 68 pounder was not roughly equal to the Dahlgren IX inch, it was vastly superior - the reason for this is the powder load, with the Dahlgren IX inch burning 13 lbs for "distant" firing and the 68 pounder burning 20 lbs for the same range (half again as much). With less powder behind a heavier ball, the Dahlgren IX inch gun has about half the muzzle velocity.
To cite the uselessness of American guns against an ironclad as evidence that British guns would not be effective is frankly backwards, especially when the same article then suggests American guns would pierce British ironclads.
The turning radius of the average frigate was comparable to the Passaic class but traversed at twice the speed. Warrior with her very fine lines was more like 700 yards at top speed - note "at top speed", she could move slower - and Defence had a much shorter and handier form.
It seems obvious to point out that the USN cannot hide inside Confederate harbours from Royal Navy squadrons.
No thirty pound charge was ever authorized for the XI" Dahlgren. 20 pounds was authorized later in the war for "battering" from new guns, 30 pounds tended to cause the XI" to explode.
There were (so far as I can tell) no Parrott rifles of the 8" calibre in service in early 1862 - the first of them was cast at West Point in March 1862.
The performance of the 8" Parrott (burning 16 lb of powder) with wrought iron bolts would be at best equivalent to the 8" 68-lber burning 20 lbs of powder with wrought iron bolts. (That's generous.)
The 68 pounder could penetrate four inches of backed rolled wrought iron at point blank range, which is why Warrior was built with 4.5" of backed rolled wrought iron.
I've already mentioned that the XI" Dahlgren could only crack 4.5" hammered wrought iron at point blank range with double charges; hammered is superior to laminate (as found on US monitors) but inferior to rolled (found on Warrior).
The XV inch dahlgren did not exist in early 1862. Exactly one Rodman XV inch gun existed in early 1862 (at Fort Monroe).
The shallow sections of the New York harbour channels are well outside the harbour itself; Warrior would have to be steered carefully through them, but would not be under fire while she did so. The narrows and the main bay have plenty of excess draft.
The XI" Dahlgren's shells were effective against wooden ships but not devastating; this is partly because their fuzing was quite poor. The Royal Navy at this time had contact fuzes and the USN did not.
No USN monitor besides Monitor herself was operational before the last day of 1862. Monitor herself was a critically flawed design in all sorts of ways, with a wider turning circle than most RN heavy ships, slow speed, lacklustre and slow firing armament and comparatively weak armour. (Her turret armour is unbacked laminate, the weakest scheme of the lot, and is also made of brittle silicaceous iron; a 32 pounder would cause heavy spalling and a 68 pounder might well pierce into the turret entirely). While hard to sink, a single frigate could render her hors d'combat with one or two broadsides in a few minutes. (Virginia was mostly armed with shell OTL.)
All Monitors loaded very slowly compared to broadside ships.
The RN's shallower draft ironclads were armoured nearly as well as Warrior and as noted were available well before any non-Monitor monitor could be put into service. They were largely immune to penetration by the 10" shell gun (even if firing shot).
Congress and Cumberland were not steam frigates - they were sail frigates, unable to manoeuvre nearly so well. If the Virginia or a comparable warship faced a RN steam frigate, it would have a much more difficult time than with a USN sail frigate.

In the event of Monitor or Passaic facing a RN steam frigate or shallow draft ironclad, they would be facing an enemy with many times their rate of fire, greater or equivalent speed, and a tighter turning circle; in many cases the RN ship would also be shallower draft (that is, the shallow ironclads - they had less draft in most cases than the Monitor's 10.5 feet). The monitor would have two guns, each of which fired about once every five minutes or less (once every fifteen minutes for anything with an XV inch gun), while the RN ship would have seven heavy guns on the broadside (shallow draft ironclad) or as many as 26 medium to heavy guns (heavy frigate) with a fire rate of about once per minute.
The New Ironsides is more heavily armoured and better armed, but steers even worse (nigh impossible to steer, her rudder is in the dead area of the flow) and is only about as heavily armoured as the RN's earlier shallow draft ironclads, with 4.5" of hammered wrought iron to their 4". (The later ones, such as Terror based at Bermuda at the time of Trent, had rolled wrought iron and was hence superior.)

If the USN's use of XV inch guns, 8" Parrott rifles and other weapons invented over the course of 1862 is considered for this hypothetical, then the RN would be mounting 9.2" Somerset cannon (smoothbore guns with a charge of 33 lbs of powder, using as much powder as the XV inch gun's "far" charge but concentrated into a smaller ball and thus much faster) and deploying Palliser shells (the first armour piercing shells). If either of these were used on a monitor they'd go straight through the turret armour at close range and burst inside the fighting compartment.
 
this is one I'd like more discussion about... we've done Trent War scenarios on here to the nth degree, all of them loaded with bitter arguments that have led to kicks and bans. But I don't recall any real discussion of the 'recognition without intervention' scenario...

I think we've covered it pretty well though; if Britain does not intend to intervene then early recognition would be as Saproneth says out of line with established policy and, should they extend recognition, then the likelihood of conflict with the USA is greatly escalated, since Britons wishing to trade with the Confederacy would no longer accept RN failure to protect them against ongoing Yankee blockades. I dismiss the great importance of British recognition of the Confederacy on Yankee morale; any dismay would be offset by outrage--which does not diminish Yankee resolve though it does further ratchet up the probability of war going hot with Britain. Per Saproneth the Yankees are then doomed, which I think clearly underestimates Yankee potential to develop adequate industry in their large interior to keep fighting, but anyway that is no longer a "recognition without intervention" TL game, we're right back to intervention.

Recognition leads on a steep and slippery slope to almost certain intervention; this no doubt is why British policy was routinely against early recognition unless they had a pre-established resolve to intervene anyway (and apparently even then they'd wait for victory before awarding recognition--very prudent indeed!) And in this case in particular I think even the most choleric and hot-headed and brittle British ministry would be keenly aware that the choice before them was either to lie back making snarky remarks about Yankee insincerity but keep correct relations (including recognizing the southern states as legally Union, therefore deferring to the USN in traditionally US waters and permitting the blockade to interfere with the interests of private British subjects) or else go all in and plan to fight the Yanks and win. I see no point in butting heads further on the subject of an intervention TL, just to remark that I think it is not wise to sell the potential of the Union to resist and come back short, and that the reasons Britain had to be circumspect OTL were very very strong ones, and so were Lincoln's to keep things cool, so even rather nasty random provocations seem highly unlikely to upset the admittedly strained peace. And that anyone writing a TL where Britain is wildly successful had better present their case for why it is supported on the home front very solidly.

I will grant that if the Union can be brought to terms very quickly, within a year at the most, the usual jingoism that favors any war once started can check the domestic opposition to a war on the USA in Britain pretty effectively. But if it is a matter of a long hard grind, the anti-war people, silenced and intimidated and maybe even locked up for a time, will come back with a vindictive "I told you so!" attitude that might have drastic consequences for ongoing British development.

And a victory in alliance with the Confederacy also seems not unlikely to me to have drastic consequences too, strengthening the hand of reaction at least in the short run. To keep the rabble quiet Britain might take an increasingly authoritarian turn, which might have consequences in terms of holding on to colonies like Australia. Or it might be tantamount to welding the political safety valve shut, leading within half a generation or so to a huge political explosion.

Would a victorious Britain really persuade their Confederate allies to abolish slavery, for instance? From the point of view that respects the rights and interests of the slaveholding classes, as they see it, this is economically impossible. If one accepts that slaves can be regarded as property with a capital value, that capital investment was tremendous, amounting to the lion's share of all capital in the South. There just was not enough money in the Union before secession for redemption of slaves at "fair" prices to be managed, and trying to do so would bankrupt the North. Britain is of course richer than the Union (for now--and the Union alone, stripped of its southern states, is still coming up fast and close) but I don't think nearly rich enough to simply buy the slaves off their owners, nor would such a solution, rich as it would leave the planters and other big slave owners (and for that matter former owners of one slave would get quite a handsome bonus too) solve the social and political problem of how to handle the emancipated former slaves. Will Britain, in addition to paying a massive bribe to the feckless ally they needed to push to victory, also pony up to round up the freedmen, load them on ships and dump them overseas somewhere, taking on the task of managing the resulting mess wherever they are dumped? Will the Southern whites not realize that deporting their African-American subjects is tantamount to slitting their own wrists economically?

OTL of course the "solution" was tantamount to collective enslavement of the black population as a whole under the Black Codes and evolving Jim Crow law and "custom." It seems far more likely to me that instead of accomplishing an emancipation up to British moral standards, they will in fact either be forced by circumstance to let slavery ride in the Confederacy, and be shackled to a massively repressive slave regime, or promote a paper "emancipation" with token compensation that however leaves the African-American population as cruelly oppressed as under Jim Crow, or worse. I can't even decide which of these is more likely, since the Confederacy's supporters are all for keeping slavery in its familiar form.

Thus even if I can be persuaded by stacks of figures and reports of American deficits in this, that and the other manufacturing sectors that show that indeed the isolated Union cannot pull through with autarky, the outcome seems likely to be dystopian indeed.

Anyway none of this is "recognition without intervention," because recognition opens the gates of Hell, clears the path to intervention and switches it from an unlikely and absurd nightmare for all to all too probable, and this was clearly understood in London and Washington. HMG would not be that stupid without a compelling reason, and plain recognition with the British restraining themselves from being drawn into intervention would be a foolish fiasco for Britain--either nothing much happens at all versus OTL, or Britain is embarrassed not to back her words with deeds. It would be dumb, all downside, no upside for HMG.

If they are going to recognize, it will be because they are ready to jump into the war.
 
1. I seriously disagree. The RN is not a "magic wand" that can be waved at a problem.

No, it's the largest and most powerful navy in the world at that time.

It would take a year for the RN to put sufficient forces into Kingston and Halifax with the supplies to support an intervention in force. LOGISTICS.

Aside from all the other things people have said, simple common sense would seem to argue otherwise: you don't conquer and maintain the largest overseas empire in human history by having a sluggish and inefficient military that takes a year to react to threats.
 
1. I seriously disagree. The RN is not a "magic wand" that can be waved at a problem.

No, it's the largest and most powerful navy in the world at that time.

It would take a year for the RN to put sufficient forces into Kingston and Halifax with the supplies to support an intervention in force. LOGISTICS.

Aside from all the other things people have said, simple common sense would seem to argue otherwise: you don't conquer and maintain the largest overseas empire in human history by having a sluggish and inefficient military that takes a year to react to threats.
 
Probably because it's a bit of a damp squib in military terms (no real new things happen battle-wise) and looks very unimpressive from the Confederate point of view - basically if the Confederacy becomes independent in this scenario it does so by way of a US election defeat for Lincoln by McClellan.

It's also contra to British policy of OTL - Britain doesn't recognize newly revolted nations until they've established their independence on their own.


Though it would be interesting if the Scorpion and Wivern were allowed to be sold to the Confederacy, the Confederates had some very interesting plans for those ships and they'd probably have worked. Getting them finished in time for the critical election is tricky given how long they took OTL, but it might be possible - and they were fast, heavily armoured (to British standard) and could frankly run rings around any monitor.
The plan was to threaten Northern cities with bombardment, and I think most of the cities in question were not adequately protected to prevent the ironclads steaming through and delivering on that threat - so that could cause a surge of peace support.

To his credit Tsouras uses the Scorpion and Wivern as his POD as opposed to the Trent.
The problem is with rest of Britannia's Fist. He uses the same questionable performance figures for Armour and Ordnance as others, is often horrendously biased, and has the US pulling off wildly implausible coincidences and one sided advantages.
Transfering every single Maine Regiment from the Army of the Potomac back to its home state just in time to repel a British attack on Portland is pushing things a bit. Especially when the first train pulls into Portland literally just as the British are landing.
Even pre-war the British are apparently in awe of American arms and want "to purchase Dahlgrens in large numbers"?
The Casco Class Monitors are described in glowing terms as a definite advantage, as opposed to more traditional views involving words such as "Fiasco" and "White Elephant" (To be found in the Osprey Guide).
He introduces completely fictional characters from other writers work as if they were influential historical figures.
And continues the classic, wildly inaccurate, character assassination of British historical figures, such as Palmerston's "Malevolent Hostility" for the United States, this is Man who maintained a lifelong correspondence with his friend Harriet Beecher Stowe, and portraying all the British Royalty as unpleasant, arrogant, malicious, incompetents. In the Trilogy Prince Alfred, Victoria's second son, is described as an unpopular, thoroughly dislikeable, ungrateful wretch, as opposed to the actual history of a competent Naval Officer (Who retired as a well regarded Admiral of the prestigious Mediterranean Fleet), who has schools named after him, and when an attempt was made on his life personally appealed for clemency for his attacker. His description of Garnet Wolseley as a man with "a Weak Chin and a Thin Moustache" borders on farce.
His description of Naval Engagements tend to resemble a strategy game set on easy where the Union player knows all the cheat codes.
The Third Battle of Charleston has more than every Ironclad in the USN present and at most a third of the RN's available Ironclad Strength, arguably less since the Royal Navy List for 1862 lists 28 Ironclads, and has the US conducting a successful limpet mine attack on a moving target at the battle's climax.

And let us not forget that by the end of the trilogy the Union has the support of Powered Flight, which is not at all a massive ahistorical advantage.
And Tsouras is the best of the published versions.
 
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Saphroneth

Banned
The Casco Class Monitors are described in glowing terms as a definite advantage, as opposed to more traditional views involving words such as "Fiasco" and "White Elephant" (To be found in the Osprey Guide).
I'd have thought "underwater" would be the salient point.

And let us not forget that by the end of the trilogy the Union has the support of Powered Flight, which is not at all a massive ahistorical advantage.
Yeah, that's something I've tried to avoid in Open Sea - mostly things happen a year or two sooner or later. The Armstrong-Elswick guns are going to take years to debug and they'll just be "RML performance, BL breech".


But yes, Tsouras is frankly ridiculous - I especially like how he has 15" Dahlgren armed monitors tearing Black Prince to bits, which is begging the question of "what with". A single cannonball is not going to heavily damage a nine-thousand-ton ironclad, and the reload time for the XV" gun in a monitor-type ship was about fifteen minutes.
 
I actually began reading EnglishCanuck's Wrapped in Flames before I realized Smith's Burnished Rows of Steel existed; it was the former that led me to the latter. Both struck me as well written in the literary sense, and I have great sympathy for EC's sentiments that Canada would not simply roll over and joyfully embrace Union conquest.

Well thank you for the kind praise of my work! Your input in the original thread was delightful and thought provoking.

That said, I agree with the skeptics here who point out there is no "settling" the matter; we don't know what would have happened.

I generally agree with you here. My own TL is no more "authoritative" than any other work on the subject. I'm merely interpreting it as I feel is most accurate. I can't prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that my view is the most accurate, but I can argue for its plausibility, which is the best that we can hope for.

What seems to be common ground for most is, that really, the European powers had very little reason to get sucked into intervention on either side. The Union did not need intervention nor were there any strong European tendencies, in terms of the actual ruling class interests anyway, to favor it actively, so speculation is all on the side of British and/or French intervention in favor of the Confederacy. But there were many excellent reasons OTL why this did not happen and trying to set up a scenario where it does is an exercise in absurdity.

This makes the whole question of wargaming it even more problematic than usual. Why do they fight?

It all boils down to morale in my humble opinion. The Union of OTL had no easy time, and I interpret the fact of Republican mid-term strength in 1862 and Lincoln's re-election in 1864 as demonstrations that for a wide variety of somewhat related reasons, pro-Union sentiment was quite strong in the North. It was of course not universal, but it was strong enough to prevail, and I think it is most reasonable to assume that even in the face of worse adversity, such as an unaccountably belligerent British Empire, the Unionists would persevere. Given that, their numbers and location and large internal resources all point to being able to endure quite a lot of redoubled opposition and still prevail.

Unless of course both Britain and the Confederacy showed similar resolve! But OTL the Confederacy was a very rickety structure indeed; huge swathes of slave states whose governments had joined the Confederacy were held by populations with no sympathy for secession and indifferent to hostile toward slavery. (Not in solidarity with the slaves to be sure; they were interested in their interests as plebeian white people who resented the domination of the rich large slaveholding class). Confederate ideology did not help them, not only were they committed formally on paper to maintaining and expanding slavery, their anti-Unionist reasoning led to a weak Confederal government with miserable finances. To unify the Southern whites into the sort of solidarity that prevailed in sentiment among Lost Causers generations hence would require some really massive PODs in the past generations and would probably require ASB intervention. The Confederacy did not have the kind of morale the Union did, and this despite rather inspiring early successes on the battlefield.

And just why is Britain involving itself at all? It is a stretch to get them involved; OTL Abraham Lincoln was smart enough to realize that taking on Britain at the same time as trying to recover control of the South would be very foolish, and getting the British to get so worked up as to go to war requires far-fetched manipulations of both events and personalities.

Having somehow or other jiggered a British declaration of war, just how solid is support for it in Britain? (The question of support elsewhere, in places like Australia, might be somewhat relevant too, but clearly the main thing is views in the British Isles). OTL sentiment was split along class lines. The opportunistic gloating over the dire straits of the Union was evident enough in organs such as The Economist--pretty much as we'd expect that same magazine to take positions today. It was easy enough to write off Union claims of concern for the lot of Southern slaves as hypocrisy; even the Emancipation Proclamation freed only those slaves Lincoln's forces did not have control over. For the British government and leading economic circles to have contempt for the Union was only to be expected. But in fact, going lower down the class ladder to those who barely could vote and lower still to the masses who could not, the Union and Lincoln were seen as friends of their classes, the Confederate slavocracy their enemies. The upper class position that Northern abolitionism was so much humbug could serve to neutralize their disdain for dealing with avowed, unrepentant slave owners, but down the social ladder, the masses saw it differently--one side might renege but was probably going to emancipate in the end, and in any case stood for comprehensive democracy, while the other was irredeemable and stood for rank reaction.

Britain going to war would probably serve to suppress a certain degree of dissent--it always does, which I view as a major driver of wars. If the war goes sour though and drags on, this effect backfires; people who were fairly conservative before get radicalized.

I suppose it can easily be shown on paper that a united, resolved Confederacy in alliance with a British Empire that is deeply, solidly committed to fighting the Union until they surrender claims to the South (and disgorge any conquests of Canada they may have accomplished in the interim) can break the Union. But I don't think you can show it can do so easily! The cost would be high. If we are realistic about the rottenness of the Confederacy, then it becomes all the harder for the British, who must manage to defend Canada, or else achieve such a crushing victory over the Union that the Yankees yield their conquests back, while doing the slavocrats' work for them in securing the Confederacy in the south. They must do this in the face of the certainty that Lincoln will issue something like the EP eventually, and will seek to mobilize the southern slave population against their criminal masters. The proud British stand for abolition of slavery will be twisted out of all recognition by actively aiding the South. It cannot be a popular war at home and if it becomes costly, the danger of major unrest in Britain itself (not to mention colonies such as Australia, settled in large numbers by radical dissidents and others of questionable political orthodoxy) will limit the ability of Britain to deploy its full power.

The Union has morale, the Confederacy, even allied to Britain, will lack it, and being aligned with the Confederacy will severely poison British interests too.

I think you've locked on to the important issues of the "why" and the "how" that need to be addressed in these scenarios. One of the biggest impediments to any sort of British intervention in the ACW is simply why they would do it in the first place. The how of the fighting (and an attached why they keep fighting) also becomes important. Like you say, the British had very good reason for not intervening or extending total recognition to the Confederacy in the first place. In my own TL there's a long series of provocations, misunderstandings, and mistrust that escalates the situation to a shooting war, and those seem like the bare minimum to see a justification of a shooting war.

Even then though, I'm not convinced this would lead to automatic recognition of the Confederacy, if only for the reason that the British and the Confederates will have wildly different goals in mind for both how and when to end the war. Britain will really be looking for peace with honor, and the Confederacy being independent doesn't necessarily supply that. So right there you have divergent goals, regardless of any underlying ideological difficulties.

This thread began with the premise that, without intervening, mere recognition of the Confederacy and repudiation of Lincoln's claim that the secession was an internal matter of crime and treason but the USA continued to exist in full would be worse for the European powers than OTL non-recognition or perhaps intervening. Immediately someone jumped in to suggest that mere paper recognition of the Confederacy would be a terrible blow to Union morale and of great immediate benefit to the South.

I can agree with Anaxagoras about the general direction of the effect in America, but I think he terribly exaggerates the magnitude. It would be unfortunate for the North and of some help to the South--but nothing like the scale-tipping magnitude he suggests. After all the Union is not being de-recognized, not being threatened with war, and so Lincoln is still able to use the force he could muster OTL. The US Navy may or may not be a match for X number of British warships but that is moot as long as peace, however tense, exists between them. Union ships can still act to blockade the South, and so any purchases Southern agents make in Europe still have to be shipped to Southern ports--attempting to do so is likely to result in either the cargoes going to the bottom in a dead loss, or Union ships actually capturing them--war contraband can of course be used by the Union forces instead, so Southern purchases may wind up giving their foes free gifts. Considering the dire situation the Union faced in 1861 I don't think that Union morale will collapse in whimpers upon getting the news that Her Majesty's Government thinks the Confederacy is a nation.

The mere paper declarations are not going to do all that much. What is serious about them is that either the European great powers reveal their diplomacy to be so much prattle and cant, removed from the realm of reality, or they take steps to demonstrate their belief that the Confederacy is a good faith government. If Parliament's position is that the coastal waters from Virginia on south are no longer US waters, and the Confederacy is a friendly power, then British merchants may trade there freely and therefore any Yankee blockades become acts of piracy, which the RN is honor-bound to intervene against.

Thus, a recognition of the Confederacy is either fanciful, or tantamount to a declaration of war.

If Britain declares war, Canada is forfeit. I don't have to accept TF Smith's view that the British subjects north of the US border were in fact disloyal to Britain and waiting eagerly for the chance to be incorporated into the USA in order to recognize that the Great Lakes region provinces were terribly vulnerable to a much more massive US Midwestern population that was backed up by regional industries and extensive railroad networks. The punch the USA can deliver against Canada in the west is so overwhelming it hardly matters what the local attitudes are--initially anyway. In following both EC and Smith's TLs I urged a policy whereby Lincoln would offer to trade Ontario back to the Crown, with treaty provisions limiting its arms, to buy peace as soon as possible. But I don't think it is a slur on British Canadian patriotism to believe that the Union would indeed prevail there. Farther east in the Maritimes it is a different story since these are accessible by sea, and Quebec is, well, interesting. But it is the western lands that would cost the Empire the most, and contain loyal British subjects under the heel of Yankee dominion.

The conquest of western Canada would indeed tend to solidify support in Britain for defeating the Yankees, but how much this is so depends on details. Again if Lincoln is offering to give it back, that will defuse outrage at least in those classes that were inclined to support the Union anyway, and greatly weaken the impact of bluster of those who were not.

In case of war, despite possible glorious victories at sea and on various fronts, I believe it will be British morale that collapses and seeks a negotiated settlement before the Union does. And if the Union can hold, and prevent wholesale invasion--and only a really massive British army deployment can threaten such a thing--then time is on its side.

Recognition of the Confederacy being then either an exercise in self-mockery and humiliation if it is not followed up, or sure to lead straight to war and thus being effectively an early declaration of it, it was of course avoided by a rational British government OTL.

Well the Union historically threatened war if anyone recognized the Confederacy, so recognition leads to a problem on both sides, and would be something that absent already existing hostilities each side would want to avoid since it could have disastrous implications.

I think you are correct though, that recognition without action is a disaster, and really just a pointless exercise.
 
Well, according to Englishcanuck, who created a pro confederacy movement in California out of whole cloth.

I don't recall writing anything about a pro-Confederacy movement in California either in the first version of my TL or this version of the TL where I haven't even gotten there yet. :confused:
 
Well, according to Englishcanuck, who created a pro confederacy movement in California out of whole cloth.


Fact 2: There was a vocal secessionist faction in Southern California.

During the secession crisis, Northern California was securely in the Union’s hands. Southern California, however, had a vocal minority of Southerners who had moved during the Gold Rush that wished to have Southern California secede from the Union and join the Confederacy. This vocal movement led to the rise of a number of pro-Confederate groups in Southern California including the Los Angeles Mounted Rifles and chapters of the Knights of the Golden Circle, a group that had previously been dedicated to annexing 25 states in Mexico, to be added to the United States as slave states.


http://www.civilwar.org/education/h...the-civil-war/10-facts-about-california.html#

The funny thing is while EnglishCanuck is not all that sure he ever wrote about it, it did exist. Unless of course you subscribe to the idea that American historians are part of an educated elite conspiring to steal history from good people like yourself Faeelin.
 

Saphroneth

Banned
No, it's the largest and most powerful navy in the world at that time.
In terms of battle line, the RN is not merely the most powerful navy in the world but actually mounts more guns on steam liners (i.e. battleships) than everyone else in the world combined at the time, by a quite large margin.

Going by Before the Ironclad, the Royal Navy mounts 6,380 guns on steam line of battle ships and everyone else combined mounts 4,694 guns on the same kind of ships. In short, the Royal Navy has their traditional "one third superiority" condition that they tried to maintain in the 19th century... over the entire planet, at least in terms of battle line.

A few more figures - as of Trent the Royal Navy possessed complete (i.e. in commission or reserve)

57 steam liners
(full-on capital ships - more than they know what to do with, 34 of them are in reserve as of the Trent. Milne has at least five)
9 steam blockships
(early iterations of the steam liner concept, currently in use as harbour defence "Coastguard" ships but also considered expendable. Incidentally, they can climb the Potomac.)
38 screw frigates
(modern heavy warships, some of them themselves more powerful than the largest single USN ship in service at this time)
16 paddle frigates
(less modern than the screw frigates, often fitted with a few heavy guns instead of a large broadside of medium guns)
26 corvettes
(a middle ground between frigate and sloop, in the USN they'd be considered towards the heavy end of the sloop class)
33 screw sloops
(the workhorses of a potential blockade, this is probably the RN's biggest problem. But it's not as bad as it could be because of...)
48 paddle sloops
(not ideal for direct combat against enemy heavy ships, but serviceable versus converted civilian ships, other paddle sloops, or any gunboat, and also for blockade work)

Gunboat totals are harder to get, but over the course of two years in the Crimean War the Great Armament was built. This consisted of 154 gunboats, 26 gunvessels and 54 mortar gunboats, and there were more built since then - so we can reasonably estimate that the RN disposed of approximately 200 gunboats of various types.

In addition to this, in early 1862 the Royal Navy had two operational full ironclads, two more launched and fitting out, and a total of eight floating batteries (of which Trusty was undergoing conversion and testing as a turret ironclad, and Glatton was too rotten to be worth refitting). This total of 8-10 ironclads stands in stark contrast to the USN's total at the same time (0, rising to three by August).


When compared to the USN's steam fleet (8 frigates, 15 sloops) we see that the USN has about 14% the number of frigates the RN has and about the same percentage of lighter steam ships. In terms of ships of force (frigate or liner) the USN has the dual problem that the RN has four spare battleships for every USN frigate and that the RN battleships are generally much more powerful on the broadside - a matter of better fire control, more (breechloader) rifles, better fuzes and simple number of guns.
 
I don't recall writing anything about a pro-Confederacy movement in California either in the first version of my TL or this version of the TL where I haven't even gotten there yet. :confused:
Time for a rewrite?

'there are more secessionists in this and the adjoining counties than there are in proportion to the population in any part of the United States this side of Dixie, or the so-called Confederate government; and not only that they are in great numbers, but that they are organised and armed, ready at a moment's warning to take up their arms against the Government of the United States. They are, many of them, the bitterest haters of our Government that can be found alive, and do not attempt to conceal their hatred. It is an everyday occurrence for them to ride through the streets of Visalia and hurrah for Jeff. Davis and Stonewall Jackson' (Lieutenant Colonel George S. Evans, Second Cavalry California Volunteers, Tulare County California, 1 December 1862)

'There is no doubt of an organised movement among the disloyal people of this part of the State, for what purpose I am unable to find out.' (Lieutenant Colonel William Jones, Camp Babbitt, Visalia, California, 8 April 1863)

'I have now ordered those companies of the fourth infantry to the southern district, where the disloyal element far exceeds that in any other section of this state.' (Brigadier General George Wright, San Francisco, 26 May 1863)

'armed bodies of men and organisations of a character disloyal to our Government are formed and being formed in various parts of this district, and loyal soldiers being ruthlessly shot down and murdered in the public streets of La Paz by a member of one of these bands without cause or provocation other than loyalty' (By order of Col. F. Forman, Headquarters, District of Southern California, 8 June 1863)

'unofficial information has come to my knowledge of the disloyal practices of the people of the town of Millerton, the county seat of Fresno County... upon receipt of the news that the rebel army under Lee had crossed into Maryland and Pennsylvaia they celebrated the occasion by a public demonstration, in which all joined (of both sexes) by firing a Confederate salute and other demonstrations expressive of their joy at the defeat of the Federal arms (or what they term a Federal defeat)... They went so far as to use violence to a young man (who is loyal) who happened to be there from King's River on business... the presence of a cavalry company would have a moral influence on their conduct toward the Governent and its officers.' (Lt-Col William Jones, Camp Babbitt, 27 June 1863)

I suppose it's possible they're over-reacting, but you know what they say about smoke and fire...

As for the Great Lakes, of course, some RN all-up warships can make it up the Welland Canal and thus control of the Lakes passes to them. (A half-dozen RN gunboats with 68 pounders can beat most any hastily armoured and armed Lake steamer.
You can also get Clown-class gunboats up the Rideau canal if you need to, which I don't think I've seen feature in any strategic calculations. It basically negates American control of the banks of the St. Lawrence and lets you put 68pdr gunboats on Lake Ontario.
 
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Saphroneth

Banned
You can also get Clown-class gunboats up the Rideau canal if you need to, which I don't think I've seen feature in any strategic calculations. It basically negates American control of the banks of the St. Lawrence and lets you put 68pdr gunboats on Lake Ontario.
Wow, that makes things even worse for the Union than I'd thought (and isn't that a common refrain for me...) A half dozen Clowns out of the twelve built would mean that any Union ironclads on the Lakes would need to deal with guns able to punch through their armour (OTL the City-class were somewhat vulnerable to 32 pounder fire) and it's an open option even if the Union does manage a complete strategic reorientation and a winter offensive.
 
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